Friday, May 29, 2009

Finance Bill 2009 - Second Stage - 28th May 2009

Finance Bill 2009 - Second Stage - 28th May 2009

Senator David Norris: I welcome the Minister of State. This debate demonstrates the irrelevance of the Seanad to financial matters. We are basically neutered by the Constitution. Only one Member of the House, Senator Twomey, has tabled a handful of recommendations. We are not even allowed to amend the Bill. This reveals our lack of significance with regard to financial and economic matters.
However, the debate at least offers me an opportunity to put certain matters on the record. I am not innately antagonistic to the Government and say “Well done” on successfully floating Government bonds. This was an interesting indicator of some degree of resurgence. NAMA is another interesting development. I understand that Accenture plans to relocate its headquarters from Bermuda to the IFSC. I would insert a caveat, however, because I understand that only ten jobs will be created by the move. That does not suggest significantly increased activity. Once again, it may become another financial black hole.
Senator Hanafin quoted Dickens and the words of Mr. Micawber with great accuracy. However, he was less accurate when he said we were recently near a banking crisis. There is no question that we were actually in the middle of a crisis but I do not think we took the correct response. Internationally, this crisis was precipitated not only by underlying systemic failures and greed but also by Bush’s decision to let Lehman Brothers go to the wall. However, I think we should have let Anglo Irish Bank go down because, in my humble opinion, we do not have an obligation to international investors. Money has not been freed up and we do not know how much will be spent on it. I recently interviewed on my radio show Pádraig Ó Céidigh, the chief executive and owner of Aer Arann. The airline has an annual throughput of €100 million but he cannot even raise €100. That is astonishing.
We must consider the effect of this on people. A recent episode of “Prime Time Investigates” reported on people who are losing their homes to these very institutions. Mr. Jerry Beades, who is a Fianna Fáil builder and a decent man as far as I know, was struggling to continue his work but had to let people go because of the unavailability of credit. It was heart-breaking to see these people being told the news. At least he confronted the situation in a manly fashion and addressed these men face to face.
The principal reason I wished to speak is the social welfare budget. I spotted a gap due to the lack of photographic identification which I gather has been resolved as a result of my intervention. However, I wish to highlight the increase in the tenant contribution. This comes on top of an 8% reduction which was kept very quiet. What about older people and single men who are less educated and vulnerable? They received letters from the Department of Social and Family Affairs which they were advised to show their landlords. That is astonishing impertinence.
I have received a letter from a well-educated professional man who is temporarily out of work. In January, after negotiations and without waving the Department’s letter, his landlord decently agreed to reduce his rent by 15%. However, when he had to apply for rent allowance in March the community welfare officer was totally unhelpful. The budget contained a decrease in the rent allowance which effected an increase in the weekly contribution from €18 to €24. This might appear marginal but is significant to a person in receipt of €204 per week. To my correspondent’s considerable shock, a further decrease in the allowance of 8% was imposed. This was unexpected and never went through. The letter my correspondent received from the Department reminded him of a “Prime Time” programme on people living in substandard rented accommodation, the majority of whom were isolated and ageing men. He asked what stability, surety or peace can be afforded to the most vulnerable in our society if the Government can without notice or approval reduce social welfare payments.
I salute Senator Hanafin and strongly support him in his efforts to reinstate the Christmas bonus. I refer to my good friend and north Dubliner, the Minister of State, Deputy Haughey, whose father I remember well a as a man of varied qualities, some good and others not entirely so. He will be remembered forever as the man who introduced free travel for elderly people. Throughout his career he looked after those vulnerable people and I ask the Minister of State, as his father’s son, to tell the Government not only is reinstating the Christmas bonus the right thing to do, it would also be good for Fianna Fáil.

Order of Business - 28th May 2009

Order of Business - 28th May 2009

Senator David Norris: I refer again to a matter I raised yesterday, that is, the atrocious sectarian murder in Coleraine. A loyalist group has re-routed its march, and that is very welcome. Speaking as a southern Protestant from a Unionist background, I ask the group to cancel the march completely because it is inappropriate for music to be played and people to march when a man is lying dead as a result of his religion.
Returning to the issue we discussed yesterday and about which Senator Harris has spoken so passionately, namely, the report of the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse, the Leader gave an undertaking, on a number of occasions, that he would go to the Department and get a reading on the motion I again propose be taken today which concerns exemptions from the operation of equality legislation. I do this in light of the fact the Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children, Deputy John Moloney, yesterday gave an undertaking to the House that he would examine the issue. It is appropriate that we use this House to examine the issue, especially in light of the comments made this morning on RTE radio by Her Excellency, the President of Ireland, Mary McAleese, who said she knew about the situation. She said the report did not surprise her because she knew about the culture and ethic in the church at that time, which was of dominating authoritarianism.
If we all knew about it and the Government knew, how could the authorities surrender children to these authorities and place such a culture and ethic above the law? I am not anti-Catholic. I simply seek for all churches to be placed at a level of equality with the rest of the institutions. That cannot be seen as sectarian. It is fair.

Adjournment Debate - Communications Masts- 27th May 2009

Adjournment Debate on Communications Masts - 27th May 2009.
Senator David Norris: This is turning into a bit of a Laois love-in and I am quite happy to participate in such an event. I welcome the Minister of State, who has been in and out of the Chamber very busily and very positively all day. I hope he will be able to be positive about this matter which is rather scientific and technical. It is the concern a number of people in Leixlip have about low-frequency microwave radiation emanating from masts used to broadcast mobile telephone signals and in particular a specific form of this that has been acquired by the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform for the Garda Síochána. There is a very significant mast attached to the Garda station in Leixlip which is within 500 m of a series of schools that contain 2,000 students.
There does not seem to have been any real research done and people are interested in a base level of research to understand what kind of impact such masts have. The fact that such radiation is unseen does not mean there is not a physical reality. The Minister of State may or may not have the experience I have had. Indeed, I just had it once more.
I have a small transistor radio, a little pocket wireless, on which I listen to the news. As I travel along the corridors of Leinster House it is frequently interrupted by various kinds of buzzing, whirring, whizzing, cheeping and so on. It can go off the air altogether. That indicates to me that various kinds of radiation are passing through the ether and also obviously passing through my body. Luckily, I have survived to the age of 65 and I may well go on for another little while. However, I am kind of settled in my ways. My skeletal structure is established and my brain, such as it is, is perhaps inured to these things. However, it does concern me that there is a physical presence and there may well be a physical effect. We are nowadays blanketed by wireless radiation.
As people were concerned about the matter, various distinguished eminent scientists were invited to address a local meeting in Leixlip. They included Professor Olle Johansson of the Karolinska Institute in Sweden. This is a very prestigious world-ranking science institute. Also in attendance was Dr. Magda Havas who, like Professor Johansson, is an expert on the biological effects of low-frequency electrical and magnetic fields. Dr. Havas was invited by the city of San Francisco to prepare a report on this kind of radiation as a result of which San Francisco dumped the entire project. They at least took it seriously. She has been very strident in her criticism of this particular system that involves WiMax. She describes it as “Wi-Fi on steroids”. That is a fairly highly coloured description from a distinguished international scientist.
Professor Johansson has had some worrying things to say. He has done research on the matter at the Karolinska Institute that examined the impact on children. As a result of his studies he felt there might be an effect, including increased rates of leukaemia and brain cancer. He also stated as a fact — not a speculation — that after only 45 minutes exposure rats obtained retarded learning and mice that had been exposed to the radiation became irreversibly infertile after five generations. I should not perhaps allow myself the following aside. I have to say that would put me on its side because when I consider the vast explosion of population, I think that a little bit of infertility would not be any harm at all in addition to the form of infertility which I enjoy. I do not say I suffer it — I enjoy it.
A test of children showed that after only one minute’s exposure to microwaves from mobile phones, it resulted in changes in brainwaves in the child for up to one hour after the exposure. That does not actually prove that they would get malignancy. However, it shows a detectable physical effect. Malformed calves are another effect that has been claimed. A lady from Clontarf with a mast next door to her house describes having been told to shield her windows from the radiation with tin foil. However, she found there were holes in it and she claims this came from the radiation.
This is not always met with great sympathy, but they are important things to consider. There is a political aspect to this as the Minister of State knows. In that equation it is important to point out that recently the European Parliament voted by 522 votes to 16 in favour of significantly lowering the exposure guidelines based on biology rather than on the technical measures that were presented as a possibility by commercial interests. Over the past two years a number of health agencies have changed their view. In the old days they used to say there was no risk whatever. They now recommend we should observe the precautionary principle. Again it is significant that when one of the agencies with a financial interest in installing this material gave a presentation to Leixlip town councillors, in complete contradiction to their normal pattern of behaviour they held the meeting in private rather than admitting the public. That is of concern.
I am not a scientist. My father was, but I am not. I am not even particularly scientifically gifted or interested. However, I am concerned because I believe there may be concealed effects from this which could be detrimental. I look forward to the Minister of State’s reply.

Deputy John Moloney: I read a comment made by Deputy Joan Burton last week that Ministers of State used to be sent out at night to give replies. I thank God I have a prepared statement to respond to the matter raised by Senator Norris.
I thank the Senator for the opportunity to address this issue. The potential health effects of electromagnetic fields were the subject of an expert group report published by the then Department of Communications, Marine and Natural Resources in March 2007. The report, titled Health Effects of Electromagnetic Fields, is available on the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government’s website, www.environ.ie.
The expert group report examined a wide range of issues related to the potential health effects of electromagnetic fields. Its findings address many of the health risk questions raised by members of the public in that regard. The views expressed and conclusions drawn in the report were informed by the principal scientific reviews available worldwide on the matter at that time, including World Health Organisation and other expert studies. The recommendations of the expert group were accordingly approved by the Government and responsibility for this policy area was subsequently transferred to the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government.
The expert group concluded there is limited scientific evidence of adverse health effects from electromagnetic fields. It recommended that Ireland continue to adopt and enforce the international limits developed by the International Commission on Non-Ionising Radiation Protection and endorsed by the World Health Organisation and European Commission. In addition, the group recommended that precautionary measures be used, where appropriate, and this recommendation has also been accepted by the Government.
The Department’s current advice to those living in close proximity to mobile telephone base stations, based on the conclusions of the expert group report, is that there is no scientific basis for or evidence of adverse health effects in children or adults as a result of exposure to electromagnetic fields. This applies irrespective of the location of the telephone mast.
As I indicated, all telecommunications operators in Ireland are required to adhere to internationally established limits in regard to exposure of the public to electromagnetic emissions from their masts. These are applied under the terms of their licences from the Commission for Communications Regulation, ComReg. The limits are set by the International Commission for Non-Ionising Radiation Protection, a body of independent scientists who have expertise in researching the possible adverse health effects of exposure to non-ionising radiation. The Commission has published a set of guidelines on limiting human exposure to electromagnetic fields, which are freely available from its website.
In recent years, ComReg has conducted measurement surveys to verify compliance with these limits by its licensees. The detailed measurement results from 600 sites have been published on its website. All measurements have so far shown total compliance with the international limits.
My colleague, the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government, Deputy Gormley, will forward to Senator Norris a number of frequently asked questions and answers on the subject of electromagnetic fields.
With regard to planning issues, Garda stations or other buildings, premises or installations, or other structures or facilities, used for the purposes of or in connection with the operations of the Garda Síochána are exempt from the requirement to obtain planning permission. However, the planning regulations prescribe a public consultation process in the case of such developments. The public must be notified by the State authority concerned regarding the proposed development by means of a notice on the site and given the opportunity, for a period of six weeks, to make submissions or observations to the State authority. The State authority is also required to notify the planning authority in whose area the proposed development would be situated.
When making its decision the State authority must take into consideration any submissions or observations received from the planning authority or any other person or body. The State authority may decide to carry out the proposed development, make variations or modifications to the proposed development or decide not to continue with the proposed development. Anyone concerned about a particular mast on a Garda station should take up his or her concerns directly with the Office of Public Works, the State Authority with responsibility in this case.

Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister of State for his reply, even though he engagingly admits that, like myself, he is not a world ranking scientist. I note the statement refers to the “Department’s current advice to those living in close proximity”. The use of the word “current” is interesting because it suggests there may be developments in this area. Some eminent scientists have expressed more than hesitation in this regard.
I am grateful to the Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government for this reply. It is interesting that a Green Party Minister should be in charge of this area and involved in implementing this programme. One listens with respect to what he has to say.
While I will read the questions and answers the Minister will supply, I am familiar with these types of documents and the Minister does not overestimate my intelligence in choosing to send me such a document. They often take the form of Jimmy asking whether there is a danger to the brain from radiation and Seán replying that there could not possibly be such a danger and asking why people would live next door if that were the case. Notwithstanding my reservations, I will pass on the questions and answers.
It would be more effective if the Minister could be persuaded to engage more directly with the people who have been in touch with me. They have suggested, and this has surprised me, that he seems reluctant to do so and has not answered some of their queries and communications. Perhaps the Minister of State will be kind enough to inform the Minister that I am prepared to read the stuff provided, which will not mean much to me, before shoving it on to the people in question. They will not be impressed by it and would prefer to have some degree of direct engagement.

Deputy John Moloney: I did not come before the House to pretend for a second that I am an expert in this area. I will inform the Minister that the Senator would prefer to have a face-to-face discussion with officials rather than a question and answer document.
As former councillors in County Laois, Senator Phelan and I are familiar with this issue as it is a regular and significant cause of concern. Members of the public often believe we are jumping ahead through the planning guidelines.
I also note the Senator’s point that the statement refers to “current advice”. As someone who worked in Dublin Airport, which is strongly dependent on radio and support services in air traffic control, I am aware that those who lived near the airfield at that time were worried that the electromagnetic field could cause health problems. While I ceased working in Dublin Airport more than 20 years ago, I know this concern persists. Clearly, therefore, it is important that as much clarification as possible should be provided to those seeking information on the issue.

Statements on the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse - 27th May 2009

Statements on the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse - 27th May 2009

Senator David Norris: I grateful to the Minister of State, Deputy Moloney, for staying in the House, because I know he is under considerable pressure. I wanted him to be here because I want to ask him, directly and personally, to take particular action today. I know there is support within his own party, on this side of the House and from many professionals for a motion I raised this morning, and will continue to raise, to re-examine the exemptions granted to all the churches from the operation of equality legislation.
I tabled the motion before this report and in light of the Ferns and Cloyne reports. We had the Laffoy report and now have the Ryan report, and it is getting worse all the time. Archbishop Diarmuid Martin, who is a decent man and a man of integrity, has said there is more to come in the report on what happened in the Dublin archdiocese. In light of what has happened, it is not appropriate to put the very people who have perpetrated criminal acts above the operation of the law. If that is what we are prepared to continue to tolerate in this House, every syllable said here today is nothing other than meaningless, sentimental waffle that patronises and condemns more people to the same kind of thing.
I will put a very immediate and practical example on the record. Last Saturday I attended, with the Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children, Deputy Barry Andrews, a man for whom I have the highest respect and is a decent man and a man of integrity, a meeting of a group called BeLonG To who were opening a new office. It is a group of young gay people who campaigned and succeeded in getting a Fianna Fáil Government to authorise the issuing of posters about homophobic bullying in schools. In school, 80% of bullying contains some homophobic element and 80% is never dealt with because the teachers are afraid as a result of this exemption. At that meeting in the centre of Dublin, a 16 year old who is a pupil in a Christian Brothers school told how, during the previous week, the authorities in his school had forced him to take down the posters which would have defended young people against the operation of prejudice and bullying.
We have heard in the House about the ethos that needs to be defended. What is the ethos that needs to be defended? This was not a couple of rotten apples. It was endemic, systematic and took place over a long period, so one can ask what the ethos was. It consisted of the exploitation of children for financial reward, sexual pleasure and sadistic purposes. There is case after case. It has brought Ireland into contempt and that is why we need to do something about it.
What is the ethos? We all read the report. We heard people on the radio. Members of the religious fixed a small boy between the two halves of a window, pinioned him down in the sashes and then anally raped him. A brave, courageous, elected Fianna Fáil politician and former mayor of Clonmel said he was beaten and raped, and the next day had the sacred host placed in his mouth by the people who had done this to him.
We spoke a little in the House about blasphemy. I would like to know, is that not blasphemy? How can such people describe themselves as Christian Brothers? Do not talk to me about our culpability, our shame or our responsibility. I have none of it. I did none of those things. I do not see why I should be required to support these orders financially, when they are trying to weasel out of the situation. I do not see why an old age pensioner should have tax money taken from them. I most certainly do not see why the victims of abuse, because they pay tax, should be forced to finance their own rehabilitation.
It is obscene for the religious orders to dare to suggest they are in a position to offer counselling. How many of the victims have said one of the worst things that happened to them was to have to sit in court, sometimes right beside the people who had abused them? Does the Minister of State really think that someone who has been abused and violated needs to be counselled by agents of the very forces that inflicted this upon them?
When we have a balanced debate, these are the things we need to consider. I ask the Minister of State to go back to his colleagues and ask for the business of the Equality Authority to be re-examined. It is very clear the exemption should be removed. Taxpayers pay the wages in the schools concerned. We must also consider the fact that in some circumstances the largest hospitals in the State are directed and controlled by members of religious orders whose ethos is questionable. For example, I raised a case previously in the House about where life-preserving cancer treatment with experimental drugs was denied by an ethics committee. There was interference by secret groups such as the Order of the Knights of St. Columbanus and Opus Dei. We all know that. 4 o’clock
I seem to have been accused this morning of being anti-Catholic. I do not believe I am because I spoke out about abuse, not just in Catholic schools but in Protestant schools. I painfully placed on the record that I had the experience not of being sexually abused but of being physically abused for a while. I hardly like to say this but a very close family member was violently abused in an upper class Protestant boarding school. While I was in that school the boy next to me, who also had a dysfunctional background and wet the bed, had his nose rubbed in it every single day. He was exposed to the contempt and ridicule of other students until he ran away and was killed by a motor car. There was no inquiry in that case. I have said those things. I do not think I am anti-Catholic. I have been very fair in what I have said but I cannot see how what occurs could be covered by Christianity.
I am a gay man.

Senator Mark Daly: That is no news, David.

Senator David Norris: I do not think that comes as any great surprise to people in this House. I saw one of the “Reeling in the Years” programmes last year that was looking back approximately 25 years. I was then making a dignified but passionate plea to change the criminal law on homosexuality. Sitting behind me was a plump, smug, self-important priest who showered me with contempt and abuse. It was only last year after the events that took place that I realised who he was. Fellow Senators, that was Fr. Seán Fortune, who at that time was raping children in his own diocese of Ferns, but I was the outcast, not that man. If we really wish to be sincere, it is time to do something to stop more children being attacked.
There is a very good article by Justine McCarthy in a Sunday newspaper. She said: “They lied. They stole. They terrorised. They assaulted children. They manacled them.” They sexually assaulted them. There is a catalogue of such actions. Who were “they”? The article continued:

Throughout it all, they — and the whole world — thought they were holy men and women.

Children were made to lie in bed at night with their arms piously crossed over their chests. When they slipped out of this position unconsciously in their sleep, they were woken up and beaten. Holy men came into the dormitories at night, sometimes two at a time, and put their private parts in the children’s hands and in their mouths.
Was that not blasphemy?
On the issue of where the responsibility lies, I deny any responsibility. I spoke out, although it caused me pain as a teenager and adolescent. I continued to speak out. I have spoken out not just about the Roman Catholic authorities but about the whole situation of bullying because it is the principle that motivated me. I defy anyone to say I am anti-Catholic. I want this matter to be addressed. I am horrified by the approach of some people who should now be covered in shame. I refer to people such as Deputy Woods who thinks we should be glad the taxpayer is liable. Why? He says the State is responsible. He was negotiating on behalf of the State and yet he appeared to be more in the pockets of the church. In my opinion the victims were betrayed.
One or two people in the Judiciary, such as Judge McCarthy, was more sensitive to the needs of those people who were brought before him. What was the result? A member of the Government of the day, Mr. Gerry Boland, tried to have him sacked for being too lenient and easy. That is the kind of mentality of the person who wrote a letter to The Irish Times saying most of those people were thugs. A dignified 76 year old woman wrote back who was put into care at the age of two. She got a criminal record for being abandoned when she was two years old. That is appalling.
I appeal to the Minister of State, Deputy Moloney. I know it will be difficult, but he is a man of principle, integrity and courage and if he wants to avoid further damage in that clear area I have outlined, he should not allow what I saw not two years ago nor 20 years ago but last Saturday, when a brave young man stood up and said he was forced by the Christian Brothers to take down posters against homophobic bullying.

Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children (Deputy John Moloney): Am I allowed to add a point of information?

Acting Chairman (Senator Denis O’Donovan): Yes.

Deputy John Moloney: I have two points to make. Although I do not have responsibility for the matter under discussion I wish to respond to two points. As Minister of State with responsibility for disability issues, I attended a recent Inclusion Ireland conference. I was asked a question from the floor about State supervision and inspection. At the time I said I could not make a commitment on the issue. In the light of what has emerged in recent days I consider it necessary for me to re-examine the matter and to see whether I can make changes in that regard.
I wish to respond to Senator Norris, this time wearing my hat of Minister of State with responsibility for equality issues. I do not say this by way of pretence just to get through the door. I give him a serious commitment to re-examine the exemption clause, especially in light of what has occurred in recent days. I will not hide behind legal jargon. I intend to test the issue of why the advice was followed. For the sake of the record of the House, I do not for a second believe Senator Norris is anti-Catholic. In fact, I think the opposite.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: On a point of order, may I respond to what the Minister of State said about what was said a few weeks ago?

Acting Chairman: No, with all due respect the Senator cannot do that.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I raised the matter on the Order of Business this morning. I am pleased to hear what the Minister of State said.

Acting Chairman: I will not allow that now.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I hope it will be included in the Government recommendations.

Senator David Norris: I very much welcome the Minister of State’s commitment.

Order of Business - 27th May 2009

Order of Business - 27th May 2009

Senator David Norris: I have often received excellent briefings from it and it has taken precisely the type of social position I would like to be embodied in the House’s work. To find CORI callously stalling makes me wonder about the pleasure with which I will receive its briefings in future. All of the elements involved have made it a legal matter. This is what is costing money. I deprecate the self-congratulatory tone of the former Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern. It was inappropriate.
Regarding my amendment, it is a question of leadership, which I seek from the Leader. Significant elements in his party in the Upper and Lower Houses, including at ministerial level, agree with our position. The matter should be discussed. It is not for civil servants in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform to block this House in the exercise of its democratic function. Regarding The Irish Times, I have never seen two pages of its letters page devoted to one subject and that is a significant indicator of the way in which this has become a major issue.
I wish to raise another issue which has been raised by Senator Mary White, that is, the question of the criminal record of some of these people. There was a letter yesterday from a woman who was taken to court at the age of two and, as she said, sentenced to 14 years in one of these institutions. What was that for? According to her, she has a criminal record. She objected strongly, as I do, to a letter which appeared previously from a person who said that all the young people who were put into these institutions were thugs. That is a disgusting remark to make about people who have suffered. 11 o’clock
Regarding Northern Ireland, I signed the letter about journalistic sources. It is a very complex matter and it would be appropriate to have a debate on it because we can see from the newspapers today that we have what the former Dean of St. Patrick’s, Victor Griffin, described as enough religion to make us hate. There is an appalling photograph of a woman with her face beaten into a pulp, whose husband was killed and a pregnant neighbour was attacked. They were attacked with baseball bats by people who apparently think they are Protestant. She was called a “Taig”. It was a mixed marriage. She was Protestant and he was Roman Catholic, and what should it matter? How does that give licence to anybody to beat somebody else into a pulp?


Senator Rónán Mullen: I compliment my colleagues on raising the issue of alcohol. I was present at the NUI Galway alumni event at which the Ard-Stiúrthóir of the GAA spoke and I raised the issue of alcohol advertising in connection with GAA events. Let us be clear, the reason alcoholic drinks companies advertise or connect themselves with sporting organisations and activities is to piggyback on the glamour associated with sport. No one is as sensible of the glamour associated with sport as young people. I am reminded of the courageous point of principle taken by people such as Dr. Mick Loftus, a former president of the GAA. I wish there were others like him who see clearly that alcohol is a serious problem in our society. I call for a specific Seanad debate on alcohol advertising. We could make a great contribution by having that debate soon.
Unlike my colleague, Senator O’Toole, I felt hope when I saw the Christian Brothers’ statement. Time will tell which of us is right. I read into it that there was a preparedness to be generous. Time will tell. I warned yesterday of my fears that a kind of anti-Catholic bigotry would re-emerge under another guise. I have concerns about people raising extraneous issues. For example, my colleague, Senator Norris, does not like section 37 of the Employment Equality Act. I do not see that as protecting the privileges of any church.

Senator David Norris: It does, because it puts them above the law. That is a privilege.

An Cathaoirleach: Senator Mullen should be allowed to speak without interruption.

Senator Rónán Mullen: I see it as protecting the rights of different groups in society, in conscience, to an education that reflects their ethos. People who raise such issues at this time, which are extraneous to the needs and concerns of victims, in particular, run the risk of being accused of being cynical or manipulative at a time when we are all struggling to deal with a grim reality.

Senator David Norris: That is a classic smear from you, you smug hypocrite.

An Cathaoirleach: Please. Senator Mullen should be allowed to speak without interruption. We are taking questions to the Leader. Time is running out.

Senator David Norris: I object to my reputation being taken in that way. It is quite disgusting and repellent.

An Cathaoirleach: Senator Mullen has the floor and his time is up. We are having questions to the Leader.

Senator Rónán Mullen: I do not intend to take anybody’s reputation but I am asking——

Senator David Norris: You do it all the time in a sly kind of way, but you will not get away with it with me.

An Cathaoirleach: Senator Norris should not interrupt, please.

Senator David Norris: I am not having my reputation sullied.

An Cathaoirleach: Please.

Senator David Norris: If the Cathaoirleach does not protect me I will protect myself.

Senator Rónán Mullen: In the light of that I will reserve any further comment for the substantive debate.

Statements on the National Assets Management Agency - 26th May 2009

Statements on the National Assets Management Agency - 26th May 2009
Senator David Norris: I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Mansergh, despite the fact it is perfectly clear the action is elsewhere. The fact has already been referred to that there was an important committee meeting earlier today. Although I completely accept that the Minister of State is a highly intelligent and gifted contributor, both as a Senator and as a Minister of State, even though he is almost as irritating as I am——

Senator Feargal Quinn: That would not be possible.

Senator David Norris: ——the real action and decision making will be done by the Minister and advisers such as Dr. Peter Bacon. I was unable to attend this morning’s meeting but I corresponded a little with Dr. Bacon. I asked him when the idea of setting up NAMA first arose. He said the report was submitted to the Minister on 20 March 2009. I mooted the idea of a somewhat similar agency, the national property management agency, on 10 February 2009. One can note the etymological closeness of the two agencies. I returned to the idea on 5 March and 9 April without attracting any great interest. My proposal was considerably more radical than what is currently being set up. I suggested we need to be much more radical. We need to be less obsessed with the market. The Minister of State referred to market forces, as did Professor Ahearne. I will return to that matter.
I am not an economist. Perhaps my ideas are all over the place — I do not know — but in broad outline they might attract some interest and could be considered. My expertise was analysing language. In an article in The Irish Times on 25 April Professor Ahearne referred to the dangers of nationalising banks. A cluster of language occurs in the centre of his article around the word “market”. That word appears six times in two short paragraphs. The Minister has a similar swarm but it is not quite as intense. This obsession with the markets is incorrect, in particular because the Government is never prepared to let the market operate anyway. The Government protects the banks against the operation of the markets. The banks are out of the marketplace as they have made a comprehensive balls of it. They invested in the Irish National Insurance Company. There was the Rusnak affair. The banks overcharged clients and defrauded them. They advised clients to take immoral decisions involving tax evasion. The minute the market clamps down, the banks may clamp down on private householders but as sure as blazes they will not be allowed to clamp down on the market because the minute market forces operate, banks are not allowed go to the wall. The biggest mistake the Yanks made was not to let Lehman Brothers go down. We would not have suffered everything we have suffered if they had let it go, yet they paid for it.
I am interested that there is not a single figure from beginning to end in what the Minister of State said. We simply do not know what we are going to pay. In a previous debate I referred to this as flubber, namely, that volatile, uncontrollable green stuff from a film of the same name. The banks seem to be full of it. I was suggesting that the banks be nationalised. The whole lot of them should be nationalised and put into one bank called “The Bank of Ireland”. That would solve a certain number of problems. We should not worry about the international market response, because it could not possibly be worse. Our banks are valued at virtually nothing. They have had a huge collapse in their value. What are we rescuing? We own most of them anyway. We should collapse them altogether. We can drain out the toxic assets and put them into a bad bank if we want a second bank.
The Minister of State spoke about an asset management agency approach. We should sequester the tangible assets, by which I mean the land, and manage them in the interests of the people of Ireland. People have recently been stating that property speculators will gang up together and take legal advice, but I say “to hell with them”. I do not believe they stand a chance in the courts, although they might waste money. It is always possible to do that. The Constitution may vindicate the rights of private property and we have heard that again with regard to religious orders. Nobody seems to have taken on either of these corrupt institutions, despite the fact that the governing clause deals with the public interest.
Let us send the National Asset Management Agency Bill to the President. We only need two thirds of the Seanad to do so and we can then get it proofed against any challenge by having her refer it to the constitutional court. That will save a lot of money on lawyers’ fees. I do not accept that is a difficulty. The Minister of State talks about an asset management agency, but a toxic debt is not an asset.

An Cathaoirleach: The Senator’s time is just up.

Senator David Norris: It is nearly up, but not quite.

An Cathaoirleach: It is up.

Senator David Norris: We are not protecting the taxpayer. The Minister of State has given us no indication on the situation regarding the money. There has been a great number of tragedies and repossessions. The chief executive officer of Aer Arann, Pádraig Ó Céidigh, was on my radio programme on Newstalk at the weekend. He has a turnover of €100 million, and after all the money that has already been pumped into the banks to prop them up, he told me he cannot get €100 from them.
I spoke about physical assets such as property and land banks. We should complete the half finished buildings, get the workforce back out there to work on them in a spirit of co-operation and provide homes for people who need them. We should also provide allotments for people who are out of work to grow vegetables and do something positive and constructive with their lives. That is my radical suggestion. We should nationalise the banks, create one bank with a decent reputation and have a national property management agency to manage land banks rather than toxic assets.

Order of Business - 26th May 2009

Order of Business - 26th May 2009

Senator David Norris: I do not agree with the previous speaker. I would say that we must do something practical. I propose an amendment to the Order of Business, that we take today No. 34, motion 8, in my name and some of my Independent colleagues, on the exemption of the churches from the operations of the equality legislation. It is astonishing that the very agency that presided over the rape of children, forcing children to lick excrement off shoes and all the other matters, the full list of which I will not go into, has been placed above the law so that it can do further damage, and it is doing so as we speak.
At the weekend I attended a launch in Dublin, which was also attended by the Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children with responsibility for children and youth affairs, Deputy Barry Andrews, who is a very decent man, at which a youth aged 16 told how he was not allowed by the Christian Brothers to put up anti-homophobic bullying posters in the school in which he was a student. Nothing can be done about that because in the face of this cataclysm, we are still allowing the churches exemption from the equality legislation. We are still placing them above the law and if we do nothing about that, everything else we do is utter hypocrisy.
I listened to Sr. Marianne from some order. Even the names of the orders are astonishing — the Sisters of Mercy. How much mercy was there? The names intended to show power and to confuse the ordinary people. I do not know what Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate means but I know it is supposed to mean they are terribly important etc.
I listened in horror to the oleaginous Deputy Woods excusing the disgraceful agreement that was made and stating the taxpayers will be glad to pay. They will not. Why should they? It should be 50:50 as anything else is appalling. For him then to state it was the British who urged this regime of cruelty, I do not believe there is room in this Oireachtas for a person like that.

An Cathaoirleach: The Senator should conclude.

Senator David Norris: The deaf, the handicapped, the most vulnerable were especially targeted. I say to that nun who stated that the deal is closed, “No it ain’t, Sister.” I can tell the House this. On any deal where they state they will deal with the victims, have they not learned anything? Do they not listen?

An Cathaoirleach: The Senator’s time is up.

Senator David Norris: The very thing that terrifies, as Mr. Michael O’Brien stated on television last night, is to be put in the same room as the agencies that abused them. Do not shame us.

Adjournment Debate - Human Rights Issues - 21st May 2009

Adjournment Debate - Human Rights Issues - 21st May 2009
Senator David Norris: I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Roche. I raise a human rights matter which involves a distinguished parliamentarian and diplomat, Mr. Remzi Kartal, who is a member of the Kurdish National Congress. Mr. Kartal visited the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs with a delegation of Kurdish representatives some years ago. The Minister of State may have met him at that time. I met him and have a photograph of the two of us in Leinster House.
Mr. Kartal was granted political asylum in Belgium in 1994. I am sure the Minister of State will remember the events preceding this because a number of duly elected Kurdish members of parliament were imprisoned by the Turkish Government. It was a most extraordinary invasion of parliamentary rights. In any case, he was elected as a representative of the Democracy Party in Turkey.
Mr. Kartal was arrested in Spain in March of this year. I say as a kind of codicil to that arrest, which was flagrantly illegal, that a colleague of his, Mr. Eyyüp Doru, was also placed under similar restrictions by the Spanish authorities.
Over the past ten years, Mr. Kartal has been working for peaceful reconciliation for the Kurdish people and he has had complete freedom of movement around the states of the European Union. In March of this year, he went to Madrid to take part in a very ancient Kurdish festival called Newroz which is widely celebrated in the area of Turkey where Kurdish people predominate. He was arrested in Spain and is now subject to the possibility of being forcibly extradited to Turkey at the request of the Turkish authorities. This would be illegal under international law and I ask the Minister to protest strongly to the Spanish and Turkish authorities.
Following his arrest, he was taken to prison, held there for a couple of days and then released on condition that he must stay in a named residence, remain in Spain and report twice a week to the police. The same conditions operate in the case of Mr. Eyyüp Doru.
In this case, Turkey has abused the powers of Interpol, a matter which should also be looked at. In addition, the UNHCR has warned that in the eventuality of the return to Turkey of these two gentlemen, they face the strong possibility of torture. That reinforces my view that this possible procedure is completely illegal.
Why has this happened? Part of the reason may well be because there is a personal friendship between Mr. Erdogan, the Turkish Prime Minister, and Mr. Zapatero, the Spanish Prime Minister. Even though I have some respect for both gentlemen, that is not sufficient reason to infringe the law.
Furthermore, the dossier produced in the Spanish court contained material that was used four years ago in Germany when a similar approach was made to the German authorities and, in consequence, Mr. Kartal was arrested, brought to court and tried. The Minister of State should be aware that the German court threw out those accusations stating they were a fabrication without any substance. A German court found that to be the case but now the Spanish are using the same entirely discredited material to facilitate the inhibition of movement and the possible extradition of Mr. Kartal.
Everything is made considerably worse by the fact that the Spanish Cabinet has taken a decision to extradite. On Friday, 8 May, it approved the extradition of both Mr. Kartal and Mr. Doru to Turkey. That is a most disgraceful abuse of the courts and of international diplomacy and is a violation of the fundamental rights of this distinguished former parliamentarian and diplomat. I ask the Minister of State to intervene on his behalf.

Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs (Deputy Dick Roche): I thank Senator Norris for raising an issue which in turn raises a number of subsidiary matters. As the Senator is aware, Mr Remzi Kartal, a pro-Kurdish political activist and a former member of the Kurdish Parliament, was arrested in March this year by the Spanish police on foot of an international arrest warrant issued by the Turkish authorities. Mr. Eyyüp Doru was arrested at the same time. The case of both men is being dealt with by the Spanish High Court, the Audiencia Nacional, and the men are on provisional bail, as the Senator acknowledged.
I understand that on 8 May the Spanish Government approved the continuation by the Audiencia Nacional of judicial proceedings in respect of the extradition request by the Turkish authorities for the two men and that the case continues to be under consideration by the Spanish High Court. The situation may not be as final as the Senator indicated in his concerns.
Senator Norris will appreciate that it would be entirely inappropriate for the Government to seek to intervene in, or comment on judicial proceedings under way in another EU member state. We would resent any such intervention or interference with our courts. Therefore, I am in a bind and not in a position to make a statement on these individual cases.
However, I wish to update Senator Norris and the House on efforts under way to promote the Kurdish identity in Turkey and the role the EU is playing in this regard. This is relevant given that Senator Norris has mentioned a warrant that was reviewed and rejected in a German court.
It is estimated that more than half of all Kurds live in Turkey, with 15 million people of Kurdish ethnic origin residing there, mostly in the south east of the country. The Government’s concerns about the human rights situation in Turkey, including the position of people of Kurdish origin, are raised regularly in our contacts with the Turkish Government, including through our embassy in Ankara.
We are also concerned about the security situation in the south east of the country, which was improving gradually until 1999 although it has worsened in more recent years. This follows the resumption of violence by the PKK, a Kurdish separatist organisation founded in 1984 with the goal of forming a separate state of Kurdistan. The PKK appears on the EU list of terrorist organisations.
One of the key elements of the EU’s enlargement negotiations with Turkey is to ensure legitimate anti-terrorism and security measures do not undermine the full respect for human rights——

Senator David Norris: I am sorry but I really must interrupt the Minister of State at this point. I object in the strongest possible manner to this rubbish being placed on the record. Mr. Kartal, whose matter I have raised today, has no association whatever with the PKK. This material could be used to smear him. I suggest that this reply be withdrawn.

Deputy Dick Roche: I shall give Senator Norris——

Senator David Norris: At least the Minister of State must make clear there is no such connection.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: I cannot stop the Minister of State from giving his reply. I have no control over the content of his speech.

Deputy Dick Roche: I ask Senator Norris to bear with me. No such implication was made nor could such an inference reasonably or rationally be taken. I was simply referring to the reality that the PKK is such an organisation. Certainly, there is no evidence in my file or in the material I have that might be produced to suggest that this gentleman has specific associations——

Senator David Norris: Therefore it has no relevance to the debate.

Deputy Dick Roche: With respect to the Senator, if he bears with me he will see there is relevance. One of the key issues in respect of the EU enlargement negotiations with Turkey is to ensure legitimate anti-terrorism and security measures are not used to undermine full respect for human rights and the fundamental freedoms as set out in the European Convention on Human Rights. As Senator Norris well knows, this is a specific part of the Copenhagen criteria which the EU applies. Any state looking for membership must meet it and the Turkish authorities know that full well.
In this regard, the number of cases taken against political parties in Turkey is of concern to the EU and to Ireland, and this issue has been raised regularly by the EU in the context of enlargement negotiations with Turkey. The progress report on Turkey prepared by the European Commission issued in November 2008 noted that “the current legal provisions applicable to political parties do not provide political actors with an adequate level of protection from the state’s interference in their freedom of association and freedom of expression”. In addition, the report stated that “the legal provisions on political parties need to be amended and brought into line with the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and best practice in EU member states”. Ireland fully supports the recommendations set out by the Commission in this report.
In March 2009, the European Commission for Democracy through Law of the Council of Europe, also known as the Venice Commission, presented an opinion to the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly on the dissolution of political parties in Turkey. This report has been welcomed by the Turkish Government which is undertaking political and legal consultations to adopt its recommendations and bring Turkey fully into line with the European Convention on Human Rights.
We welcome that Turkey has made some progress in recent years in adopting wide-ranging political and legal reforms. Important legislative measures on human rights have been introduced and enacted aimed at strengthening the enforcement of human rights and protecting the cultural rights of all citizens, including those of Kurdish origin.
Reforms have seen the first Kurdish language classes begin in private schools and some programmes in the Kurdish language have been broadcast on state television and radio channels. At the 47th meeting of the EC-Turkey Association Council held in Brussels on 19 May 2009, the EU welcomed the launch of television and radio broadcasting in Kurdish nationwide 24 hours a day. In addition, the EU encourages Turkey to take further measures to enhance cultural rights in practice and lift remaining restrictions, especially in respect of the use of languages other than Turkish in local broadcasting and political life and when accessing public services. The EU also urges Turkey, in line with best practice in member states, to adopt appropriate measures to ensure cultural diversity and promote respect for and protection of minorities in accordance with the European Convention on Human Rights and with the principles laid down in the framework convention for the protection of national minorities. We continue to urge the Turkish Government to resolve any of the outstanding issues that relate to minority rights, including those that relate to Kurdish identity, and in co-operation with our EU partners we will closely monitor developments in the region through our embassy in Ankara.
I return to the matter of the Senator’s intervention. Nothing in this reply is in any way intended to pre-judge the position of this man or to suggest that anything other than due process must be applied properly in his case.

Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister of State for his clarification but virtually all of his reply was irrelevant. It was a type of history lesson, accurate enough as far as it went. I am sure the Minister of State knows only too well that dragging the PKK scent across this trail is not at all helpful and is completely wrong-headed. I accept his clarification but obviously it was unnecessary to have included that reference which could have been damaging. I very much regret it.
On to the substance of the matter, this man is being treated illegally. One hopes the Spanish courts will behave in the appropriate manner. I am not suggesting any interference with the Spanish courts but rather a diplomatic move as an indication to the Spanish Government that we are taking an interest in this as a matter of human rights and as a matter of considerable significance. It is astonishing that he should have been arrested on substance that has been shown to be nonsense in the German courts.
I am asking whether the Minister would be prepared to make some discreet, if necessary, diplomatic move with regard to the Spanish authorities, signalling to the ambassador here that there is considerable concern at Government level about this issue. We are entitled to be concerned as co-members of the European Union, since European police machinery has been misused in this affair. Indeed there is nothing whatever to stop a signal being sent to the Turks. They are not involved in a court case. The UNHCR is concerned about the possibility of torture. This man is innocent and the charges were thrown out in the German court. I am asking whether the Minister will make some move towards signalling to both the Spanish and the Turks that this situation is unsatisfactory, is being monitored and will continue to provoke demonstrations such as the one taking place as we speak, which I am going to join outside the Spanish Embassy this afternoon.

Deputy Dick Roche: I thank Senator Norris for that. I will ensure the appropriate embassies as well as the permanent representation to the Council of Europe have copies of the transcripts and are aware of the concerns.

Thursday, May 21, 2009

Property Services (Regulation) Bill 2009 - Second Stage Debate - 21st May 2009

Property Services (Regulations) Bill 2009 - Second Stage Debate - 21st May 2009

Senator David Norris: With the permission of the House, I should like to share time with Senator Ross who has a particular interest in this matter.
I had not intended to speak on this Bill, but rather to leave it to my betters to deal with, people such as Senators O'Toole and Ross who have a long track record in pursuing this issue. However, I was briefed this morning, which was pretty late, by people representing the Institute of Chartered Surveyors and I wanted to put some matters before the Minister for State. I am not necessarily agreeing with them. In fact I do not agree as regards some issues, but I should like to get the viewpoint of the Minister of State.
They are querying whether a distinction should not be made between residential and commercial property as they believe this distinction is not made clear in the Bill. They wonder why in section 2, which deals with "advised market value" the Bill purports to give a new definition of this and in their opinion ignores a document known as the Red Book, which apparently is accepted internationally, on the Stock Exchange and so on. It gives an internationally accepted definition of the term, "market value". I am interested in finding out the reason the Minister of State chose to ignore what is, I am told, presumably on reliable grounds, an internationally accepted definition.
They argue that assessing the value of property is not and cannot be an exact science. There has to be a margin of error. I believe the Minister of State recognises that, but again I am very interested to hear his response. The final point relates to section 55, the idea that the vendor should be required to sell at the advised value, and I rather agree with them in that regard. I know what the Minister of State is getting at, namely, gazumping.

That is effectively dealt with in other sections of the Bill. At an auction, the value of a property is the limit to which two people are prepared to bid. This measure may erode the market. That is a question mark and there may be a reason for it.
Section 56 refers to the advised market value. We see the phrase advised market value, AMV, in the newspapers every day. These are often patently absurdly low. They are cited as a fishing expedition to get people involved. They gull people and their use is not good practice. I am on the side of the Minister in this instance.
Section 57 makes it illegal for a vendor to authorise a person to make false bids at an auction in order to inflate the bidding. We all know this goes on. It is not fair. It acts against the interest of the purchaser. It is not enough to say caveat emptor. There is responsibility on the part of an auctioneer to act in the interest of the purchaser. I approve of that and it is a pity if chartered surveyors do not agree with it.
Section 58 prohibits a licensee from providing a financial service. This would be a conflict of interest. One cannot be a servant of two masters. I completely agree with this measure.
Of course, a record of all offers must be kept. Otherwise, how is the vendor to know he or she is being properly treated. With regard to complaints investigations and sanctions, the authority must make sure a complaint is made in good faith.
I regret the Minister has not tackled property management companies for, for example, blocks of flats. I know of a number of cases where this is unscrupulously done. All the conflicts of interest adumbrated in the Bill reside in that group. Because developers do not have to vest a management company in the residents until an entire development is sold, they deliberately hold on to one flat. They then secure the services of their own families or friends at exorbitant rents and soak the unfortunate tenants for the cost. That has to be stopped.
The Bill is very interesting. The Minister of State has done good work. However, I have some questions about it and I ask him to come back with the regulation of property management companies.

Order of Business - 21st May 2009

Order of Business - 21st May 2009
Senator David Norris: The most chilling and damning words on the front page of The Irish Times this morning are "systematic" and "endemic". They tell the whole story. This was known to many people in authority. In the Church, responsibility goes right to Rome, where a report detailing the systematic and endemic sexual abuse of children gathered dust for 60 years.
I respectfully disagree with Senator Harris, to an extent. The Protestant section of this society is not exempt, except by whitewash. I attended an up-market Protestant boarding school where sadism was rampant and someone very close to me had his life destroyed by this sadism.
It is extraordinary that the Protestant churches should be so completely excluded. I feel great compassion for the victims but I also feel compassion for the many decent, good and self-sacrificing members of the clergy who are now tarred with the same brush, in the same way that we as politicians are tarred.
What about the judges? Children, trembling, terrified and clearly physically injured, routinely turned up in front of the judges of the State and not one of them ever asked a question. The judges are as guilty as anyone else in this State and we are guilty too.
I remember what Senator O'Toole was talking about and the debates about the Stay Safe programme. Those people were in this House as well. I listened to them talking about protecting the family against children. It was disgusting and repellant and it is disgusting, repellant and obscene that still we have a situation where the churches, the very people that are indicted in this report, are exempt from the operation of the equality law. They are not equal with the rest of us and they are placed above the law. How can anyone tolerate that the people who visited this on the innocent children of the country are exempt from equality law?
The bullying and psychological torture of young people is still going on and is facilitated by us. Christ and Caesar are still hand in glove in this place and we are guilty of it. For that reason I not only support and second Senator O'Toole's amendment, but propose a simple amendment of my own, that we take No. 29, motion 9 and allow ten minutes for it. The motion, in the name of Senator O'Toole and I, simply states: "That Seanad Éireann, in the light of the Ferns Report [and the Cloyne report, the Laffoy report and now today this unspeakable revelation], requests the Government to re-examine the exemption of the churches from the operations of equality legislation." We should do so today in a ten-minute statement and we need not even take a vote but simply pass the motion. We are not condemning anyone or prejudging the issue. We are calling for it to be re-examined. If we do not do so today the House stands in contempt and in dereliction of its duty to the children of Ireland.

An Cathaoirleach: Senator Norris has proposed an amendment to the Order of Business: "That No. 29, motion 9, be taken today." Is the amendment being pressed?

Senator David Norris: On the basis that the Leader has gone a considerable way towards accommodating me and has indicated that if at all possible, he will allow ten minutes at the beginning of proceedings next Wednesday, I will withdraw the amendment. We will be watching for that and I hope it will be possible. Otherwise the Government's inaction will be very badly regarded by the people. There will be other ways of resolving the matter but doing as I propose would be very important and positive.
Order of Business agreed to.

Private Members Debate on Overseas Development Aid - 20th May 2009

Private Members Debate on Overseas Development Aid - 20th May 2009
Senator David Norris: It is absolutely outrageous. The whole thing is a spin. On "Prime Time" on 5 May, in response to a question from Mr. Justin Kilcullen, the Minister of State said we were protecting short-term emergency humanitarian aid because that was where our focus was. We want to save lives, but we are saving lives with our programme in any event. Yet when the researchers contacted the Minister of State's office they were told that the earmarked funding for rapid onset humanitarian emergency programmes, which is exactly what he was talking about, was reduced by 70% from €20 million to €6 million. The office, on being contacted again, responded that what the Minister of State had intended to say was that the reduced amount, in other words the 30% pittance left, would be delivered. That is sheer nonsense.
Now the Minister of State is saying, "although the motion is framed in positive terms". Of course it is as it says nothing, apart from how wonderful we are, but we are not. I do not believe it is right to take historical credit for a situation that has developed over some years, in the present circumstances when we are cutting deeply into this aid. Again, the Minister of State is taking credit for the generosity of the Irish people. The Government is not the Irish people.
Deputy Peter Power: No, I am not. I am complimenting the generosity-----
Senator David Norris: It is on page 4, where he talks about the wonderful generosity of the Irish people. It is not his generosity, I would say. He says he is continuing to work towards the target. He continues to work towards missing it. This is disastrous. He says he accepts that the cuts, which are savage, will have an effect. He does not even have the nerve to acknowledge that it is a negative effect. He talks about going off to huddle with his fellow Ministers in Europe, and we know a number of them are cooking the books, as the Minister of State knows, I am sure, because he is a decent man. They are including things such as debt cancellation as if they were giving money. That is shameful and is something over which I hope the Minister of State, who is a decent man, will raise and rattle their cage in Europe.
Former President Mary Robinson, an old friend of mine and of many people in this House, said that she is concerned because the cuts are proportionately more severe in this than in any other European country. We are told that 25 jobs in this country will be sacrificed from all the aid agencies. Overseas it will be worse. By the end of this year Concern will have cut 500 jobs overseas and its budget is reduced from €26 million to €20 million. Goal will cut nine jobs from its Irish office and its budget is down 29%. Trócaire says it will be forced out of a programme that supported 143,000 in east Africa, who will starve to death. Then there are the children with HIV, where in clinics they are prevented from getting HIV. There is Oxfam, too, and the cholera prevention programme in the Democratic Republic of Congo as well as Amawele in South Africa. We are always boasting about our connections with South Africa and taking credit for the work of people such as Mr. Niall Mellon, yet there is no funding. A number of those projects will close down.
There have been €195 million in cuts, about the cost of a small motorway. The cuts will progress from 0.58% in 2008 to 0.48%. We are going backwards, despite being promised time and again that this would not happen. We are now unlikely to meet the target. Other European countries are shaming us.
Deputy Peter Power: That is not correct. Nobody has gone past us.
Senator David Norris: It is correct. I will dispute that with the Minister of State and we can bandy figures, but these are the cuts. I said the Minister of State had a brass neck, but I do not believe he wrote that stuff. Neither do I believe that he framed the motion. I believe that if he was left on his own he would fight and I hope the strong words he has heard in the Seanad tonight will give him armaments with which to fight, both within Government and with its partners in the European Union, most of which should be thoroughly ashamed.

Order of Business - 20th May 2009

Order of Business - 20th May 2009


Senator David Norris: I second Senator O'Toole's amendment. I support the call by Senators Fitzgerald and O'Toole for a debate on the report on child abuse, particularly in light of motion No. 9 on the Order Paper which refers to the extraordinary exemption of the churches from the operations of the equality legislation. The churches are now placed above the law with regard to equality, which gives them the right to dismiss teachers. This is, in effect, a question of bullying. In 80% of cases of homophobic bullying nothing is done because the teachers are afraid. This is unacceptable. It is obscene that the group that in four successive reports has had its reputation impugned in this area continues to be allowed this opportunity for discrimination.
We know there is no real equality in this country. It is very sinister that today our predictions have come true with regard to the Equality Authority. The new chief executive is, as we suspected, a senior member of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform. The authority will have no independence and no credibility. I call for a debate on the issue, as proposed in motion No. 21 on the Order Paper.
I wish to refer to the law on blasphemy, an issue that has been raised several times in the House. Today, a senior member of the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, Mr. Miklos Haraszti, said that in creating this offence of blasphemy, Ireland is taking a regrettable, backward step, which negates the progress it had made. Nothing was done for ten years and we were quite happy to turn a blind eye to it. That is what we should continue to do. Perhaps the Constitution needs to be revised to deal with this issue.
One of my colleagues raised examples of some absurd instances as justification for an offence of blasphemy. It was suggested somebody might take the host, the most sacred element of Christian worship, and destroy it in public or that somebody might stand outside a synagogue and abuse the Jewish community by saying "Up the holocaust". These are extraordinary, bizarre and ridiculous acts that would, presumably, be committed by somebody who was unbalanced. If not, the law already exists under which the issue can be addressed. These are breaches of public order. This is conduct likely to cause a breach of the peace. We do not need the blasphemy law. It will only be used to restrict freedom of speech and it must be resisted.

Adoption Bill 2009 - Report Stage (Resumed) - 19th May 2009

Adoption Bill 2009 - Report Stage (Resumed) and Final Stage – 19th May 2009. ^

Senator Ivana Bacik: I move amendment No. 68:
In page 62, to delete lines 33 to 37 and substitute the following:
"(2) The High Court, in respect of subsection (1)(b), in considering the fact that under the law of the state in which an adoption was effected, the adoption has been set aside, revoked, terminated, annulled or otherwise rendered void, shall review the status of the adoption order under the law of this state. The High Court shall give a direction having regard for the welfare of the child as the first and paramount consideration.".
This amendment seeks to substitute a new subsection (2) to section 92. It relates to the procedure whereby an application may be made to the High Court to correct, amend or make an entry in the register of inter-country adoptions. The substantive change the amendment would introduce is to provide that the High Court, in any such application, would give its direction having regard for the welfare of the child as the first and paramount consideration.
This point was raised previously by Senator Fitzgerald in the debate on this Bill. This is the underlying principle on which the whole Bill must be based. We spoke earlier on the Order of Business about the Minister of State's comments to The Irish Times, as published in its edition today, in respect of the agreements with Vietnam in particular and the concern that in conducting an agreement with that jurisdiction, matters had come to his attention which meant he was not happy, I understand, in signing off on the agreement. Certainly, those were matters relating very closely to the welfare of children.
It is a matter of great concern to all of us to read these reports which I believe go beyond what was said in the House last week. We were sensitive in our approach in the House last week because we believed there were things the Minister of State could not say about difficulties in the agreement with Vietnam. What we read in The Irish Times today made it clear to us that particular issues had been raised in respect of fees that apparently are being paid to adoption agencies in Vietnam. There are issues around consent, potentially the valid consents by birth parents in Vietnam.
I see the Minister of State shaking his head so I would like to get some clarification from him for the Seanad record as to the exact nature of the concerns about the agreement with Vietnam. We have all read heart-rending e-mails from prospective adopters in Ireland who, understandably, are deeply distressed about the circumstances in which they find themselves. In many cases they were in the final stages of having an adoption carried out and indeed understood they had children waiting for them in Vietnam, yet now are no longer in a position to proceed. This is very distressing both for them and, very importantly, the children in Vietnam. We need to know the position in respect of the agreement.
The welfare of the child as the first and paramount consideration is what guides us all in this. It has been raised before in this debate, however, that had we had a constitutional amendment on this, it might have meant there would have been no need to have inserted it in every provision. Given that we do not have an amendment to the Constitution which provides for that, it is especially important we insert it, where necessary, into provisions in the Bill and that is what Senator Norris and I have sought to do. At a broader level, when we are looking at the welfare of the child, we need to know the particular issues that have made it difficult to finalise the adoption agreement with Vietnam. The Minister of State is on the record in saying last week in the Seanad that he has trust in the agency in Vietnam with which Irish couples are dealing, namely, the Helping Hands Adoption and Mediation Agency. I believe there is only one agency with which prospective Irish adopters are dealing.
We need some clarity because the report in The Irish Times refers to difficulties in the USA and Sweden and issues raised in those countries. These go to the core of the welfare of children and raise concerns about this and the position of birth parents in Vietnam. We need to know the position for Irish prospective adopters and, perhaps more importantly, the position regarding the welfare of the children in Vietnam about whom we are all concerned.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment. I expect the Minister of State will take the opportunity to put on the record of this House what he told The Irish Times. The report by Carol Coulter is very good and I have no problem with it. However, I have difficulty with the fact that the Minister of State was asked in the House on quite a number of occasions whether there were particular difficulties. The Seanad, I believe, took it in good faith that he was trying to resolve particular difficulties, as I still do. None the less, there are details in The Irish Times article that he did not put before this House when we were discussing this issue. He did not confirm that national oversight in Vietnam was one of his concerns. He did raise the issue of the level of fees paid by parents and where these went. It is said in The Irish Times the Minister of State would like a closer relationship with the Helping Hands Adoption and Mediation Agency. I am concerned prospective parents have read about these issues today, and yet the Seanad did not have the opportunity of having a reasonable and detailed discussion about these three issues because the Minister of State did not outline them as being among the difficulties he was having in concluding the agreement with Vietnam.
Given that we have spent quite a number of days discussing the Adoption Bill in the House, I believe the Minister of State should have outlined those difficulties. We should have had an opportunity to hear his concerns, as should the prospective parents, so that we might have teased out some of these issues and perhaps made some suggestions. At least we should have been told that these were the barriers against the Minister of State concluding the agreement. Everyone involved is very concerned about this and wants what Senators Norris and Bacik have in this amendment, namely, the best interests of the child as the first and paramount consideration. I shall speak in a moment about the fact that we have not had the amendment to the Constitution on the protection of children's rights. If that amendment were in place I believe that in some respects we would be having a very different type of Adoption Bill. Several of the provisions would be different, as the Minister of State has allowed, and I regret that the amendment is not in place prior to our discussion of this Adoption Bill.
I want to point out the type of things parents are saying and I again ask the Minister of State to clarify the situation. Perhaps it was not this Minister of State but rather previous incumbents who were negligent in looking at these agreements. If it has taken so long to get clarity on the Vietnam bilateral agreement, what will happen, for example, to the bilateral agreements with Ethiopia and Russia? Fine Gael gave the Minister of State an opportunity in an amendment, rejected on Committee Stage and which he might re-examine on Committee Stage in the Dáil, to be able to place a report before the Houses of the Oireachtas saying whether it was intended to conclude a particular bilateral agreement, the stage the negotiations were at and highlighting any difficulties. That would have provided an opportunity to bring such matters to the attention of the Houses, alert Departments as to what needed to be done and the timeframe that would have been necessary.
This is all concerned with the best interests of the child, which is a key point in this amendment. A letter in The Irish Times from parents shows the types of questions they are asking:
We have all known for the past five years the agreement would run out on May 1st, 2009. Why was the draft bilateral, promised to the Vietnamese, only sent to them on March 6th 2009? Why was a delegation, and not Mr. Andrews, himself, only sent to Vietnam in the week beginning April 20th 2008, just a week and a half before the deadline? This is outrageous and this issue now needs to be addressed by the Government.
I will not quote the whole letter but it goes on to outline the impact this has had. It may well be since the Minister of State has taken over this brief that he has highlighted this and that the resources of the Department are totally engaged in this respect. I do not doubt for a minute the good intentions of the officials involved and the hard work they put in, but there are serious questions about whether an adequate timeframe was put in place before the deadline had expired to deal with the issues the Minister of State outlined to The Irish Times today and which he did not outline to this House. He took the opportunity to make a statement last week and I ask him to do the same today giving the same detail that was given in The Irish Times article and of which we were not made aware during our detailed discussions in the House.
Can these issues be resolved? The current lack of clarity leaves parents distressed and concerned whether they will be taken out of this limbo. Given what has happened in recent weeks and whatever negotiations are taking place, can we expect more clarity? When will the Minister of State go to Vietnam? How does he plan to deal with this issue?

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I welcome the Minister of State back to the House. This will be our last chance to debate this Bill in the Seanad. It is important, therefore, that the Minister of State come clean on this issue so that couples are updated. I support the amendment but I want to hear how couples will receive information from the Minister of State, given that the Bill will not be discussed in the Seanad after today.
Will a bilateral agreement be made with Vietnam, will it be in place before the summer recess and when will the Minister of State visit that country? Last week, he told me privately that he had some concerns about standards in Vietnam.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I was speaking to the Senator in private.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: In the article in The Irish Times the Minister of State dealt with issues such as national oversight, fees and the Helping Hands agency. I ask the Minister of State to share his observations with the House. Why does he discuss these concerns with the legal affairs editor of The Irish Times and not with legislators? This brings the House into disrepute and puts the Seanad down.
When we have left the House today, how will couples know what is happening? How will the Minister of State communicate the day-by-day progress of the bilateral negotiations? That is what these couples need in the interest of the babies they want to bring into their homes. Couples need this information. Where will it be made available to them? Can we infer from the newspaper article that, because of his concerns, the Minister of State has chosen not to renew the agreement with Vietnam? If so, why did he not tell the House? We are all here in the interest of the child. Why does he put couples through such misery?
I reiterate my questions. After today, how will couples know what is happening? What means will the Minister of State choose to reach them? Will a bilateral agreement be made with Vietnam and will it be in place before the summer recess?

Senator David Norris: I apologise to the House for my lateness. I had a long-standing appointment to meet the Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism, Deputy Martin Cullen, on two very serious issues. Senator Ivana Bacik kindly moved my amendment in my absence and there was a useful and interesting discussion on it.
I hope the Minister of State can make some movement on this issue. The amendment proposes that where an adoption has been rendered void by the state in which it is to take place, the High Court should review the status of the adoption order under the law of this State and not of any other. The High Court should then give a direction implementing the welfare of the child.
Specific arguments regarding the amendment have been made. I would like to look at the wider context in which the amendment is set. A significantly large number of people have invested emotionally in this area, embarked on the process but not actually achieved the adoption. They are, naturally, very anxious. They are at different stages along the road to adoption and they feel very passionately. One understands that. However, we are dealing with the welfare of the child. If I had to choose - and it would be a judgment of Solomon - between the welfare of a child and the emotional needs of a parent, I would have to choose the welfare of the child. It is for that reason we must listen carefully to what the Minister of State has said.
This matter has already been raised with regard to the Minister of State's disclosure of material to The Irish Times. I read the two articles and I remember them reasonably well. I recall they were both written by Carol Coulter. In reading one, I deduced that the Minister of State had been contacted by the writer of the article and had responded in a manner not unlike that in which he responded to this House. I did not see a huge amount of information which was not either placed on the record of the House or could not be drawn by inference from what the Minister of State said. All went back to the welfare of the child.
Similar unease has been displayed by two other friendly jurisdictions. I referred to this matter in the past week but I cannot quite remember where I did so. It may have been in this House. Both these jurisdictions, Sweden and the United States, are well disposed to the interests of children. We are not alone in having these difficulties.
When we debated the Bill on Wednesday last, I asked the Minister of State if the difficulties were at this end or principally at the Vietnamese end. In these circumstances, the Minister of State must be a diplomat as well as a legislator. He would probably not regard it as wise to make a blistering attack on the Vietnamese system while attempting to negotiate an agreement. The lethargy on the Vietnamese side, if such it be, is not something the Minister of State can control immediately or effectively, beyond using his diplomatic skills.
I understood from the debate on that day that a team from the Department had visited Vietnam three times in recent months. I had the impression the Minister of State had been on one of those visits. Apparently, this is not the case but I ask the Minister of State to clarify this point. If he has not visited Vietnam, now may be the time to go. He may agree that in the Orient the question of status can be quite important, irrelevant though it ought to be. The Civil Service is dealing with this matter all the time but a visit by someone of the status of the Minister of State might help to unblock a logjam.
The matters raised in the newspaper articles, especially the use of fees, have been adverted to by my colleagues. I do not accuse any Irish people of this, but the article makes an implicit suggestion that there is some degree of unfairness to natural parents who have what they would regard as considerable sums of money dangled in front of them by orphanages. That is a real and striking human condition. As the welfare of the child is paramount, should we not consider those circumstances? Would it not be a humane thing to support such families, see if they wish to stay together and discover why they are giving up children? People no longer give up children in this environment. What is so different about Vietnam?

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: The Vietnamese-----

Senator David Norris: I have heard all Senator Healy Eames's emotions. I am trying to deal with the matter rationally.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Norris should make his remarks through the Chair.

Senator David Norris: Those families should also be considered. As human beings we must ask ourselves why so many children are being given up there but not here and what we can do in the best interests of the children. I am not at all antagonistic and I understand the human feelings of people in this country who want children, but that is not sufficient. It must be the welfare of the child. I say that with the greatest respect to people who wish to adopt and I am quite sure several of them will do so.
The Minister of State, in his comments to the House, was circumspect in the way in which he dealt with it. He indicated that he was interested in the rights of the child. On reflection, every person in the House would recognise the human feelings of adults, people who have a need to have children and particularly people who believe they had been on the path of getting children but then that was very cruelly taken away from them. All this must be taken into account. However, the welfare of the children and the circumstances in which they came up for adoption is paramount.
Let us bear in mind we can all be very pious and sanctimonious here and we can all write and so on and succumb to the sometimes very civilised but sometimes very ignorant and blistering correspondence we receive from people who are desperate to have children. I do not pull my punches in writing back to the people who are ignorant to me or who tell me that my secretary will spend the rest of her life answering their e-mails or letters. No she will not and they are going straight into the bin where they belong. However, how would the House feel if in ten years' time a Government report, a statutory inquiry or an international commission were held and things emerged not to the advantage of the children? How would people feel then? They might believe we should have been cautious and circumspect. It is the case that we must respect the feelings of the prospective parents, but we must also bear in mind the welfare of the children as paramount at the end of the day.

Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children (Deputy Barry Andrews): I met representative associations last Friday and we discussed some of the issues that have been raised in the Seanad. I also spoke to The Irish Times and the matter of fees and consents was mentioned. We discussed the circumstances in which the Government made a decision last December based on a visit to Vietnam, the report arising from that visit and the circumstances in which the Government would continue with the process of seeking a bilateral agreement with Vietnam. We were able to make the distinctions between the concerns about such issues as fees, consents etc. that were ventilated by other countries. We made the distinction in the way adoptions occurred in Ireland and it is very important that one reads that very carefully.
There is a danger in speaking in public on this very sensitive and emotive issue at this very sensitive and emotive time. Nevertheless, the Americans compiled a report during the autumn setting out its concerns. It would have had an influence in our decision not to roll over the existing bilateral agreement at that time. It would have informed the way we were thinking in the autumn about how to approach this issue. As Senator Norris correctly stated, at all times one must ensure the welfare of the child is paramount. We are not on the same sheet on this issue, but the primary importance of the child's rights are always at the top of our considerations.
What else was I asked to clarify?

Senator David Norris: A visit.

Deputy Barry Andrews: It is very unfair that Senator Heady Eames should ventilate in public what I said to her in private. In my professional life as a school teacher, a barrister and a politician, I never experienced someone betraying such a confidence. It is despicable. It is highly unfair to have such a matter discussed or referred to in any other circumstances. I cannot "un-say" what the Senator said but I must mark my cards in future in talking to her as a colleague in the Houses of the Oireachtas.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: It is all on the record in The Irish Times.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Minister of State, without interruption, please.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I have simply clarified the distinction to Senator Healy Eames and she should have the patience to let me speak about this issue-----

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: Please do so.

Deputy Barry Andrews: -----rather than losing the run of herself and getting hysterical again.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: No one is hysterical. The Minister of State should simply answer the question I asked.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Minister of State, without interruption, please.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I have answered the questions asked. The distinction is that at the time we were considering this in the autumn, those issues were raised by another jurisdiction. We were satisfied that we had safeguards in place, which I also underlined and to which I referred in the article that caused such upset. We have safeguards in place. I also mentioned that we seek relations with countries with which we have bilateral relations because adoptions would carry on anyway even if we did not have bilateral agreements. That is the least attractive option as far as I am concerned. There is a value in having a bilateral agreement in any case.
I meant no offence to the House and I stated time and again that the process of having Committee Stage and Report Stage in the House has been very productive. It has enhanced my knowledge of this area and the experience of the people who spoke in their professional capacity has been of great assistance to me.
In respect of travel, I indicated that I will go at the earliest opportunity when I believe it will be useful to the process. I underlined this point to the associations I met last Friday. This remains the position and I am ready to go whenever I believe it will be useful to the process. The underlying point is that the Government remains very anxious to have a bilateral agreement with the Vietnamese Government.
I refer to the amendment under discussion and the background to the concerns raised. We have safe and secure adoptions and once an adoption order is made, it is considered safe and secure. The amendment suggests the High Court would have a review mechanism that would automatically kick in. It shall review the status of the adoption under the law of this State where it has been annulled in another country. There is already a right in the Act under section 49(3) for the adoption authority to refer any matter of law to the High Court. The authority shall refer to the High Court for determination any question in respect of public policy arising with respect to entries in the register of inter-country adoption. Section 19 states that the first and primary consideration shall be the best interests of children. These matters are dealt with in the legislation.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I am grateful to the Minister of State for giving a considered response. Clearly, there are still issues the details of which we are not fully aware. As I mentioned, we appreciate the sensitivities in this case and that the Minister cannot provide the full picture of what is taking place. As the Minister remarked, we are all concerned about the welfare of the child, whether in Vietnam or here. The welfare of the child is the paramount consideration. We are also conscious of our history in Ireland and the problems in the past with adoption procedures not being robust and not having sufficient safeguards for the birth parents. We are all very concerned to ensure no birth parents should give up a child for adoption under duress of any form. This must be foremost in our minds. We all very much support the principle behind the Bill and the principle enshrined in the Hague conference. These points are all important.
I accept the Minister of State's point that the provision to the effect that the welfare of the child is the first and paramount consideration is contained elsewhere, but it is still important that it is contained here.

Neither Senator Norris nor I propose to push the amendment, but we ask the Minister of State to consider whether it could be inserted in a more general provision elsewhere, perhaps in section 92.
Some of the later amendments relate to the importance of tracing. We are conscious of that need when talking about ensuring watertight adoption agreements are made with specific countries, that there is no duress and people give consent freely to relinquishing children. The other side of this is we need to ensure tracing services are in place for children who have been adopted. Later on they are often caused great distress because they cannot trace their birth parents. This is one of the reasons we must ensure any agreements we make with other countries are robust and the systems in place in those countries have sufficient safeguards for the birth parents to ensure there is no duress, coercion or undue influence brought to bear on parents placing children for adoption. We must bear all this in mind while at the same time recognising the distress of the prospective adopters here who are being left in an uncertain position. However, I do not propose to push the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 69:
In page 65, between lines 10 and 11, to insert the following:
“(d) promoting the development of post adoption services;”.
There is no provision for the development of post adoption services in the Bill. The welfare of the child is at the heart of this amendment. There is a real need for this amendment because there are situations and instances where the provision of post adoption services are vital to the welfare of the child. I acknowledge the highly emotive aspect of this. It can be an overwhelming experience to receive a child. Therefore, the legislation should ensure that services are provided that acknowledge the integration of the child into the society it has come to. This is important.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment and support it. I know the Minister of State was angry earlier, but it was patronising to say the contribution of Senator Healy Eames was hysterical. I do not believe it was. There is a long history of women being called hysterical when people do not like what they are saying.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I accept that and apologise. I withdraw the remark.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: This is an important amendment. Currently, adoption agencies provide intermediary information and tracing services to birth parents, adopted adults and adoptive families. The legislation does not provide any legislative basis for this work. We have had a number of discussions about the changing face of adoption, open adoptions, ongoing contact etc. and the legislation will become out of date quickly if we do not incorporate some of these aspects. I understand the Minister of State is constrained constitutionally in terms of what he can do with regard to some of these aspects. However, there is concern with regard to the issue of tracing because there is no legislative basis to provide services that currently operate.
Many of the agencies working in this area believe the adoption authority, as well as having responsibility for adoption services, should also undertake research projects and activities on adoption and post adoption services. There will be significant demand in the area of tracing, not just nationally, but internationally. Therefore, I urge the Minister of State to consider accepting this amendment. Will he indicate whether the amendment is one he will consider when the legislation goes to the Dáil?

Senator David Norris: I support the amendment. The development of post adoptive services needs a legislative basis. Like almost everybody in the House, I have been contacted over the years by numerous people who needed to trace relatives, people who had been placed in various well-meaning adoption societies, particularly some of the Church of Ireland ones. Many societies seem to have dumped their records for some reason or lost them or the agency has closed, with no attempt made to retrieve, preserve or transfer the records to a more sophisticated, mechanised method. This has the effect of depriving people of a significant part of their emotional heritage and lineage. Therefore, I support the amendment.
I do not in any sense challenge the ruling of the Chair; I would not have the temerity to do so. However, I notice that amendment No. 71 in my name, which proposed adding an additional provision, "(d) undertaking or assisting in research project and activities relating to adoption and post adoption services;", has been ruled out of order because it did not arise from Committee proceedings. If it did not arise from the Committee proceedings, it is a mystery to me how the amendment that survives on the Order Paper did, because it deals with precisely the same area and could not be more germane. The mind of the Cathaoirleach is a mystery to me.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Cathaoirleach has made his ruling.

Senator David Norris: I understand that and will obey it as unctuously as I can. However, it is one of the great mysteries, whether a joyful, sorrowful or glorious one.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: We are on amendment No. 69.

Senator David Norris: I feel that as amendment No. 69 was allowed, discussion of amendment No. 71 should also have been allowed. If the Minister of State proposes to accept the idea of promoting the development of post adoption services, I put it to him - this shows my ingenuity - that among the areas that might be developed should be the undertaking of or assisting in research projects and activities related to adoption and post adoption. That is development. I am aware of the weight "development" can carry as a word and it is a word included in both amendments. Therefore, there should be no constraint whatever on the Minister of State in his response in taking into account the question of research projects and activities relating to adoption, because they are germane and as relevant as the positive amendment we have been discussing.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I support the amendment. Post adoption services will increase in importance. There is a great deal of awareness of the need for adults adopted as children to be able to acquire information about their past, their birth parents and their lineage. This is true for both national and international adoptions. Therefore, post adoption services will be of increasing importance. We have had difficulties in the past where records have been destroyed or gone missing. This has made the situation difficult and distressing for adopted persons when they find they cannot access the information. We need to ensure there is a statutory basis for services, to include the tracing services that must be encompassed in any sort of post adoption services.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: Before I speak in support of the amendment I wish to clarify for the Minister of State that I broke no confidence before he did so himself in The Irish Times. I expect he will respect that.
I support this amendment on the need to promote the development of post adoption services. We all support the key issue, the welfare of the child. If we are serious about the welfare of children being adopted, post adoption services should be put in place. Otherwise, the circle is not closed. The child is always at the centre of the assessment process. The child's needs come first and the needs of the birth mother are second. Only after these needs are taken care of do the wishes of the adoptive family come into play. We speak over and over about the welfare of the child as if that is not primary in this jurisdiction. It is the primary issue. I know that categorically, having been through an adoption process assessment twice and from having spoken to many other adoptive couples.
Once a child is placed for adoption, post adoption services will be needed.

One of the post-adoption services that will be critical in future will be the tracing service that may be needed by some people. Other services may be needed sooner. I refer to health information, for example. It is critical we find a way of ensuring that post-adoption services are built into the legislation in some way. There should not be a breakdown at the point of adoption. We should complete the circle by ensuring the Bill accounts for the provision of post-adoption services.

Deputy Barry Andrews: This amendment suggests the adoption authority should be involved in "promoting the development of post adoption services". The use of the word "promoting" tends to suggest something should be encouraged in some way, for example to ensure it happens. The use of that word needs to be examined in the first instance. It has been said many times in this House that the assessment process is a tough one. Support and information is given to parents during that exhaustive process. Nobody who has a child in a natural way has to go through such a process. Supports are available before an adoption occurs. I have made it clear previously that the protection of the Child Care Act 1991, which applies to any child who is a citizen of this country, is afforded to children when an adoption occurs. All children are treated in exactly the same way. That is how adoption is understood in this country. The psychological, health and child protection needs of a child who is being adopted are catered for under the Child Care Act 1991 in the same way as those of any other child. We have to underline that point. It is clear that there should be no distinction between adopted children and other children. Under this legislation, when an adoption has taken place, the adoption authority and the HSE must be notified of it. I accept the records of many adoption societies, which were compiled when Ireland was effecting adoptions as a sending state, are gathering dust. Many of those records are not being well maintained. I have met representatives of the adopted persons society to see if there is some way of maintaining or centralising such records. Such a process would attract significant problems, but we are considering it nonetheless. As I have already said, I will give further consideration to the issue of tracing, which was mentioned in the context of an earlier amendment. I will reflect further on it when this Bill is being debated in the Dáil.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I thank the Minister of State for his response. I will press the amendment.

Amendment put.

The Seanad divided: Tá, 16; Níl, 22.


Bacik, Ivana.
Bradford, Paul.
Burke, Paddy.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Coffey, Paudie.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
Healy Eames, Fidelma.
McFadden, Nicky.
Mullen, Rónán.
Norris, David.
O'Toole, Joe.
Prendergast, Phil.
Regan, Eugene.
Ross, Shane.

Níl
Brady, Martin.
Butler, Larry.
Callely, Ivor.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Ellis, John.
Feeney, Geraldine.
Glynn, Camillus.
Hanafin, John.
Leyden, Terry.
MacSharry, Marc.
McDonald, Lisa.
O'Brien, Francis.
O'Donovan, Denis.
O'Sullivan, Ned.
Ó Domhnaill, Brian.
Ó Murchú, Labhrás.
Ormonde, Ann.
Phelan, Kieran.
Walsh, Jim.
Wilson, Diarmuid.

Tellers: Tá, Senators Ivana Bacik and Phil Prendergast; Níl, Senators Camillus Glynn and Diarmuid Wilson.

Amendment declared lost.

An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 70 is out of order because it does not arise from Committee proceedings. Amendment No. 71 in the names of Senators Norris and Bacik is also out of order because it does not arise from Committee proceedings.

Senator David Norris: We managed to discuss it obliquely on another amendment.

Amendments Nos. 70 and 71 not moved.

Amendment No. 72 not moved.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 73:
In page 65, between lines 17 and 18, to insert the following:
"(h) promoting the development of intermediary, information and tracing services for birth families and adopted persons.".

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

The Seanad divided: Tá, 15; Níl, 22.


Bacik, Ivana.
Bradford, Paul.
Burke, Paddy.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Coffey, Paudie.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
Healy Eames, Fidelma.
McFadden, Nicky.
Mullen, Rónán.
Norris, David.
O'Toole, Joe.
Prendergast, Phil.
Regan, Eugene.

Níl
Brady, Martin.
Butler, Larry.
Callely, Ivor.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Ellis, John.
Feeney, Geraldine.
Glynn, Camillus.
Leyden, Terry.
MacSharry, Marc.
McDonald, Lisa.
Ó Domhnaill, Brian.
Ó Murchú, Labhrás.
O'Brien, Francis.
O'Donovan, Denis.
O'Sullivan, Ned.
Ormonde, Ann.
Phelan, Kieran.
Walsh, Jim.
White, Mary M.
Wilson, Diarmuid.

Tellers: Tá, Senators Paul Coghlan and Maurice Cummins; Níl, Senators Camillus Glynn and Diarmuid Wilson.

Amendment declared lost.

Amendments Nos. 74 to 78, inclusive, not moved.

Government amendment No. 79:
In page 66, lines 15 to 17, to delete all words from and including "entered" in line 15 down to and including "1978" in line 17 and substitute the following:
"included in a division of the register of medical practitioners referred to in paragraph (a) or (b) of subsection (2) of section 43 of the Medical Practitioners Act 2007 (as amended by the Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2007, No. 42 of 2007)".

Deputy Barry Andrews: Section 98 of the Bill covers membership of the authority. The Government amendment is proposed to replace references to "Medical Practitioners Act 1978" with "Medical Practitioners Act 2007". It is a technical amendment that arises because the register of medical practitioners referred to in section 98(3)(d), which was established under section 26 of the Medical Practitioners Act 1978, has been replaced by a new register established under section 43 of the Medical Practitioners Act 2007, as amended by the Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2007. The relevant section was commenced on 16 March 2009.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: This is a technical amendment and we accept it.

Amendment agreed to.


An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 80 and 81 are out of order as they involve a potential charge on the Exchequer.

Senator David Norris: I would be interested in an explanation for this as amendment No. 81 simply states: "one shall be a person with direct personal experience of adoption, namely an adopted person". It is simply a back-up. The position will be filled and paid anyway. I am astonished at this. It defies common sense that the amendment could possibly create a charge on the Exchequer that does not already exist.
I will explain it as follows. Let us suppose six people are to be appointed to the Seanad at a cost of €50,000 each. If there is an amendment stating that one of these shall be a Mormon, that could not be held to create a charge on the Exchequer because there is no additional cost. It is simply qualifying who the person shall be. With the greatest respect, a Chathaoirligh, I ask for your guidance in this matter because it may well be something I have not seen and the Minister of State's advisers may be able to comment through you or the Minister of State. It seems to defy logic. I am not defying the ruling of the Cathaoirleach; I am simply asking if it is possible to have an explanation.

An Cathaoirleach: The amendment is ruled out of order because it involves a potential charge on the Exchequer, as is the case for a number of other amendments.

Senator David Norris: I have just pointed out that it could not possibly do so.

An Cathaoirleach: On amendment No. 81-----

Senator David Norris: Yes. The amendment simply states that one of the people shall be something or other. I have just explained it in terms of six people nominated to the Seanad under legislation, each of which costs €50,000. If an amendment stated that one of them must be a Roman Catholic or one of them must be from Ulster, that is a qualification but it does not create a charge on the Exchequer. I do not see how it possibly could. It could not. It is just absurd. If the Cathaoirleach would permit some discussion of this technical point without discussing the amendment, perhaps my colleagues or the Minister of State could comment on it.

An Cathaoirleach: I cannot allow discussion of the amendment but I will take a comment from Senator Fitzgerald on this point.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Amendment No. 80 has been ruled out of order for the same reason. I ask the Minister of State to consider these amendments when he brings this legislation to the Dáil. It is general practice now to include in such authorities people who are affected by legislation and to bring their experience on board when key decisions are being taken. It is important, given the number of people who are adopted and the number experiencing inter-country adoptions, that amendment No. 80 be considered by the Minister of State and that such representatives be included if at all possible. It may not, as Senator Norris has said, represent any extra cost to the Exchequer.

Senator David Norris: Where did this ruling come from? It did not come from the Cathaoirleach; that is a polite fiction. It must have come from the Department of Finance. It does not know what it is talking about. I agree with the point made by Senator Fitzgerald, but whatever the argument about amendment No. 80, which might appear to add additional personnel, mine does not. It simply adds a qualification. I really must ask for a proper explanation. Otherwise the House is being treated with contempt. Nothing could more clearly illustrate how idiotic it is to have this restriction on the Upper House of the Oireachtas. I will not even go into the state of the country. No one in the House, however challenged intellectually, could make a worse hames of the economy, including the Department of Finance. I do not accept it and I want a ruling to which I can give some assent. This is absurd.

An Cathaoirleach: No. 81 involves a potential charge on the Exchequer.

Senator David Norris: How?

An Cathaoirleach: The information from the Department and from the Minister of State's office is indicating that.

Senator David Norris: I ask the Minister of State to give an explanation for this because it cannot possibly involve a charge.

An Cathaoirleach: Perhaps the Minister of State would like to comment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: Whatever about the issue of a charge on the Exchequer, we are asked to consider the membership on the adoption authority of a person who has been adopted. It is open to members of Fine Gael and the Labour Party to introduce this amendment in the Dáil. I do not mean any slight against the Seanad in that regard. It is not for me to explain the issue of the charge on the Exchequer. I have given no consideration to that issue.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: It is much broader than that.

Deputy Barry Andrews: It is open to people to raise this matter in the Dáil.

Senator David Norris: I will leave it at that, but I want the record of the House to show that it is a complete absurdity and that there is no possible charge on the Exchequer. Once again this is being used to get an amendment out of the remit of the Seanad. They shove it down as a charge on the Exchequer. It is patent rubbish.

An Cathaoirleach: The Senator heard what the Minister of State said.

Senator Rónán Mullen: I support my colleague Senator Norris on this point. It is far too easy to rule amendments out of order for reasons that do not stand up. I do not blame the Minister of State for not being in a position to explain it, but this follows on from an earlier discussion we had about the perceived relevance of the Seanad. If rulings are to be made that certain amendments are not to be discussed because they are out of order, we need a reason for those decisions. Senator Norris says he will not press it any further.

Senator David Norris: I cannot. We cannot have a vote.

Senator Rónán Mullen: Can the Cathaoirleach reverse this decision? Is it in the power of the Cathaoirleach under Standing Orders to change his mind at this point and allow the amendment to be discussed?

An Cathaoirleach: The Bill will be going to the Dáil next and in the event of an amendment, it will return to the House.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: The key point on this issue is the make-up of the membership of the adoption authority. There should be at least one person who has been adopted or is a birth parent or adoptive parent. I do not mind whether there is a net cost. That is not the issue. Can the Minister of State assure the House that the authority will have representatives with this unique experience on it? Any mainstream parent or birth child would not necessarily have such experience. If the Minister of State could ensure the authority had that type of membership, I would be happy.

An Cathaoirleach: We are not getting into the amendment as I have ruled in this regard.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I ask the Cathaoirleach to let us have an answer.

Senator Diarmuid Wilson: I agree with Senator Norris with regard to this amendment, which is quite sensible. I ask the Minister of State to consider changing this himself in the Dáil rather than expecting members of the Opposition to put forward amendments. It is sensible to ask that one member would be a person with direct personal experience of adoption, namely, an adopted person. Who better than someone who has experienced this process him or herself? It is quite sensible. I ask the Minister of State to consider amending the Bill himself in this regard.

Senator David Norris: Does the Senator think it creates a charge on the Exchequer, after my explanation? It does not.

Senator Diarmuid Wilson: No, I do not.

Senator David Norris: I thank the Senator.

An Cathaoirleach: I rule that No. 81 is out of order.

Senator David Norris: It must go on the record that the Government spokesperson has said it is a good amendment. He thinks it is correct and that it does not create a charge on the Exchequer, and he has asked the Minister of State to consider the issue. That is an important point. In light of this, we need to review our procedures in the House. I say that with no disrespect to the Cathaoirleach or the staff of the House. We want to play as vital a role as possible in the parliamentary procedures of this country.

An Cathaoirleach: I appreciate Senator Norris and other Senators raising this important matter. The Minister of State has noted their comments and said he will consider it in the other House.
Amendment No. 82, in the name of Senators Fitzgerald and Cummins, is out of order as it involves a potential charge on the Exchequer.

Amendments Nos. 80 to 82, inclusive, not moved.

An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 83 is cognate with No. 84 and both may be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 83:
In page 67, lines 35 and 36, to delete "vacancy, or (c) a member of a local authority." and substitute the following:
"vacancy.".
I had a problem with the Bill as originally drafted because I did not know why members of local authorities were disqualified from the adoption board. It is an example of how the role of councillors is not seen as all-encompassing, although I believe it is. The purpose of the amendment is to widen the remit. I believe councillors have an important role to play.

Senator Rónán Mullen: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The proposed amendment would allow local authority members to be eligible for appointment as members of the authority or its committees. The authority is an expert board with quasi-judicial functions and, as such, it is not just local authority members who are excluded; members of the European Parliament and Oireachtas Members are also excluded, to ensure there is no political influence in a matter where a quasi-judicial function is exercised.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendments Nos. 84 and 85 not moved.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 86:
In page 93, lines 16 and 17, to delete all words from and including "ensuring" in line 16 down to and including "bodies" in line 17 and substitute the following:
"promoting the carrying out of the activities specified in sections 4 and 5 by accredited bodies".
The International Adoption Association has a view on this. Under current provisions, any support organisation may be required to become an accredited body, subject to oversight by the Adoption Board. The association does not condone any practice that would be ill-informed or that would involve a lack of oversight. We should recognise that it provides invaluable support and education for the adoptive community. It feels it could be constrained by having to seek and maintain registration. It is not clear why this incorporation would be required or the extent to which it would be required. The association feels that any such requirement for registration in respect of non-direct arrangements for adoption could act to undermine democratic advocacy on behalf of the community.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment. The support groups would find it difficult to continue with the work they are doing currently and would find some of these demands too onerous. We want high standards and regulation, however, so I would like to hear what the Minister of State has to say about any possible difficulties for advocacy bodies or lobbying groups if this provision remains in the legislation.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I agree with Senator Fitzgerald. These support and advocacy groups are critical to couples going through the adoption process. The International Adoption Association has offered great support throughout this process for many couples and it would be a shame if the association was hindered because these couples would otherwise be alone.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The amendment relates to section 151(1), which states, "Without prejudice to the generality of section 150, the Minister shall make such regulations as he or she thinks appropriate for the purpose of ensuring that the activities specified in sections 4 and 5 are carried on only by accredited bodies." We all recognise that accredited bodies play a vital role. We have all been under pressure as Oireachtas Members on this issue. All the agencies have helped to keep people up to date in an area where it is difficult to disseminate information because we are negotiating with another jurisdiction.
The purpose of section 151 of the Bill is to enable the Minister to make regulations under the Act. The purpose of those regulations is to regulate the activities of accredited bodies rather than to promote them. An accredited body may apply to be registered for the activities related to the making of arrangements for the adoption of a child, including those activities specified in sections 4 and 5.

Amendment put and declared lost.

Bill, as amended, received for final consideration.

Question proposed: "That the Bill do now pass."

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: This has been a long and detailed debate. This Bill incorporates into Irish law the 1993 Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption. Since Ireland ratified that convention, 16 years have elapsed so we have waited a long time for the legislation. It is important that the Bill brings all aspects of legislation into line with the Hague Convention and brings us closer to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.
When we are dealing with this area, the legislation before the House is just one aspect of adoption and huge issues arise on the implementation of the legislation, waiting lists for couples and the need for an agency other than the HSE to be involved. The Minister of State indicated that he would support this. During the debate we also raised important issues about guardianship, post-adoption services and the need for ongoing support for all involved in the adoption process.
A key issue that came up in the debate was that of bilateral agreements. At the conclusion of the debate, we are still in an unsatisfactory position as far as those agreements are concerned. Fine Gael had suggested a mechanism by which the Minister would have to come back to the Dáil or Seanad six months before the lapse of any bilateral agreement to inform the Houses about progress. If such a measure had been in place for the Vietnamese situation, there would have been discussion at an earlier point on the issue. It would have helped the Minister of State and I regret that he did not accept the amendment on that issue.
This Bill leaves the House with a degree of uncertainty about the bilateral agreements with Vietnam, Ethiopia and Russia. There is a great deal to be done by the Minister of State and the Department on these agreements, given the inter-country nature of the work.

I hope the Minister of State is given the necessary resources. I have no doubt that the demand on departmental resources in regard to concluding these agreements is extensive. I hope progress will be reported on this issue when this legislation goes to the Dáil.
The Minister of State indicated that he would consider a range of amendments we put forward. He more or less accepted a number of potential amendments but did not bring forward similar amendments and I regret that. I am disappointed he did not do so but I hope they will be brought forward when the Bill is taken in the Dáil. They are useful and their inclusion would strengthen the legislation.
A number of areas are not addressed in the legislation. Given that we have had to wait 16 years for this legislation, to some degree, it deals with an era when adoption was dealt with somewhat differently. The issues about contact, ongoing contact and tracing are not dealt with. Given the changing face of adoption and the increasing number of inter-country adoptions, these issues will increase. The fact that there is no legislative base for many of them is problematic and needs to be addressed. One of the reasons some of these issues could not be addressed during this debate is that the amendment on the rights of the child was not brought forward by the Government. If it had been, we would be dealing with some provisions of the legislation in a different way.
I welcome the introduction of this Bill. I regret more amendments were not accepted during this debate but I acknowledge the willingness of the Minister of State to bring forward such amendments when the Bill is taken in the Dáil and l welcome his response to many of them.
I regret that the Minister of State briefed The Irish Times rather than this House on several aspects of the legislation. We have already had a long discussion on that matter today and I will not repeat it. There has been much debate recently on reform of this House. If the Seanad, as well as the Dáil and committees, is to be taken seriously, Opposition amendments must be accepted by the Government. Senator Wilson spoke in favour of an amendment tabled by this side of the House. I have had experience of the acceptance of Opposition amendments by some Ministers in committees over the years. It is a mark of maturity to accept and incorporate in legislation amendments from the other side of the House. That is what should happen in both Houses. It strengthens democracy and the work of this House and lends increased credibility to the Houses.
I look forward to seeing what further amendments the Minister of State will bring forward when the Bill is taken in the Dáil. I thank his officials for the time, energy and effort they put into preparing this legislation. I hope they have success in concluding the bilateral agreements, which are of importance to many people and are a cause of great concern and deep emotional upset to families currently caught in this situation.

An Cathaoirleach: At the conclusion of a Bill it is normally only the spokespersons who make brief comments on it.

Senator David Norris: With the greatest respect, I challenge the Cathaoirleach's view on that. I have served here for 21 years and, traditionally, Members spoke, at some moderate length, particularly on an important Bill such as this one. It would not be appropriate to close such provision and I am glad the Cathaoirleach, in his wisdom, did not do so.
I welcome this Bill. I believe everybody would agree that for Ireland finally to be brought into line with the Hague Convention in this respect must be a good measure. Senator Fitzgerald stated this clearly. The Minister of State and the Civil Service can be complimented on doing that. There are divided opinions about other aspects of the Bill.
We have learned that considerable emotional charges surround this Bill. This is understandable in a human sense. In terms of the blunt instrument of a mass e-mail campaign - I hope the canvassing and lobbying groups will also learn a little bit from this - it is not intelligent to catch people who are on one's side in friendly fire. That simply eliminates support or, perhaps, can even negative it. This mass scattergun approach does not always help politics. If the approach were more focused, that would help all of us. I say that as somebody who loves to get a good brief.
With regard to the Minister of State, I am not sure that there were any huge areas that were not at least stated or implied; I make that point to be positive. I would like to place on record my gratitude to Carol Coulter for once again writing an absolutely excellent series of articles on this important subject in which she raised significant issues.
I had to leave the Chamber briefly during which time I managed to put in ear plugs and listen to a contemporaneous debate on RTE Radio 1 on which a number of international experts were discussing this Bill and the Vietnamese situation. The kinds of phrases used were about buying and selling children and whether this could happen. This was the concern of the Americans and Swedes. We would be well advised to take this into consideration. The Bill presented a good opportunity for us to examine this idea and to make sure this does not happen.
It should also be placed on record, because it was placed on record over the airwaves for the Irish public, that the Department and the Minister of State were not insensitive to the feelings of people. A practical, professional approach was taken when Mr. Geoffrey Shannon, the leading authority in this country in this area, was sent, as one of the principal officers of the Department, as a member of a delegation to Vietnam to explore this situation. That seems to be a proper, professional way to address this issue. However, it may well be that the visit by a Minister would be helpful because of the way in which these matters are regarded in the Orient, the question of status, saving face and such matters. I am glad that the Minister of State has given a commitment that he will go there.
I was glad to take part in this debate and I learned a great deal from it. There were some exciting amendments, including my own. I got quite snotty occasionally, but I also learned a good deal from the passionate contributions of others. It was interesting that many of the most passionate speakers were women. The contributions were led by Senator Fitzgerald on this side, ably backed by Senator Healy Eames, Senator Bacik on our side, Senator Prendergast of the Labour Party and Senator Mary White of Fianna Fáil. I felt as in the title of a John McGahern novel "Amongst Women" and I was very glad and comfortable to be among women.
I welcome the passage of this Bill through the House. It may not be perfect, but legislation rarely is. Something most interesting occurred during this debate and I say this in a non-contentious way. Senator Wilson, my good friend, whom I respect greatly, had the honesty to acknowledge that an amendment I put forward was a good one and that in his view - he was persuaded by the irrefutable logic of what I said - it did not create a charge on the Exchequer. In terms of Seanad reform, we need to examine this method of the ruling out of amendments. I thank my colleagues for informing me and opening my mind in as far as it can be opened. I thank the Minister of State and his staff for passing what will be a positive step in safeguarding the welfare of children in this country.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I will not repeat the points that have been made as they are many and varied and they echo my thoughts on this subject. I am not being contentious in saying that I had no difficulty with the quality or the quantity of e-mails received.

Senator David Norris: The Senator did not get one from me.

Senator Phil Prendergast: People express themselves in the best way they know how and sometimes frustration can lead them to couch their views in a certain way. It is our job not to take such comments personally. I can understand the why people might do that because I worked for many years in dealing with people who were infertile and undergoing the many treatments involved in that respect and it gave me an insight into what I could contribute to this debate.

I am delighted and I thank the Minister for listening to us and taking part in the debate. I thank the officials, the Cathaoirleach and everybody connected with this.

Senator Diarmuid Wilson: I welcome this Bill and thank the Minister and his officials for the work and effort they put into it. Like Senator Norris, I pay tribute to those who contributed to it. I will begin by complimenting Senator Mary White, our spokesperson, and all the other Senators, including Senators Fitzgerald, Healy Eames, Prendergast, who contributed to this very worthy Bill. It is a very emotive and sensitive issue which is very close to my heart. We would like to see more amendments accepted in this House. Much debate takes place here, probably more detailed debate than takes place in the other House. The Minister will make every effort to take on board the points of view made by my colleagues on both sides and take on board some of the amendments in the Lower House.

Senator Phil Prendergast: Hear, hear.

Senator Nicky McFadden: Hear, hear.

Senator Diarmuid Wilson: I again thank the Minister, his officials and everybody who contributed to this Bill.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I welcome the introduction of the Bill in the Seanad. It is not over yet as it still has to be concluded in the Dáil. This is a historical step in terms of adoption in this country. We are ratifying and bringing into law the Hague Convention and are strengthening the standards of child protection and child welfare in this country. I thank the Minister for bringing it to the House and the officials for working so closely with him. The families affected by adoption and the whole adoptive community have also brought much to this debate.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Hear, hear.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: They have taught us much and that needs to be noted. They even caused a briefing for the Fianna Fáil Party by the Minister, and anything that brings about that is worthy of note.
I have regrets about some of the amendments that were not taken on board by the Minister, but I am hopeful that he will examine them in the Dáil. My main regret is that at the conclusion of the Bill in the Seanad, the bilateral agreement with Vietnam is not yet sorted. For anybody involved in adoption this is intensely personal and private and is about the creation of families. It is important that the Minister, I and everybody here learn much about not letting the bilateral agreements with the Russian Federation and Ethiopia end up in the same place as the one with Vietnam, and I ask the Minister to begin the preparatory work. The post-placement records with the Russian Federation need to be concluded. In his final words to the House, the Minister gave an assurance that he will provide regular updates to the adoptive community until the bilateral agreements are sorted. That would be most helpful. I look forward to the conclusion of the Bill in the Dáil.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I thank everybody for their contributions. Senator Wilson said that more amendments could have been accepted. It is my first time bringing substantial legislation through any House or committee. The Bill will certainly have the fingerprints of the Seanad on it, whether the amendments were accepted in this House or later. Senator Fitzgerald said it has taken a very long time to get this far. As I said, the debate in the Seanad has been extremely helpful to me. It has improved the legislation and widened our knowledge on this constantly developing area. I, too, regret that the bilateral agreement with Vietnam has not been resolved and I remain committed to resolving it.
I thank the Members for the forbearance they have shown in the debates we have had on this very emotive issue. I hope in future I will be in a position to be more responsive to amendments. I tried to accept the spirit of the amendments as far as I could within the advice I received. I acknowledge Senator Norris, who is anxious that I would travel - I think he wants to get rid of me. I will do that as soon as possible, as I indicated. Senator Healy Eames and I will not fall out with each other on a permanent basis. Things are said in the heat of debate.

Senator Nicky McFadden: The Senator has not fallen out.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I do not know what the Minister of State is talking about.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I thank Senator Prendergast and the Labour Party and I thank Senator Bacik for all she contributed to this. I thank Senator Mary White who contributed considerably on behalf of Fianna Fáil.

Question put and agreed to.

An Cathaoirleach: When is it proposed to sit again?

Senator Diarmuid Wilson: At 10.30 a.m. tomorrow.

Friday, May 15, 2009

Adoption Bill 2009 - Report Stage - 14th May 2009

Adoption Bill 2009 - Report Stage - 14th May 2009

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Norris was in possession.

Senator David Norris: I was making the point that services relating to the provision of information, advice and counselling to a birth parent wishing to consider placing a child for adoption already exist in many instances. The principal intention behind the amendment is not to institute these services but rather to obtain recognition in respect of them in legislation. In view of the fact that the services to which I refer already exist, it is somewhat odd that reference is not made to them in the legislation. The Bill would be strengthened if it referred to them. Some later sections contain completely extraneous material, particularly that which refers to the Hague Convention. The legislation, therefore, refers to a number of matters that are irrelevant. However, the matter to which I refer, which is germane, is not mentioned.

Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children (Deputy Barry Andrews): Section 14 provides for the mother or guardian placing a child for adoption to be supplied with a written statement explaining that the placement is the beginning of the adoption process, the effect of an adoption order and the consents necessary, and requires that the mother or guardian sign a document stating that he or she understands the import of the written statement. Mothers are always treated sensitively in respect of these issues, particularly with regard to their individual circumstances, and this will continue to be the case. There are many agencies involved in the support of mothers who are in crisis and who may be considering adoption. I accept that in this Bill we are not specifically providing for such counselling. However, it is my intention to consider this amendment for inclusion on Committee Stage in the Dáil.

Senator David Norris: I am very grateful to the Minister of State for that.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: There is no mechanism by means of which I can allow Senator Norris to make a further contribution.

Senator David Norris: However, I am of the view that it would have been appropriate to accept the amendment in this House.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Norris-----

Senator David Norris: Had it been accepted, it would have provided due recognition in respect of the Seanad’s role regarding the introduction of the legislation.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I thank the Minister of State and I welcome his indication that the amendment will be considered for inclusion on Committee Stage in the Dáil. However, I regret that he did not introduce an alternative amendment in this House. Some 84 amendments to this Bill have been tabled by Senators from different parties and the Minister of State has not indicated a willingness to accept any of them. He has not tabled any alternatives but has merely brought forward two minor technical amendments. When points are made in good faith and when people carry out research and work with agencies that are interested in matters such as those to which the legislation refers, it would be in the interests of democracy and the reputation of the Seanad if the Government considered accepting Opposition amendments on the floor of the House.
We want to improve the legislation and highlight the concerns of those who are experts in this area and who have stated that the Bill could be strengthened by the inclusion of amendments such as that under discussion. The Government has been in power for 12 years and during that period there has been a diminution in its willingness to accept amendments tabled by Opposition Members. I was a Member of the Houses when such amendments were accepted in good faith. I welcome the fact that the Minister of State is considering the amendment for inclusion on Committee Stage in the Lower House, but I regret that an alternative was not introduced in this House.

Deputy Barry Andrews: This is the first occasion on which I have been charged with guiding substantive legislation through the Houses of the Oireachtas. The process relating to Committee Stage in this House was absolutely excellent. The Bill was scoped out in a way which I did not anticipate and which was very useful. We are all on the same page in respect of the issue under discussion and I have accepted the principle behind the amendment. We will find a way to ensure that provision is made in respect of this matter in the legislation. The two Houses will act in unison in respect of this matter and I do not believe there is any division in terms of our motivation with regard to it. No discourtesy is intended by my stating that the amendment is accepted, in principle, and that it will be transposed into the legislation in the Dáil.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 7:

In page 18, between lines 5 and 6, to insert the following:

”(j) providing post placement support, advice and counselling to birth and adoptive parents;”.
This amendment is similar to amendment No. 6. However, it deals with the issues that arise post-placement. It suggests that the Bill should also contain, at its core, the concept of providing post-placement support, advice and counselling to birth and adoptive parents. This is a recognition that certain issues can arise following placement. In the context of the Russian bilateral agreement, for example, concerns have been raised with regard to post-placement reports not being sent. Perhaps the Minister of State will state whether reports in respect of this matter are accurate. If they are accurate, will he indicate why that was the case and how such a development has inhibited our relationship with the Russian authorities. Perhaps he will also indicate why the required post-placement reports - I presume these were to be supplied by the HSE - were not provided.
Amendment No. 7 is designed to strengthen the concept of the State having a responsibility to provide post-placement support, advice and counselling to birth and adoptive parents. As stated, it also recognises that post-placement issues can arise. Like amendment No. 6, it highlights a matter that is not dealt with in the Bill. The position would be strengthened if provision was made in respect of the matter to which I refer. Such provision would also ensure that support, advice, counselling or whatever is required to ensure that a placement is successful is provided following such a placement.
I take on board what the Minister of State said with regard to his discussions with the Vietnamese authorities in respect of the interests of the child being at the core. Such interests and those of parents would be placed at the core if the type of provision contained in the amendment were built into the legislation.

Senator David Norris: I second the amendment, which represents a further stage of development on the position we considered in the context of the previous amendment. I am of the view that amendments Nos. 6 and 7 are closely related because we are moving on to deal not just with the birth parents but also with the adoptive parents, namely, those who are assuming responsibility for the child.
This is an extremely important matter. The point I made in respect of amendment No. 6 stands and is even more relevant. At present, adoption agencies of various kinds provide intermediary information and tracing services to birth parents, adopted adults who may wish to discover the nature of their origins and adoptive families. However, the legislation leaves a gap and does not provide any legislative basis for this work. There is no support from the Legislature for the work being done in this area by support bodies, which is of considerable concern to those involved professionally. They would like to have proper recognition and a legislative basis to support them in their provision of services.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: The provision of post-placement support, advice and counselling to birth and adoptive parents would be a worthwhile and important addition to the Bill. It should be a matter of normal and regular practice in this area. If it were in place, we would not likely have had the recent hiccup with the Russian adoption process.
There are two sides to the story of adoption. A birth parent gives up much when handing over their child for adoption. The least they deserve, and to reinforce that the decision they made was a good one, is to know how their child is progressing in the form of a note or a photograph. It would also be useful if the Health Service Executive or the assessment agency involved gave its professional view on how the adopted child was doing.
Post-placement support is also important for the adoptive parent because they will have moved to a new stage in rearing the child. This would provide a useful link between the birth parents and the adoptive parents. Post-placement support closes off the circle. If we were bound by law to provide that support, we would not find ourselves in the crisis we have with Russia. I support the measure and look forward to the Minister’s support for it.

Deputy Barry Andrews: We have done extensive work in finding out what the issue is with post-placement reports and the Russian authorities. In reply to a recent parliamentary question on the matter, I stated there are 34 missing post-placement reports out of a total of 450 from last year. The majority of the outstanding reports have been completed and are with adoptive parents for translation and notarisation. In a small number of cases, parents have neglected or have been unwilling or unable to have a home visit with their social worker.
Russia has blacklisted another 19 countries in the inter-country adoption process. We have liaised with the Russian embassy to find out how many reports it considers are missing. The Adoption Authority and the Health Service Executive have written to the parents in question, reminding them of their obligations which arise out of an affidavit they swore at the time of the adoption to provide post-placement reports.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: Will the Minister of State clarify whether the figure 450 refers to the total number of adoptions?

Deputy Barry Andrews: The Health Service Executive completed over 450 reports last year in respect of children adopted from the Russian Federation. Pact, An Adoption Alliance, has not been blacklisted by the Russian authorities but it only completed seven last year.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: The figure refers to 450 reports.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Healy Eames, the only Member who has the right to come back in is the proposer of the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The figure refers to reports for over one year. In any case, much progress has been made on this issue. It is an issue that we have in common with other countries, unfortunately. The Russian authorities, I believe, simply decided to put the foot down to ensure they had all materials contemporaneously and there would be no delays in the furnishing of these post-placement reports. It is a legitimate policy decision on their part. We are trying to comply with this as quickly as possible and to allay fears on it.
Regarding the amendment, a difference has to be clarified between post-placement and post-adoption. In a domestic situation, placement is one matter and the adoption order follows that. We must be clear about the two different interpretations of this. On Committee Stage I pointed out that in Ireland an adoption is a termination of the relationship between the natural parent and the child. As such, the child is treated in law the same as any other child. Once the obligation to notify the Adoption Authority of bringing the child into the State or the placement of the child kicks in, there is also an obligation to notify the Health Service Executive.
The protections afforded to all children in the State are afforded to an adopted child under the Child Care Act 1991. People always want to ensure adopted children are treated the same as other children. Obviously the Health Service Executive has expertise in knowing what issues arise in adoption. These issues are dealt with under the Child Care Act. I, therefore, resist this amendment.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I am not sure why the Minister of State is resisting it. If one takes the Russian situation, there are 34 missing post-placement reports. The Russian authorities have decided to put their foot down and, probably rightly so, request the reports. This links with a later amendment as to whether the Health Service Executive has the resources to do the necessary work in this area. Given that this is an ongoing issue and that post-placement reports are required and are good practice, I am still not clear as to why the Minister of State is not accepting this amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The protections afforded to non-adopted children are also afforded to adopted children under the Child Care Act. If the concern is related to post-placement reports, that is a separate issue. It is not an obligation of the Adoption Authority.
There is also the constitutional issue of the right of any family to exclude a person from insisting on a post-placement report. Under the Constitution, a family does not have an obligation to furnish information about its children to any statutory authority for the benefit of a third country. That is why there is no statutory obligation in this regard. The Health Service Executive and the Adoption Authority have facilitated adoptive parents in attempting to comply with requirements from countries such as Russia that wish to obtain post-placement information.

Senator David Norris: That is not correct.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Norris, please.

Senator David Norris: The word “report” is not contained in the amendment. Why is the Minister of State going on about it?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Norris, please.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 8:

In page 19, line 33, after “Executive” to insert “or of an accredited body”.
It is obvious from the debates on the earlier amendments that the Health Service Executive is in no position to provide all the supports necessary in this area. This amendment allows such supports to be provided by other accredited bodies, a perfectly proper and appropriate proposal. I hope on this occasion the Minister of State will address the amendment and not allow himself to be seduced into the byways as he was with the previous amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I answered the questions I was asked.

Senator David Norris: He neglected the actual substance of the amendment which referred to support. 12 o’clock

Deputy Barry Andrews: I was asked a question about Russia.

Senator David Norris: I know that but it does not matter. I put my name to the amendment because I supported it and knew what it meant.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I am learning my lesson. I will not extemporise.

Senator David Norris: I did not want to venture into the byways. The Minister of State could easily have accepted it because it was directly analogous to the preceding amendment. If he accepts one, it is daft that he does not accept the other. They are bound by the idea that in this human situation both adoptive and adoptee families should be given as much support as possible. We are suggesting the addition of the phrase “an accredited body”, in other words, the organisations which have done sterling work in supporting families. I grudgingly admit they have also done sterling work in lobbying us on these issues.
This appears to me a reasonable amendment and I will not throw a tantrum if the Minister of State is prepared to accept the principle of it and consider its reintroduction in the other House. I realise he will not do so in this House.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment. This is the first time in our debate on the Bill that we have raised the issue of accredited agencies. I have tabled a number of amendments which allow accredited agencies as well as the HSE to take action under the Bill. When I raised this issue during our last debate on the Bill, I understood from the Minister of State’s response that he was against the idea of an accredited agency and was satisfied the HSE was competent to do the necessary work. However, I since read in an interview in The Sunday Business Post that he now agrees that the concept of an accredited agency would be useful in dealing with the well-documented problems this country faces in terms of waiting lists for adoption assessments.
It is completely unacceptable that people have to wait years for assessments which are relatively straightforward. Certain established procedures must be followed, various people are interviewed and references are checked. The waiting lists exist because there is a shortage of the personnel required to do this work in a timely and efficient manner. These delays are particularly distressing for couples who become ineligible because of age limits and who in many cases have already undergone fertility treatments. I am sure the Minister of State read the two letters on this subject in The Irish Times today. For quite some time we have had a failed system of assessment with the result that children and parents have been left in limbo. The two letters in The Irish Times say it all. It is clearly beyond the HSE’s capabilities at present to conduct adoption assessments in an efficient and speedy manner. It is not that organisation’s fault because it has not been adequately resourced to do the job requested of it. It is in an impossible situation.
A leading article by Carl O’Brien in The Irish Times today reports that social workers in Wexford simply cannot deal with their caseloads. These social workers, who are part of the Minister of State’s area of responsibility, lack sufficient resources to meet all the demands made of them. That article also reveals that hundreds of children who are at risk have not been allocated social workers and their cases are on the shelves of offices around the country. We are debating this Bill in the context of the Monageer report, which clearly reveals that two children and two adults were failed despite the fact they were contacted at a very early stage when the parents were recognised as having disabilities. Even though they were in contact with a range of organisations and were assessed by numerous experts, the system failed. The capacity of the HSE to assess couples on waiting lists is a serious matter.
Senator Norris has moved an amendment that develops for the first time in the context of this Bill the concept of an accredited body. This would involve a body other than the HSE which would operate to the standards set out in the Bill. It is critical that the highest standards apply to any agency working in this area. The Minister of State has stated he believes in the concept of an accredited body, perhaps after reflecting on the discussions in this House. However, he has not brought an amendment to provide for such an agency.
If we are serious about legislation and if words are to mean anything, now is the time to make such an amendment. This is our first opportunity to discuss an accredited body which would have delegated powers and responsibility for adoption assessment. I welcome the Minister of State’s comments in this regard because for too long we have been approached by families who were distressed by the length of time assessments take. I do not for a moment claim this is a simple process and I recognise the issues involved are highly complex. Clearly, however, the State has failed to provide a workable and reasonable system. The endless delays only add to the distress of those who seek to adopt. Those who have shared their concerns with us about Vietnam and Russia have already experienced incredible delays in the adoption process. They have encountered social workers who were not replaced while on maternity leave and assessments which were promised but never happened or were postponed for two or three years. This is the context for our proposal on accredited bodies. If I thought the system was working, I would not call for the establishment of such bodies. It is clear, however, that the system is broken in terms of adoption assessments and we need to consider alternatives.
I look forward to hearing the Minister of State’s response. He is probably the first Government Member to admit the system is broken. It is about time somebody did something about it in order to make a difference to people’s lives. Ireland’s adoption societies and agencies have built up significant expertise and can provide suitable staff for an accreditation organisation. The system could work if it were streamlined in this way. I welcome the Minister of State’s change of heart, if the newspaper reports are correct, and I hope he will clarify whether he intends to proceed with the concept of an accredited body.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I support Senator Fitzgerald. It is great that the Minister of State acknowledged the executive could also be interchanged with an accredited body for the reasons Senator Fitzgerald outlined. The waiting time for assessment is unacceptable because by the time many couples find out they have a difficulty conceiving a child and have pursued fertility treatment and other investigations and can afford to buy their own home, they are in their late 30s. They join assessment waiting lists and by the time they are approved for adoption of a child, they could be in their mid-40s. It is unacceptable as couples lose many good child rearing years, which can have an impact on the quality of parenting and so on.
It introduces a great deal of sadness into a couple’s lives that an agency is holding up their lives. Many couples have described the HSE as acting like God. There is no question that the assessment needs to be rigorous because the process is ultimately about the child and not the couple. We have a good record in this jurisdiction in parenting and providing good adoptive parents but it is not acceptable that the HSE can hold up people’s lives to this extent. I welcome the establishment of an accredited body which has clear terms of reference and which uses strict criteria and high standards. The Minister of State should examine how it is funded and perhaps a significant amount of work could be taken from the HSE because it is clear on many fronts that the executive is not coping with children’s issues.
Child protection is in crisis. There have been many child abuse cases. We have had the Monageer and Cloyne reports and the Ombudsman for Children recently suspended an investigation because the HSE would not co-operate. How can the executive respond to all these investigations? It is not managing, yet prospective adoptive couples face waits of between three and five years for assessment. There is great merit in putting an accredited body in place.

Senator Mary M. White: Our vision through this legislation should be to deliver a compassionate revision of the existing circumstances in which people who want to adopt children find themselves. It is cruel to prospective adoptive parents that they must hang on for between six and ten years for approval. This is totally unnecessary. I agree families must be scrutinised rigorously but if we can speed up the process through the enactment of this legislation, we will make a dramatic change in the lives of people who want to adopt children.
Senators Fitzgerald and Healy Eames mentioned the Monageer report. I have some sympathy with the argument about the lack of resources in the HSE but why were 27 pages of the report blacked out and seven recommendations left out? This is not only about lack of resources and one must read between the blacked out lines. The HSE has buckets of money with an annual budget of €14.5 billion and 111,000 staff. We are making great progress in improvements in the HSE but it needs to prioritise radically where it is spending its money and what are the areas of greatest need.
As I said to the Minister of State in another arena yesterday, the primary recommendation in the Monageer report is the provision of a 24 hours a day, seven days a week social work service.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: We are not debating the Monageer report.

Senator Mary M. White: My two colleagues were freely allowed to discuss it.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: They mentioned it in passing.

Senator Mary M. White: They went on about it and I am entitled to do the same. We are debating the HSE’s resources. The executive needs to become much more efficient and reallocate its human resources. It does not seem to have the ability of the private sector to manage.
The next four recommendations in the Monageer report relate to gardaí reporting to their immediate managers, gardaí reporting to the HSE and so on. These are common-sense recommendations and they refer to the normal way of doing business. Serious warnings were issued about the family involved in this case and nobody, other than the undertaker, used his or her common sense. Officials should have reported concerns to their managers in the HSE or elsewhere. The issue is people doing their jobs, not financial resources. People will become complacent because many pages in the report have been blacked out and this could lead them to believe that if they do not do their job properly, they will not be exposed. The report demonstrates clearly that local HSE problems were dumped on the Garda, which was not fair.
There is no difference of opinion among political parties about the Bill. We all support it and people who are calling on us and asking for help all concur that Deputy Barry Andrews is an outstanding Minister of State and they are lucky to have him in this Ministry as this time. We must energise the system and speed up the process and time involved in parents adopting their child following approval.
Reference was made to the Dowse case yesterday and a colleague and I had an exchange over it. If my comments on it were hurtful to anybody, I sincerely apologise because it was the last thing I intended. This is a serious human issue. People’s emotions have been seriously disturbed.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I refer to declarations of eligibility and suitability, about which I commented in the media. Section 37(3) states:

(3) As soon as practicable after the Health Service Executive receives an application under subsection (1), the Health Service Executive shall take the following steps concerning the adoption proposed under the separate application referred to in subsection (2)(b) or arrange for the steps to be taken by an accredited body ... (b) carrying out an assessment of eligibility and suitability in relation to the applicants[.]
That is permitted in the Bill. Nevertheless, that does not address the problem that we must set up an appropriate body and give it the appropriate powers to do the declaration of assessment. This is concerned with the assessment of eligibility and suitability, and that remains to be done. I have undertaken to speak with the associations, with the advice of the Attorney General, to determine what we can do within that section. It is to do with the eligibility and the assessment. As I said, it is not fair to have a prolonged system of assessment that creates stresses in families. Equally, even if it was foreshortened, it does not mean that stresses will not be caused by this process, because it is stressful. I have met couples who have been through assessments other than by the Health Service Executive who find it stressful. It can create stresses in marriages and relationships. We have to remove that part that is unnecessarily prolonged because of bureaucracy. That is my determination.
On the issues raised about child protection, when I was appointed Minister of State I said child protection would be my priority, and it has been my priority. In the past year we have made significant progress in developing structures, changes and reforms in the area, including announcements I made in recent weeks. In the first instance the HSE has agreed to appoint an individual who will be solely responsible for children and families. That is the first time that has happened nationally in our health services structure. For the first time we will have somebody who will parallel, on an implementation level, the policy responsibility that I and the Office of the Minister for Children has had since it was set up to underline our commitment to this area as a Government.
We have also set up a task force to address the legacy of the former health boards whereby referrals are done in a different way in different health board areas. They have passed down through the local health offices and we have now almost completed a process of standardisation which will ensure we will have a single national way of referring, assessing risk and determining waiting lists. In that way we will know where the problems are - I recognise problems exist and I would not have set it as a priority if they did not - and allocate resources accordingly. We will be able to understand where the gaps are. We also need to bring this into the information technology era to ensure we have a data bank of resources.
Senator Mary White hit the nail on the head. There has been much mention of out -of-hours resources in regard to Monageer. That was the key finding. It has been acknowledged, however, that an out-of-hours service probably would not have saved the lives of that tragic family but what is also recommended in the report is better co-ordination among agencies. That is why I believe that if we standardise the way the different heath offices work in terms of child protection and give them the facility to share the information using technology, there is a possibility that at any one time we can X-ray the system to see where children are at risk, where the numbers are greatest and where the resource allocations need to be reconsidered.
I was also pleased to announce that social workers are exempt from the recruitment embargo in the HSE.

Senator Phil Prendergast: That is very welcome.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: That is great news.

Deputy Barry Andrews: That again underlines the fact that we recognise this is an area of major priority.
Having made the point about section 37 it might clarify the reason this part of the Bill, page 19, Part 3, concerns the placement for adoption. The section the Senator is attempting to amend, section 12, concerns the statutory authorities rather than any accredited body and allowing them permission to enter the home in circumstances where they wish to make or recognise an adoption. It has nothing to do with the assessment process. I hope the point I made on section 37 explains the reason I will not support the amendment.

Senator David Norris: Perhaps it is because we are on Report Stage that there are so many references to reports of various kinds. There was a reference to the absence of proper reports in the Russian situation and now we have mention of the Monageer report, which is not directly relevant but since it has been opened up by Senators and by the Minister of State, I will mention it. What concerns me principally about the Monageer report - I said this on the Order of Business - is not the blacking out of sections on legal advice but the fact that seven of the recommendations were deleted. How in the name of God can we function effectively as a Parliament if in monitoring the implementation of these recommendations nobody is allowed to know what they are except two citizens of this State? That is absurd. There are ways around that. The way around it - the Minister of State probably knows this because it has been done previously - is to read them into the record of either House of the Oireachtas or of a privileged committee of the House. It then becomes part of the record and we are protected against any legal recourse in so doing. I recommend the Minister to consider this option, not perhaps with regard to all of it. I am not one of those who goes around looking for heads on a plate. That is largely a waste of time, but we ought to know what are the recommendations. The Minister of State might consider reading those into the record of the House and giving us his answer.
I unreservedly welcome the Minister’s statement that there is no embargo on the recruitment of social workers.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Hear, hear.

Senator David Norris: I sincerely hope he is right. Will he comment, as Minister with responsibility for children, on the article on the front page of The Irish Times about a report which states that thousands of children at risk of abuse have no social worker? How can that be explained if there is no embargo on the recruitment of social workers? Why is it not being done? One third of the 21,000 children who were reported as being at risk have no social worker. If there is no embargo we are entitled to ask why that is the case. The report states that the cases where there is information to suggest the child is at immediate risk of harm should receive the highest priority. I will leave that matter because I want to deal with the amendment.
As I understand it, the Minister has helpfully drawn our attention to the existence of the phrase I wish to insert, namely, “or of an accredited body”. I welcome the fact that this phrase exists so that there is an acknowledgement at a later point in the Bill. It does not appear that there is any insuperable difficulty in accepting the addition of “or of an accredited body” at this point.
I had difficulty in hearing it but the Minister made some reference to legal advice he has received. Will he disclose that to the House if he is saying that-----

Deputy Barry Andrews: In the context of what?

Senator David Norris: Senator Fitzgerald may have heard that comment also. The Minister has not received legal advice-----

Deputy Barry Andrews: I did not mention anything about legal advice, to the best of my recollection.

Senator David Norris: There is no legal advice in existence independent of this.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I did not say there was no legal objection, I am just saying I did not say anything about legal advice.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I think it was a comment about the legality of it.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Minister can contribute again. Senator Norris, without interruption.

Senator David Norris: Perhaps it was something different. The Minister will no doubt let us know if there is legal advice to the effect that there is a difficulty. I do not imagine that could possibly be the case but the Minister might be frank with us and acknowledge if it is the case and, if so, he might indicate what it is. It cannot be a financial difficulty because if it was a financial difficulty this amendment would have been ruled out of order by the Cathaoirleach on the basis that it would create a charge on the Exchequer. The fact that the amendment has survived is clear and cogent proof that there is no financial implication. Otherwise, to quote the late and not so great Lord Denning, it would be an appalling vista that the Cathaoirleach had misadvised himself and the House on this matter and permitted an illegal amendment to be discussed.

Senator Mary M. White: A sullied man now.

Senator David Norris: Yes, exactly. For those reasons I would like the Minister to tease out the matter first and address those questions. Admittedly, one of them deals with the Monageer report and the problem with the recommendations. They are the crucial issues. I welcome the Minister’s statement that the appointment of social workers is not embargoed but, if not, why are thousands of children at risk? With regard to the amendment, this phrase already exists in the legislation at the Minister’s behest. In the absence of either a legal or financial impediment and taking account of the fact, for which I am very grateful, that there has been very supportive debate by all Senators from all shades of opinion and all parties and none, the Minister might find it in his heart to go a little further in accepting this idea.

Deputy Barry Andrews: To clarify, I said that Part 3 of the Bill concerns placement for adoption. The statutory authorities, the Adoption Authority and the HSE have the right, under section 12, to visit the home of the child or the guardian for the purpose of placement. It is solely that issue. It would not be appropriate for any other body to have a right to enter or visit the home created on a statutory basis. That is my opinion and it is why I am resisting this amendment. The concerns the Senator raised about the assessment process are dealt with later in the Bill. If I did so, I did not mean to say that legal advice was specifically sought on this issue. It was not.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is the amendment being pressed?

Senator David Norris: No. There are many other amendments to be discussed. It would be nice to have a vote but it would be a waste of time.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 15, 16, 26, 30 and 31 are related to amendment No. 9. Amendment No. 16 is a technical alternative to amendment No. 15 and amendment No. 31 is a technical alternative to amendment No. 30. Is it agreed that amendments Nos. 9, 15, 16, 26, 30 and 31 be discussed together? Agreed.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 9:

In page 20, between lines 10 and 11, to insert the following:

”(a) the birth of the child has been registered, and either the particulars of the father have been registered or the mother has sworn and furnished to the accredited body a statutory declaration that the father is unknown or missing, and cannot be traced using reasonable inquiries, unless the court permits placement notwithstanding a failure or refusal to swear such a statutory declaration,”.

The Bill does not specifically require a child’s birth to be registered before placement for adoption. This is an omission. More fundamentally, the father’s details should be registered where adoption is contemplated unless the mother completes a statutory declaration to the effect that the father is unknown or missing and cannot be traced using reasonable inquiries. We believe the father’s rights should be enhanced in this provision.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment. Are the amendments being taken separately in terms of proposing and seconding them?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: They are being discussed together but each one will be individually proposed and seconded.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I do not agree with all the amendments in the group. Amendment No. 9 relates to the conditions for adoption, many of which are included in the Bill at a later stage. We support the suggestion but the right of the father to be consulted is dealt with later in the Bill. Perhaps Senator Prendergast or Senator Norris will clarify amendment No. 15 as it appears to limit the rights of fathers to be consulted. Why would consulting the father be detrimental to the interests of the child? I am interested in hearing the Minister’s response to that amendment. We support amendment No. 16. Amendment No. 26 relates to the father’s rights if his name is on the birth certificate. It is a reasonable proposal. Amendment No. 31, proposed by Fine Gael, deals with the situation where the father is unavailable because of a criminal offence.

Senator David Norris: I support the Labour Party amendment. Amendments Nos. 15 and 30 are in my name. They are similarly worded. I am interested in hearing the Minister’s response to them. It is a function of this House to tease out the implications of legislation not just in areas where we have direct concern ourselves but also on behalf of people who request that these matters be examined. I understand Senator Fitzgerald’s diffidence in addressing my amendments because they appear to curtail the rights of the biological father. This is an important issue and one on which the public commentator, Mr. John Waters, has been extremely vocal in defending the rights of natural fathers. He and a substantial lobby group of fathers have been vociferous in expressing their views.
I had some reservations about putting down the amendment because I believe there is a natural interest on the part of the biological father in the fate, welfare and destiny of any offspring. However, for these amendments to come into operation the responsible authority - one assumes such an authority would be responsible - would have the right to decide to place the child for adoption without extensive consultation with the natural father in a situation where it had been clearly demonstrated that this would be detrimental to the best interests of the child. Curiously, on one occasion in the past I was involved in a situation where the guardians and mother of a child, in particular circumstances which it would not be appropriate to outline in the House, clearly believed that the best interests of the child would most emphatically not be served by any awakening of interest in the father, whose connection with the mother was casual in the extreme. He was a person of quite suspect character whose interest in the child might be awakened and might turn out to be malign. These are very unusual circumstances. It is because of my knowledge of this situation that I put forward the amendment. I respect the rights of biological fathers.
The second clause in the amendment deals with the issue of delay. Again, I am anxious to hear the Minister’s response. It is perhaps not wholly appropriate to say so but my support for this part of the amendment is a little lukewarm. Although I acknowledge the passionate feelings of prospective parents in wishing to accelerate the proceedings, one must be very careful to ensure that whatever delay is involved is indeed undue. Taking the language at face value, the amendment provides that it must be demonstrated that the situation would be detrimental to the child, as provided in (a), or that the delay would be undue, as provided in (b). With those two provisos I am prepared to put the amendment before the House. I await with interest the Minister’s response.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I thank the Senators for their comments. There is a range of amendments to consider. The amendments are related to each other in that they deal with consents to the making of an adoption order and the placing of a child for adoption. When considering whether to accept the amendments we must have cognisance of sections 16 to 18 because they go into much greater detail on the rights of the father and enhance the rights of the father while balancing them against the paramount interest, namely, that of the child, and also of the mother.
Section 16 refers to the right of the father to be consulted on the placement of a child for adoption. Section 17 requires the accredited body to take reasonable steps to ensure the father has been consulted. Section 18 deals with circumstances where the father’s consent can be dispensed with on the authority of the High Court. In that three-stage strategy we try to introduce a balance in favour of a father’s rights against the mother’s rights and the child’s paramount rights to be considered in any issue relating to the placement of a child for adoption. The later amendments in the group consider the father’s rights on consent. We are dealing with the same principle in two different parts of the adoption process.
I accept that the amendment is well motivated but the concerns are addressed in the provisions of sections 16 to 18 and in the consents section later in the Bill. The concerns that have been raised have been adequately dealt with and reflect properly the balance that is required. One should bear in mind that, overall, this is a child-centred approach and the interests of the child are paramount. We have tried also to introduce such safeguards to ensure fathers are properly given an opportunity to object to consent in an informed way and that they are given all the support necessary to make those decisions. The decision in question is a life-long one and every step must be taken to ensure the decision made by the adoption authority is made in full knowledge of everybody who has a right prior to the adoption being made.

Senator Phil Prendergast: Section 16 merely gives a right to the father to apply to be consulted on adoption. It is extraordinarily insulting and offensive to put in legislation that a father has only a right to be consulted about his own child being permanently removed from him. It is almost unbelievable that this minimal level of protection is proposed in law in 2009. I would like to see fathers protected in this situation by providing that fathers who are named on a birth certificate can veto adoption unless the court gives the go-ahead.
The power to dispense with any attempt even to notify the father is much too wide. The High Court can dispense with any notice to the father if that is deemed inappropriate. We suggest that this measure needs to be tightened up considerably. If the conception of the child was the result of an offence such as rape or incest there should be no need to notify the father but otherwise notification should be given. That was the reason for the amendment.
It is presumed that unless the contrary is shown that the welfare of the child is best promoted in the society of both the child’s natural parents. In effect, that test arises from the Supreme Court decision N v. HSE. The welfare of the child is not a free-standing concept and there must be a presumption that welfare is best promoted in the natural family unless the contrary is shown. Welfare is not to be reduced to a financial-type contest between natural parents and perhaps more well-heeled adoptive parents. That was the reason that amendment was proposed.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The legislation is child centred. The Child Care Act understands the concept of children’s rights in the context of the rights of parents which, as we are aware, are established in the Constitution. However, the adoption process is a final break between a natural parent and a child and, as such, that process must be concluded with all due consideration. Reference was made to section 17, which includes the provision that if a father objects to a placement, the process will be suspended for a period of not less than 21 days to allow the father to apply for guardianship under the Guardianship of Infants Act. That is another safeguard and if that is unsuccessful one still has the right to apply to the High Court to determine the matter. A sufficient number of checks and balances are included in the Bill.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Amendments Nos. 10 to 12, inclusive, not moved.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 13 and 14 are related and will be discussed together.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 13:

In page 22, line 2, to delete “not being less than” and substitute “of”.
I wish to ask the Minister of State about the reference to the Hague Convention in Part 2. The placing of the explanatory report in the Oireachtas Library is completely superfluous. It does not mean anything. Perhaps I will speak to the Minister of State about that in private. I presume I could have had an opportunity to talk about it on the section.
The amendment seeks to impose a limitation. The idea of undue delay and accelerating the process arises again. Amendment No. 14 specifies “not more than 35 days”. Again, as I understand it, that is to try to limit the delay. Section 17(3)(b)(i) states: “[N]otify the father and the mother in writing in the prescribed manner that the accredited body is deferring the placement for a period specified in the notice, not being less than 21 days”. My intention is to remove the phrase “not being less than” and to make the period specific at 21 days. The aim is to ensure that rather than being a minimum period, it is the exact period. Again, I do this on the advice of one of the lobbying groups.

An Cathaoirleach: Is the amendment seconded?

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: No, I have a separate amendment.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Senator David Norris: That will mean we can hear the Minister of State’s response.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: We suggest in this amendment that the timeframe of 35 days would be more realistic. A period of 21 days is too short. For example, a person might change address or a letter could be lost owing to postal difficulties. A change to 35 days would give the father sufficient time for reflection. That is a slightly different point from that made by Senator Norris whose amendment refers to three weeks in this context. I appreciate that we want to be child centred on this and that the Minister of State is balancing various rights. The amendment suggests that 35 days would give a little bit more time to the father to reflect and for people to contact him to be sure of his views.

Deputy Barry Andrews: Just before the phrase “not less than 21 days” on the top of page 22, the Bill refers to “the placement specified in the notice”. Therefore, there is a specification of a period, and this should be not less than 21 days. We are dealing with a situation where a father is objecting to his child being placed with an adopted parent. It is quite a significant thing, so some flexibility is required. We are saying that not less than 21 days should be specified in the notice period. In any case, the likely scenarios cover a much broader spectrum. Experience tells us that this discretionary approach is warranted. It upholds the balances in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. We believe that a minimum period of not less than 21 days is the correct period because it is an issue of such obvious importance. Once the father applies for guardianship, the child cannot be placed until those proceedings are determined, so there is a further period. I would not be inclined to accept these amendments.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments Nos. 14 to 16, inclusive, not moved.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 17 to 20, inclusive, 32 and 34 are related and may be discussed together.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 17:

In page 23, line 9, to delete “refuses to” and substitute “does not”.
This amendment arose at an earlier stage. We had some discussion about it when Senator Bacik tabled it. I certainly felt that it was worth discussing with the Minister of State on Report Stage.
Amendment No. 17 is a technical amendment about the mother co-operating with the father’s identity in the consent procedure, as are amendments Nos. 18 to 20, inclusive and amendments Nos. 32 and 34. Senator Bacik addressed this issue in quite a lot of detail on Committee Stage, and I would be interested to hear what the Minister of State has to say on it.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I am grateful to Senator Fitzgerald for outlining the background to these amendments. I tabled them on Committee Stage and I was supported by Senator Fitzgerald, Senator Norris and others. The sense of them is not about changing the meaning of any of the relevant provisions but rather to change the language. The language used is based on the previous version of these provisions is judgmental and reflects a view of the mother as being in some way unco-operative. The word used is that the mother “refuses” to reveal the father’s identity. The reality is that when mothers are putting their babies up for adoption, it is a deeply traumatic personal circumstance that means that they cannot keep the baby. There may be all sorts of reasons for which they cannot reveal the father’s identity. To suggest that it is a wilful refusal implies a judgment or a condemnation of the mother in some way. That is the wrong sort of language to be placing in a Bill about adoption which is about the putting the rights of the child uppermost but also about recognising the human tragedy of the mother’s situation, who is making the dreadfully difficult decision of putting her child up for adoption.
I would like to see us change the language. I do not want to change the meaning because it is important that mothers are encouraged to reveal the father’s identity for the sake of their children. This amendment would not change the meaning of the Bill but it would change the message we are sending to mothers in this situation if we said that instead of the mother refusing to reveal, we spoke about the mother who does not reveal the father’s identity. There is no judgment in that case. It might be because she is unable to do so as she does not know him. There would be many reasons she would not know the father’s name and it may not be anything like a wilful refusal.
The further amendments are in the same vein. There is a sense in which the implication behind the language currently used is that the mother’s co-operation is not forthcoming with the adoption authorities. That is not helpful and it would be better to describe the mother as assisting rather than co-operating. It is really a change in language to change the message we are sending to mothers in this very difficult personal decision. The Minister of State accepted that I had a point on the message underlying the language and I would be grateful to hear if he has considered changing it.

Senator David Norris: I largely support the arguments made by Senator Bacik and Senator Fitzgerald. They have done us a service by tabling these amendments. One would want to avoid any element of coercion of the mother, and that is the one thing that concerns me. By using words like “persuading” and so on, it feels as if moral pressure is being put on mothers.
It is sometimes possible that there could be a wilful refusal. There can also be other kinds of refusals that concern issues beyond not providing the identity of the father. An act can be deliberate without being wilful and an act in these circumstances could be deliberate without being malicious and could also be in the interests of the child. I can envisage circumstances in support of the use of the term “does not” or the inclusion of some additional phrase. The mother may not be in a position to reveal the identity of the father for a variety of reasons. For example, she could be unconscious or in a vegetative state. If I applied my mind to it, I could think of a number of circumstances in which it would be impossible or ill advised for the mother to reveal the identity of the father.
I am happy to support these amendments but the matter needs to be examined in greater depth. Perhaps the Minister of State can give a commitment to do that before the Bill goes to the Dáil.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I second the Amendment. We discussed this issue at length on Committee Stage. The Minister of State indicated he would look at the language. As Senator Bacik says, it is not about the meaning but about using kinder language. Instead of using the word “refuses”, we can use “does not” instead. Words such as the former could cast the mother in a very poor light and we do not know the circumstances, which may be harrowing for a mother, that would make it difficult for her to co-operate. I ask the Minister of State to look again at the language in this part of the Bill while retaining the thrust of the meaning.

Sitting suspended at 1 p.m. and resumed at 2 p.m.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: We resume our discussion on amendments Nos. 17 to 20, inclusive, and 32 and 34. I call on the Minister of State, Deputy Andrews.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The suggestion is made in amendment No. 17 that we replace the term “refuses to” with “does not”. There are further consequent and related amendments. In my view, it is almost impossible to change the language of a Bill without, as Senator Bacik suggested, changing its meaning. If we use the term “refuses to” in one section and “does not” in another, inevitably that contrast will be pointed out by lawyers and it will be assumed the Oireachtas meant one thing in one section and something else in another section.
While I am sympathetic to the concept, I believe there is an absolute obligation on us to underline the seriousness of the refusal or failure - whatever the phrase one chooses to use - of a mother to provide the name of the father, if at all possible. We must remember this is a child centred policy from which so much flows. A child has a right to know his or her father. We must underline that seriousness by the inclusion of these words. They are not meant as an admonition but are used to underline the seriousness of this issue. As Senator Bacik stated, there may be many reasons this has come to pass. While some people may be offended by these words others might be encouraged by them to reveal the father’s name or identity, which is in the child’s interest.
While I accept the motivation of the amendment, to safeguard children’s human rights the wording used must remain.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: We have had a good discussion on this issue on Committee Stage and in this House. I agree with the Minister of State on the right of the child to know and have access to his or her father. That is absolutely critical. Some countries have mandatory obligations in this regard. It is an issue which should be examined in context.
The reason behind these technical amendments is the punitive language used in respect of a mother. Perhaps the Minister of State will consider the addition of the term “does not” when this matter comes before the Dáil. That might be a way of dealing with this which covers both eventualities. There may well be circumstances where the mother would not be able to state the identity of the father, including that she does not know it.
I note a later section also deals to some degree with this issue.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments Nos. 18 to 20, inclusive, not moved.
An Cathaoirleach: As Senators Norris or Bacik are not here to move amendment No. 21, the amendment lapses.

Amendment No. 21 not moved.
Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 22:

In page 24, line 15, after “consideration” to insert the following:

“, and it shall be presumed unless the contrary is shown that the welfare of the child is best promoted in the society of either or both of the child’s natural parents”.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The relevant section deals with adoption orders. Earlier, we discussed placements. Obviously at this stage of an adoption the parents have agreed to have the child placed for adoption. I suggest, therefore, that the amendment is unnecessary. It is understood at this stage of the process that the child’s best interests have been considered in the context of the natural parents. We dealt earlier with the situation in respect of placements.
Section 19 provides that in any matter, application or proceedings before the authority or any court relating to the adoption of a child, the authority or the court shall have regard to the welfare of the child as the first and paramount consideration. That would be the correct approach and it is appropriately expressed in this section.

Senator Phil Prendergast: As I stated earlier the test arose from the Supreme Court decision in the case of N v. the HSE. The principle set out in the amendment is pro-family, which leaves ample room for the rights of the child to be protected where the presumption is rebutted.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Amendments Nos. 23 and 24 not moved.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No 25 is out of order.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Why has the amendment been ruled out of order?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: It does not arise from Committee proceedings. All the amendments being discussed are being taken because arose from discussion on Committee Stage.

Amendment No 25 not moved.
Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 26:

In page 26, line 4, after “mother” to insert the following:

“, father (if named on the child’s birth certificate),”.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment.

Amendment put and declared lost.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 27 to 29, inclusive, are out of order as they do not arise from Committee proceedings.

Amendments Nos. 27 to 29, inclusive, not moved.
Amendment No. 30 not moved.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 31:

In page 28, line 11, before “it” to insert “the father has committed an offence such that”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 32:

In page 28, line 16, to delete “refuses” and substitute “does not”.

Senator David Norris: I second the amendment.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 33:

In page 28, to delete lines 26 to 28 and substitute the following:

“After counselling the mother the Authority may make the adoption order without consulting the father if---”.
This is similar to the other amendments and deals with, in a sense, the excision of the father from the deciding process. For that reason I am slightly half-hearted about it. However, I tabled the amendment on advice from some groups with the intention of ascertaining the response of the Minister of State. As I said on a previous amendment there may be extreme circumstances in which this could be appropriate - I can just about imagine them. However, I would initially like to hear the response of the Minister of State.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: Section 30 provides that the authority shall take such steps as are reasonably practicable to ensure the father of the child is consulted on the adoption order. The section provides that the authority must obtain the approval of the High Court before dispensing with the requirement to consult the father before the adoption order is made. The requirement to obtain High Court approval before dispensing with the father’s right to be consulted is in recognition of the father’s right regarding adoption. The provision seeks to safeguard those rights by requiring the authority to obtain High Court approval before dispensing with those rights.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 34 not moved.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 35 and 63 are related and may be discussed together.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 35:

In page 28, between lines 36 and 37, to insert the following:

31.---(1) In this section, “a contact order” means an order requiring the person with whom a child lives, or is to live, to allow the child to visit or stay with the person named in the order, or for that person and the child otherwise to have contact with each other.

(2) Where the father is consulted under section 30(3) of this Act, the Court may make a contact order in favour of the father, on such terms as the Court may see fit.
The amendment makes provision for a contact order, which is permitted in British legislation, where the natural father would have the right to apply for a contact order with the child after adoption. Obviously we are in a different legal scenario from that which exists in the UK. I reference that to make the point that the concept of open adoption and ongoing contact is becoming more prevalent. It is very often seen to be in the child’s best interest. Very often adoptive parents themselves are very keen on this concept because they understand that some contact with the biological parent can be beneficial for the child at an appropriate stage.
It is a very different concept of adoption from the traditional one we had which was a closed system. However, we have got to understand more about children’s needs. The idea of adoption has developed and grown from countrywide adoption to international adoption. Open adoption may and will become more prevalent in the future. It does not mean endless and ongoing contact. It means that very often by agreement there is contact between the adoptive parents and the biological parent. This can take a very different format. It can be an exchange of photographs or birthday cards. It can be exchanging information about key milestones. Sometimes it can mean physical contact, with the biological parent coming into contact with the child, usually with the agreement, obviously, of the adoptive parents.
This section of the Bill, section 31, attempts to reflect the reality that there is more open adoption. I would be interested in the views of the Minister of State on the matter. Clearly the Constitution, which he has mentioned a number of times, circumscribes how we deal with adoption law here. If we had decided to introduce a constitutional amendment on children and inserted the rights of children into the Constitution, we might have addressed certain sections of the Bill differently. The Minister of State has commented about that matter on a number of occasions when discussing various sections. Given that the Government is considering a constitutional amendment on the rights of children, I would be interested to hear the comments of the Minister of State in that regard. It may be that given our current situation, he cannot accept or even consider this amendment. However, I would like him to outline his understanding of the constitutional issues that arise regarding children given that we do not have a constitutional provision at the moment covering the best interests of the child in his or her own right.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The area being discussed is quite interesting. As Senator Fitzgerald has said, there is a body of opinion that open adoption will become more common in the future.
However as the Senator is aware, the current position is that an adoption order effects the termination of the relationship between the natural parent and the child. Therefore, the child is treated in law in the same way as any other child and this is protected under the Constitution. Nevertheless, the Oireachtas joint committee to which the Senator referred is examining the constitutional rights of the child. It has done a great deal of work on this issue already and has until the end of the summer to work on it as a report is due at the end of September.
There are various ways in which one might like to call adoption a form of alternative care. There is a long tradition of fostering in Ireland, which can be a short-term measure for a period of months if a child is in a difficult position in its own family home. In addition, much more long-term fostering exists and many rights to which I referred yesterday have been given in respect of long-term fostering situations, including the right to consent to medical treatment and to apply for passports. Relative adoption also exists, whereby relatives of a child adopt and in such circumstances, although a full adoption has taken place, there often is contact with the natural parents.
However, the Government is constrained by the current position. Even were I so inclined, I do not believe I could accept this amendment. The Irish model of adoption is accepted under the Hague Convention on the Protection of Children and Co-operation in respect of Inter-Country Adoption. It would be necessary to carry out a great deal of work to put in place a statutory framework as envisaged by this amendment before one could even consider it. The first step to take will be to go through the Oireachtas Joint Committee on the Constitutional Amendment on Children and to scope out such issues there before making any other statements on this issue.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: As amendment No. 37 is a technical alternative to amendment No. 36, amendments Nos. 36 and 37 may be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 36:

In page 29, to delete lines 22 to 31.
I wish to hear what the Minister of State has to say in this regard. Members had a discussion on this issue on Committee Stage.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is the amendment being seconded?

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: For the purpose of providing clarification for Members, this section refers to adoption orders made by the authority and includes domestic adoption and the adoption of children from abroad in circumstances in which the adoption order is made in Ireland. Section 32 does not relate to the recognition of inter-country adoptions. As for the proposed deletion of this section of the Bill, there is no reason that all involved in the adoption process should not be aware of the religion, if any, of the applicants. The absence of such knowledge could leave the required consent open to being challenged in the courts. The section simply provides that the mother and those whose consent is required, or both, are aware of the religion, if any, of the prospective adopters. The proposed amendment No. 37 further clarifies that point.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Government amendment No. 37:

In page 29, line 28, after “religion” to insert “(if of any religion)”.
Amendment agreed to.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 38:

In page 29, between lines 38 and 39, to insert the following:

“(b) The applicants are a couple of the same sex over 21 years of age who can demonstrate that they have been living together within the jurisdiction for not less than two years and who have demonstrated to the appropriate authorities under this legislation that they are fit persons to adopt.”.
The substance of this amendment was discussed in the debate on Senator Bacik’s amendment that I seconded. All the arguments were made and as there is so much work to be done in the House today, I will listen to the Minister of State’s response to ascertain whether he has developed any further ideas in this regard and perhaps I will come back thereafter. While my colleague, Senator Bacik, may wish to say one or two words, the best interests of neither the House nor the legislation are served by simply reiterating all the same material.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I second Senator Norris’s amendment No. 38, which would have the same effect as my amendment No. 4, which Members debated earlier. The amendment is to insert into the Bill recognition of the position of same-sex couples who are parenting children and who may wish to adopt. I reiterate the point that many children already are living in Ireland with parents who are same-sex partners and who, therefore, must have their legal position vis-à-vis the non-birth parent recognised in law. This issue is being approached from the perspective of the rights and best interests of the child and the amendment simply seeks to give legal recognition to already existing situations, particularly because, as the Minister of State has noted, same-sex couples already are fostering children. Simply put, there is one more piece in the jigsaw, namely, that same-sex couples also should be entitled to adopt in the same way as are married heterosexual couples.
I record my disappointment on how few amendments have been accepted by the Minister of State from Members, given the goodwill he has shown. Moreover, there was a good debate on this Bill on Committee Stage and the Minister of State certainly indicated a willingness to consider some of the principles raised by Members, including the principle of recognition of same-sex parents. I am sorry this has not been reflected in his acceptance of more amendments tabled by Members.

Deputy Barry Andrews: This issue was discussed yesterday and obviously my sentiments have not changed since then. I hope the comments I made yesterday also will stand in respect of this amendment.

Senator David Norris: To flesh out matters slightly, I referred to this kind of amendment when I discussed the amendment tabled by my colleague, Senator Bacik. It is carefully drafted and I assume that at some stage this is the kind of measure that will be introduced. In the first instance, the amendment ensures the involvement of a stable couple, whose members have been involved in a long-term relationship. In addition, it safeguards the rights of the child by requiring the applicants to have demonstrated to the appropriate authorities under this legislation that they are fit persons to adopt.
While there may not be an opportunity under this Bill, I ask the Minister of State to indicate privately to me and to Senator Bacik, who has been instrumental, together with other Members of the House, in teasing out the arguments for this issue, whether he can find out from the Government precisely what are its intentions regarding the civil partnership Bill. The Leader of the House has stated a number of times on the Order of Business that the Bill will be introduced within a certain timeframe. The autumn now is being mentioned but when a Green Party Member is asked, it is due before the summer recess. Will the Minister of State communicate a timeframe to Senator Bacik and me under which at least this part of the puzzle will be resolved?
For example, a situation has arisen in respect of a grandmother who is an average person, who certainly is not a strident or revolutionary person, namely, Mrs. Gill of County Offaly. She passionately makes a plea on behalf of the baby who she considers morally to be her granddaughter but who, because of the non-recognition issue, has no legal connection with her whatsoever. I also refer to the remarkable and dignified pleas that were made by existing and now virtually adult children of gay relationships, both on the airwaves and in the pages of The Irish Times. I record my gratitude to The Irish Times, in respect of both articles and editorials, in seeking to rectify this remaining injustice and violation of people’s civil rights.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: As amendments Nos. 39 and 40 are related, they may be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 39:

In page 31, line 4, after “them” to insert the following:

“(or either of them, if a failure by one only of the married couple to comply with this section would not seriously threaten the welfare of the child)”.
As for amendment No. 39, the qualification on who is suitable to adopt places an unreasonable requirement on the applicants, stressing “each” instead of “either” in terms of their ability to parent. As for amendment No. 40, the tests set out in section 34 are in many respects inappropriate for an application by a parent or relative. For example, section 34(c) refers to means. Are we saying the unmarried father or mother of a child could not become an adopter because he or she had no money? Can we take the reference to age in section 34(b) to mean grandparents could not adopt a grandchild because of age? Clearly we have more sensitive tests that are required by parents or relatives as opposed to unconnected third parties.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I am not sure of the motivation behind this. It is a dilution of the principle that the same standards of eligibility and suitability should apply to all applicants in adoptions in order to protect the interests of the children proposed to be adopted. I cannot see how a married couple can be separated as envisaged by the first amendment so that one could be assessed positively while setting aside concerns that would arise after assessing the other parent separately or if one parent would have failed if he or she applied as a single adopter. Regarding the suggestion that a lack of money is a bar to adoption, section 34(c) states that a person has adequate financial means to support the child. This does not mean one must be rolling in money, simply that one must be able to provide for the child’s needs. That is not unreasonable where we are creating a permanent link between a child and a prospective adoptive parent. The criteria set out are reasonable and motivated by the interests of ensuring the welfare of the child is paramount. I do not accept these amendments because of the dilution of the standards contemplated.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 40 not moved.
Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 41:

In page 31, line 28, after “section 37(1),” to insert the following:

“or to an accredited committee or body on behalf of the Executive”.
We had a comprehensive discussion on this. The Bill appears to state that all applications for assessment must be made to the HSE, which currently manages over 90% of assessments and has presided over the growth of waiting times to start an assessment to over three years in Dublin, Cork and Limerick. The waiting times are awful. People must wait up to five years to be processed through a system that ultimately involves 30 hours of contact with the social worker. Assessments should be robust and should allow for preparation and reflection by the applicants. Anyone who thinks of adopting three times could have to wait 15 years. Provision should be made for accredited agencies, which could conduct such assessments. However, all applications must be made to the HSE and all assessments must be passed back to the HSE placement committee. Effectively, this discourages the establishment of any assessment agency because its sustainability and efficiency would be dictated by the HSE. While regulation is not as pristine a term as it was a few months ago, the Adoption Board would regulate assessments and is the final authority in granting declarations. Assessments by accredited organisations should be directly routed to independent placement committees and applicants should have the opportunity to apply directly to any accredited agency.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment. I would like the Minister of State to comment on this issue. What are his plans for accredited agencies?

Deputy Barry Andrews: I addressed this earlier-----

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: But the Minister of State did not say what he would do.

Deputy Barry Andrews: Amendment No. 40 suggests waiving provisions that are unnecessary for the protection of the child’s welfare. It is important to recognise that adoption is a service for children. Where the State presumes to provide the place of parents or endorse the role of parents, it must be satisfied about the best interests of any child being placed in the care of persons not the child’s parents. Section 37 gives us the opportunity for an accredited body to carry out these assessments. I have had discussions with the representative associations and my staff about what we can do. We have other priorities at the moment, such as bilateral agreements and post placement reports, but I have undertaken to meet with the associations over the summer to find a solution to this. It is too early to say where we will go and how we will provide for such a service but we do not want to create a fast-track assessment where those with lots of money can afford to pay for an assessment. This must be not for profit and the service must be provided equally to all applicants. How that is funded will be discussed with stakeholders. I am ambitious to shorten the time, which is onerous, as pointed out by Senator Prendergast. It is properly onerous in most of the requirements in the criteria. The length of time is unfortunate. We are dealing with a limited number of social workers, as has been identified earlier. These are the same social workers who deal with child protection and post placement reports, which are increasing at a fast rate. While we have no embargo on the recruitment of social workers, we have a finite budget in the normal way. While other categories of employment are embargoed, social workers are not. With a combination of these measures we should be able to tackle the issue.

Amendment put and declared lost.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 42 to 47, inclusive, and Nos. 49 to 55, inclusive, are related and may be discussed together. Amendment No. 43 is a technical alternative to amendment No. 42. Amendments Nos. 50 and 51 are technical alternatives to amendment No. 49.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 42:

In page 31, to delete lines 30 and 31 and substitute the following:

“The Health Service Executive, and an accredited body which places a child for adoption, shall establish one or more adoption committees.”.
This involves the deletion of the opening sentence of section 36, “The Health Service Executive shall establish one or more adoption committees.” and its replacement by the amended text. This concerns the involvement of accredited bodies. I await the response of the Minister of State, which was positive in principle although not to the point of effecting an amendment to the notion of accredited bodies at an earlier stage. Accredited bodies exist and are named in the body of the Bill.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment. I have listened carefully to what the Minister of State said about accepting an accredited body. It seems he is in favour of it in general but not specifically and that he is having discussions in late summer but is not in a position to make it a priority at the moment. If he does establish it, he believes it should not be for profit. I agree because that would be dangerous. The accredited body should have an ethos of equality of access. I would like to see progress on this idea in the body of the Bill. I do not know when this Bill will be debated in the Dáil. There should be some statutory form, as suggested in these amendments. That would strengthen the Government’s hand because the intention would be a statutory provision rather than being reliant on meetings with the interested parties. They are not a substitute for making absolutely sure this happens.
I have already spoken at length about the problems we have at present and I will not revisit them but it seems the Minister of State is addressing an issue as well. There is a lack of clarity because the Minister of State has indicated there is no embargo on the recruitment of social workers but there are limited funds available, which we all recognise. I take up the point made by Senator Mary White earlier with regard to the Monageer report. Of course, it is not just about resources as it is about ensuring that existing resources are managed in the best possible way. There should be a kind of case conferencing, communication and management from the top that ensures families get the sort of services they need.
That was the point I made on that particular case. There was much contact, according to the report, but the problem was the contact was not effective. Resources make up one aspect but there must also be effective work when the resources and people are in place, as well as proper management.
The Minister of State indicated that since entering office, he has tried to ensure he has the facts from each area and that he would get access to the information as quickly as possible. He has tried to see what is happening in different community care areas in order to compare responses etc., which is absolutely critical. However, we are doing this very late in the day. I cannot believe this information is still not at the fingertips of the Department, given that we have had community care and social workers in place for so long trying to work effectively with families and children who are abused. This has been a significant issue in this country and the effectiveness of the response still seems to be open to question despite more money going in. It is not just about resources; it is about their management.
With regard to setting up this agency, the Minister of State appears to be suggesting there may not be finance for the personnel to run it, which may be the reason we are not able to pursue it. That goes against the Minister’s earlier statement that there is no embargo on the appointment of social workers. I know many community care teams are short at the moment and have not had personnel replaced. Senator Norris has raised this point.
Although he might not do it today, will the Minister of State tell us what precisely is the recruitment position? Is there an effective embargo in some areas because of the financial limitations and is that the reason there are cases waiting?
To return to the specifics, it seems the Minister of State is supporting the idea in principle and he would like to see a cut in assessment times. The setting up of an accredited body would probably achieve that but the Minister of State does not appear to be giving any commitment in the short or medium term to establish such a body. Is that correct?

Deputy Barry Andrews: With regard to these amendments, the HSE has the primary and statutory role in child protection in this country. What is envisaged is that the HSE would be the first point of contact. If an accredited agency would be able to carry out some of the procedures relating to assessment, they would do it through the HSE. The statutory procedure is there to allow this to happen but the HSE has the sole responsibility for child protection so the process must go through the executive initially.
If the language expresses “the Health Service Executive or an accredited agency”, such an agency without any statutory authority should not be able to make decisions that are fundamentally about child protection, when the statutory authority in this regard is the HSE. That is one of the issues that will come up and we have discussed already how this would happen. Ultimately, the HSE must have a supervisory role and be able to stand over assessments made because of its obligation under the Child Care Act. It is one issue that must be considered.
The Senator asked whether money is an issue. Unfortunately, with issues relating to health, children and every other aspect of Government there are finite resources, particularly at the moment. The toughest part of politics is telling people we have put a certain amount of money in one area rather than another. Making such decisions and establishing these priorities is difficult but we stand over such decisions.
That we do not have an embargo with regard to social worker appointments is a very significant step forward and I was very pleased to receive that information from the HSE. Nevertheless, finite resources remain and there is no way we will be able to appoint thousands of social workers. We will be able to improve the position but it is not just about resources, it is about working in a different way, as the Senator mentioned. I did not need the Monageer report to underline this to me and that is why the task force on child protection services in the State, which is due to report at the end of this month, is ambitious in ensuring there is a standardised approach across the country with regard to child protection.
The HSE must be the statutory authority with regard to child protection. Ultimately, some of the functions relating to assessment can be given to another accredited body but there must be a supervisory role.

Senator David Norris: There seems to be some degree of movement on the part of the Minister of State because he accepts there can be a role for an accredited body in support of the HSE. I accept the Minister of State is correct in stating there is a statutory supervisory role for the HSE but he also indicated we could not have a position where the language would state “the Health Service Executive or an accredited body”. That is not what is contained in the amendment, which states “the Health Service Executive and an accredited body”. There appears to be a little disjuncture there.
I do not see the point raised by the Minister of State regarding a conflict. As I envisage it, the amendment supplements and assists the work of the HSE while accepting its supervisory role under statute. I welcome what the Minister of State has indicated regarding his interest in expanding the work that is done and so on. He has tailored his remark a little because in an earlier contribution he seemed to suggest there was no embargo on the recruitment of support staff such as social workers and so on but then he said there were still budgetary considerations. Although this may not be a strict embargo, it is certainly a limiting factor in achieving the best results.

Deputy Barry Andrews: One of the amendments in the group uses the conjunctive and the rest use the disjunctive.

Senator David Norris: I beg the Minister of State’s pardon.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The Senator’s amendment uses “and”, which implies that one must apply to both the HSE and the accredited body. If we are speaking about bureaucracy, that would add unnecessary layers. I presume that what was envisaged was that one or the other would be done and one could be left with an alternative. As I stated in a previous reply, I do not believe that possible with regard to the Child Care Act and the obligations of the HSE.
I mentioned the budgetary considerations not to limit what I stated earlier. I thought it went without saying that any decision of Government has budgetary considerations and this is sad when one considers health and children. It is not something one would like but the HSE is obliged under the Health Act 2004 to remain within its allocation of funding. That is a statutory obligation as passed by the Houses of the Oireachtas. The budgetary considerations are laid out in statute and go without saying in my view. Such considerations were not mentioned to couch what I said earlier, as they are fairly obvious.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 43:

In page 31, line 30, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:


“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34,”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Amendment No. 44 not moved.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 45:

In page 32, line 1, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:

“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34,”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 46:

In page 32, line 13, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:

“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34,”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 47:

In page 32, lines 19 and 20, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:

“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 48:

In page 32, to delete lines 21 to 27.
This amendment relates to section 37 and the deletion of paragraphs (b) and (c). Concerns have been expressed to the effect that applicants could apply to adopt children through different agencies at the same time - in other words, multiple adoptions could take place and these would be difficult to assess and control - or that they would have the right to adopt more than one child as part of the same process. There would, therefore, be a lack of regulation.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The provision in section 37(2) is intended to streamline the process rather than anything else and to link the various stages from the outset to foreshorten the process.

Senator David Norris: Subsection (2)(b) states that an application shall be made “in conjunction with a separate application under this Act by the applicants for an adoption order or the recognition of an intercountry adoption”. This seems to imply that two adoptions could be contemplated.

Deputy Barry Andrews: That is not the position.

Senator David Norris: That is fine. I accept what the Minister of State has said.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 49:

In page 32, to delete lines 28 to 32 and substitute the following:

”As soon as practicable after the Health Service Executive or an accredited body receives an application under subsection (1), the Health Service Executive or the accredited body may take the following steps concerning the adoption proposed under the separate application referred to in subsection (2)(b) or arrange for the steps to be taken by an accredited body:”.
The idea behind this amendment is that all the parties to an adoption should have an equitable right to adoption services-----

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The amendment has already been discussed.

Senator David Norris: -----and should have regard to the welfare of the child as the first and paramount consideration. I intend to press it, but only to a voice vote.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 50:

In page 32, line 28, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:

“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34,”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 51:

In page 32, lines 29 and 30, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:

“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34,”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 52:

In page 32, line 44, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:

“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34,”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 53:

In page 33, line 3, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:

“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34,”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 54:

In page 33, line 8, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:

“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34,”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 55:

In page 33, lines 21 and 22, to delete “Health Service Executive” and substitute the following:

“Health Service Executive, or any Accredited Agency authorized by the Adoption Authority to conduct assessments of suitability as defined in section 34,”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.
Question, “That the words proposed to be deleted stand”, put and declared carried.

Amendment declared lost.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 56:

In page 36, to delete lines 21 to 23 and substitute the following:

“(2) The Authority may attach, to the interim order, conditions in regard to the maintenance, education and welfare of the child and in regard to access arrangements in respect of maintaining meaningful contacts for the child.”.
This amendment involves a slight difference in language from the form proposed in the Bill as it seeks to open the position somewhat more. The reasoning behind it is similar to the previous amendment relating to the question of open adoption. The amendment changes the form of words used in the Bill to the following: “The Authority may attach, to the interim order, conditions in regard to the maintenance, education and welfare of the child and in regard to access arrangements in respect of maintaining meaningful contacts for the child.” It, therefore, substitutes the term “welfare” for that of “supervision”. In my opinion, that is a reasonable and humane course to follow. In addition, the amendment suggests the inclusion of the phrase “in regard to access arrangements in respect of maintaining meaningful contacts for the child”. This is important because children should have access to proper and meaningful contacts. The amendment also asserts the primacy of child and his or her interest in this relationship.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The Senator is correct that the points relating to this amendment flow from those raised during our discussion on the previous amendment to which he referred. I will consider the amendment and raise it with the Adoption Board - in the interest of discovering how it might envisage something of this nature being achieved - between now and the debate in the Dáil. I do not argue with the principle behind the amendment and, if possible, I would like to facilitate the change it envisages.

Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister of State and I accept his assurance that he accepts the principle behind the amendment and will reconsider the matter in conjunction with the Adoption Board.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 57 and 58 are cognate and can be discussed together by agreement of the House. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 57:

In page 36, line 41, after “oath” to insert “or affirmation”.
The Interpretation Act 2005 does not state that the oath includes affirmation. However, it contains the rider that it includes affirmation only for those entitled to affirm. The law should be clarified in this regard and that is why we have tabled amendment No. 57.
On amendment No. 58, the relevant subsection in the Bill is ambiguous. If a question of custody falls to be decided, it must be decided under the general law of custody set out in the Guardianship Act. While section 3 of that Act sets out the principle that the welfare of a child is a first and paramount consideration, it is apparent that this is not the only consideration. In particular, custody cannot be awarded to someone who is not entitled to it. This is a confusing ambiguity to introduce into the Bill because it disingenuously suggests that even if an adoption order were declared invalid, custody could remain with the adopting parents rather than the natural parents by virtue of the welfare principle. The latter is inappropriate and misleading.

Senator David Norris: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: My brief indicates that the Interpretation Act provides that an oath includes an affirmation or declaration. I will, however, reconsider the matter. The information I have at my disposal contradicts that available to the Senator. One of us is obviously correct. I believe we are trying to achieve the same result and that these amendments are not necessary. 3 o’clock

Senator Phil Prendergast: I still believe the legislation is flawed in this regard and would like the Minister of State to look at it again.

Deputy Barry Andrews: It has been confirmed with the Attorney General’s office.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 58:

In page 37, line 10, after “oath” to insert “or affirmation”.

Senator David Norris: I second the amendment.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 59:

In page 37, line 29, after “affidavit” to insert “or both”.
This amendment concerns the Adoption Authority taking evidence orally or on affidavit. It has been suggested to me that it would be an improvement if it were allowed to be taken in both forms and would provide an additional safeguard.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The phrasing is what is at issue. Section 48 states the authority may take evidence orally or on affidavit. Naturally, if both formats were possible then it is understood by the way described. It is not necessary to insert the two words “or both” because it is already understood and they are not mutually exclusive. I appreciate the Senator’s concerns would be well-founded if it were drafted “either orally or on affidavit”. However, it is expressed that they are not mutually exclusive and evidence can be given both on affidavit or orally.

Senator David Norris: I accept the Minister of State’s assurances. However, if the term “or both” were inserted, it would imply to the average reader that it is an option. For example, if one offered a child an apple or a banana, it is only the naughtiest of children who would say, “Yes, thank you. I will have an apple and a banana.” I hope the Minister of State is correct in this.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I will check this matter with the Attorney General, including the question about children and apples and bananas.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 60:

In page 37, after line 42, to insert the following:

“(d) an employee of the Health Service Executive or accredited body.”.
Regarding those allowed to request a court case to be taken concerning the welfare of a child, in addition to various categories of person, including an applicant for an adoption order, the mother or guardian of the child, or any person having control over the child, this amendment proposes to include an employee of the Health Service Executive or accredited body. This is about engaging the front line staff in this important area. They are the ones with the greater understanding. Both bodies would also be involved in the assessment of the adoptive applicants.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The amendment is not necessary because section 49(2)(c) covers the category referred to in the amendment. When a child is in care, the person having charge or control over the child is, in legal terms, the Health Service Executive and its specifically designated officers.

Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister of State for clarifying the point that the proposed provision is already met in legislation.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 62 is a technical alternative to amendment No. 61 and they will be taken together by agreement of the House.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 61:

In page 39, to delete lines 1 to 4 and substitute the following:

“(3) However, if the court decides to determine the question of the custody of the child, the court shall do so having regard for the welfare of the child as the first and paramount consideration.”.
This goes to the heart of the primary importance of a child’s welfare. I cannot imagine there could be any cogent reason to oppose an amendment which expresses the principle agreed on several occasions in the past by the Minister. The principle has also been used in argument by various Members. The amendment should be accepted unless there is some concealed reason to object which I have not discovered.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: Amendment No. 61 is not required as the Guardianship of Infants Act 1964 puts the welfare of the child as paramount. It is already understood when making any order under that Act that the child’s welfare will be paramount.
Regarding amendment No. 62, the reference to the 1964 Act includes amending legislation to it.

Senator David Norris: The people who briefed me on this wanted to have a further reassurance on this matter. They wished to have the legislation reflect and be embedded with best practice for children’s welfare. I assume they will be satisfied by the Minister’s response.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments Nos. 62 and 63 not moved.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 64 is out of order because it was negatived on Committee Stage.

Amendment No. 64 not moved.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 65:

In page 57, line 14, after “child” to insert the following:

“or have previously adopted a child from a non-contracting state”.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I second the amendment.

Amendment put and declared lost.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 66, 72 and 73 are related and may be discussed together, by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 66:

In page 60, line 7, after “Authority” to insert the following:



“, which shall give consent to that information being given where the adopted person and the person placing the child for adoption have agreed through a tracing mechanism to be established by the Authority that the information can be given”.
Amendment No. 66 arises from submissions we have received on the need for a formal tracing mechanism. Clearly, it needs to be specified that information can be released where both sides have indicated a willingness to find each other. Amendment No. 72 is similar.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I second the amendment. This series of amendments puts tracing on a statutory basis. They are recommended by and have the support of people who are very experienced in this area. We want to promote the development of services that will assist people who were adopted and those who placed children for adoption to trace each other. A number of agencies have developed professional expertise in this area and a huge number of adopted young people have benefitted from the support these agencies can offer. Like other aspects of the Bill before us, this is a delicate issue and the proper professional standards must be in place to ensure people receive the best service possible.
This area has become even more complex due to international adoptions. I am interested in hearing the Minister of State’s views on this. He stated earlier that issues had arisen in Romania, where tracing was introduced several years ago, in respect of families attempting to retrieve information. Making legislative provision for tracing is a useful means of promoting high standards.
Amendment No. 73 proposes the development of intermediary information and tracing services for birth families and adopted persons. It is similar in this regard to the amendment moved by Senator Prendergast. Does the Minister believe this should be part of the legislation? It is a core part of many people’s experience and we want to ensure the system works effectively.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I indicated on Committee Stage that I would consider including a provision on tracing and I have consulted the Office of the Attorney General on whether the existing administrative system needs to be put on a statutory basis.
The Adoption Board contains an information tracing unit and the recently established preference register has received 6,270 applications and made 500 matches. Last year the board launched a standardised framework which provides guidelines and standards for this process.
The amendments refer to the promotion and development of tracing. If the board is to have a statutory role in this regard, it would have to be neutral on the issue of tracing because not everybody wishes to be contacted. Nevertheless, a strong argument can be made for the exchange of medical information. If one considers the child’s interest as paramount, it is difficult to justify statutory blocks to providing that information even where a natural parent prefers not to be contacted in the normal way. We are discussing these issues with the Attorney General and I thank Senators for tabling these amendments.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I thank the Minister of State for his comments.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 67:

In page 61, after line 44, to insert the following:

”(12) (a) An tArd-Chlaraitheoir shall keep an index to make traceable the connection between each entry in the Register of Foreign Adoptions and identifying information regarding the child’s original identity, including country of birth.

(b) The index kept under paragraph (a) shall not be open to public inspection, and no information from that index shall be given to any person except by order of a court or of the Authority.”.
I referred earlier to the international character of adoption, which makes the issue of tracing even more complex. I thank the Minister of State for his response to the previous amendment. He stated that 6,270 applications have been made to the Adoption Board but only 500 matches had been made on tracing.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The applications were for exchanging information.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Is it correct to say, therefore, that 5,770 people were unable to make contact?

Deputy Barry Andrews: The figures refer to the register’s first two years of operation. I imagine the figure of 500 will increase.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: It is astounding that out of more than 6,000 people who wanted further details on their adoptions, 5,770 were unable to get this information. The information may be less accurate in respect of the cohort of older people but most of these cases would have involved Irish adoptions. These figures underscore the importance of a tracing mechanism.
My amendment proposes the creation of an index that would make traceable the connection between each entry in the register of foreign adoptions and a child’s original identity, including country of birth. This information would not be open to public inspection and information would only be provided by order of a court or the authority. It would have to be a highly confidential system. The figures outlined by the Minister of State pertain to an Irish context and a time when adoption was a more closed concept but they underscore the importance of my amendment in regard to international adoptions and the huge importance of having as much identifying information as possible in the register of foreign adoptions. It is absolutely critical for the child’s psychological, physical and mental health that as much data as possible are kept on the register. The amendment has been tabled because it is important that this is put on a statutory footing. If people are not obliged to do this, the information may be lost or it may not be furnished, although standards have improved hugely and that is probably basic information now which is available somewhere. The amendment proposes to formalise the process. The statistics outlined by the Minister of State show why this is important.

Senator David Norris: I second the amendment. I agree completely with the argument made by Senator Fitzgerald. It is human to want to trace relatives as some stage in one’s life, no matter how successful and happy is the adoption. In addition, increasingly adoptees are seeking information about their parental background in terms of illness profile and genetic predisposition to certain illnesses and so on. The sentimental and the practical are grounds for keeping the register. In other words, the information should be retained in a secure form.
The second part of the amendment deals with security in a slightly different manner in that it refers to security from prying eyes and the gaze of persons who have no right to the information because it is personal and private. I am astonished to have received information that the register is wide open. Such records are open to anyone and the people who have briefed me feel strongly that this material should be held in private, as is the case with domestic adoptions. Will the Minister of State comment on the accuracy or otherwise of the assertion that information held is openly or widely available, which is a cause of distress to those involved in these cases? I am not aware whether that is the case but the issue has been brought to my attention. My brief states, “Currently these records are open to anyone and should be held in private, as in domestic adoption.” I am taking what I have been told in good faith but I am curious because if this is the situation, it is not positive or good.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The section does not seem to indicate that the register excludes parties from observing it. I will have to check this and come back to the Senator at another time.

Senator David Norris: Does the Minister of State agree that is worrying?

Deputy Barry Andrews: Absolutely. It is a fair point, which I will have to examine. The Adoption Board is anxious to continue carrying out publicity campaigns to notify people of the availability of the register and the traceability options that are available but, as Senator Fitzgerald said, many of the 6,270 who have contacted the board are Irish people and domestic adoptions were involved. Very often adoption societies had kept records in the basements of buildings, which were gathering dust. I met representatives of the natural parents organisation who are anxious that something be done to preserve and collate the data, as people are anxious to obtain this information.
With regard to the amendment, an tArd Chláiritheoir is not responsible for the register of foreign adoptions. The Adoption Board relies on the information and documentation made available to it by the foreign jurisdiction. All information provided is held on file. The register of birth of the child is in the other jurisdiction and access or otherwise depends on the law in the other jurisdiction. The Adoption Board, in light of the work on the existing contract register, has indicated its intention to undertake further work anticipating the likely desire of inter-country adoptees to trace their origins in the future.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The Minister of State seems to suggest it is correct that the register is open to public inspection.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I stand to be corrected on that and I will have to clarify it for the Senator.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: That would be disturbing and we would not want that situation. The Minister of State also said the board is considering a similar register for inter-country adoptions because their numbers are on the increase and that will be necessary. It is important that the amendment is considered and accepted by him because the section is vague and we do not want to repeat the same mistakes with inter-country adoptions. As he pointed out, adoptees have been unable to access information and files are lying all over the place. Even if the child’s birth certificate or other information relating to him or her is kept in another country, greater effort should be made to gather the information, preserve it for the child and make sure it is available so that the child or the family can check the physical or medical histories. It is important that information is kept and is traceable.
Traceability is the key issue. If the information is left on file, it could be extremely difficult to track it down later. Of a total of 6,270 people who have approached the Adoption Board, only 500 made matches. We must look forward as traceability and availability of information relating to family histories and so on will be issues in inter-country adoptions. The provisions in my amendments should be made statutory. Will the Minister of State consult further with the board and ensure these provisions are inserted in this legislation? The research results furnished by the board to the Minister of State, which are helpful, highlight that we need a strong element of support for tracing.
With regard to “promotion”, it is important that adoptees are made aware. People can feel very isolated when they try to trace their family and they need to know there is a place where they can go to obtain the supports and information they need and that they will be dealt with in confidence. Both issues need to be considered further by the Minister of State before the Bill is debated in the Dáil. It is important to have an entry in the register of foreign adoptions with all identifying information but, as the Minister of State indicated, the register may be open to the public for international adoptions. That needs to be examined but he has agreed to report back to the House in this regard.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I am not sure how I will approach this but I undertake to examine the section. The issues raised by the Senator are legitimate but I must give them more consideration before I make commitments on what I will do in this regard. I thank her for bringing these issues to my attention.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
An Cathaoirleach: According to the order of the House, I call the Leader to move the adjournment of the debate.

Senator Donie Cassidy: This is the sixth day the Bill has been before the House. Because it is urgent and many families are depending on the outcome of this legislation, I propose we reconvene next Tuesday to complete the Bill if it is possible. I thank the leaders and all the Senators for their co-operation in assisting us-----

An Cathaoirleach: The Leader is referring to that particular Bill.

Senator Donie Cassidy: Yes.

An Cathaoirleach: We have another Bill-----

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The Leader has changed his mind about Tuesday sittings. However, this Bill is extremely important and I welcome the opportunity to debate it further next Tuesday.

Senator Donie Cassidy: Legislation has always taken first preference in the House. I have never changed that approach and I never will.

An Cathaoirleach: Report Stage of the Adoption Bill 2009 is adjourned until next Tuesday, 19 May.

Debate adjourned.

Industrial Development Bill 2008 [Seanad Bill amended by the Dáil]: Report and Final Stages.
An Cathaoirleach: This is a Seanad Bill which has been amended by the Dáil. In accordance with Standing Order 113, it is deemed to have passed its First, Second and Third Stages in the Seanad and is placed on the Order Paper for Report Stage. On the question “That the Bill be received for final consideration”, the Minister may explain the purpose of the amendments made by the Dáil. This is looked upon as the report of the Dáil amendments to the Seanad. For the convenience of Senators, I have arranged for the printing and circulation to them of those amendments. The Minister will deal separately with the subject matter of each related group of amendments. I have also circulated the proposed grouping in the House. Senators may speak once on each grouping. I remind Senators that the only matters that may be discussed are the amendments made by the Dáil.

Question proposed: “That the Bill be received for final consideration.”
An Cathaoirleach: I call the Minister to speak on the subject matter of the amendments in group 1.

Minister of State at the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment (Deputy Billy Kelleher): I am delighted to be back in this House with the Seanadóirí.
A total of 20 amendments were proposed and approved on Committee Stage of the Bill in the Dáil. The Labour Party jointly proposed one of those amendments. The amendments do not make any substantive changes to the Bill as originally introduced in this House.
Amendments Nos. 1 to 6, inclusive, and Nos. 8 to 20, inclusive, in sections 2, 3, 5 and 6 of the Bill were introduced to provide for the commencement of all sections of the Bill on the passing of the Bill. The previous draft of the Bill provided for ministerial orders to commence the various sections of the Act but it was then concluded that the ministerial order mechanism is not necessary and it is now proposed that all sections will come into effect on the passing of the Bill. It is merely a technical issue. We are moving from ministerial commencement orders to commencement on the passing of the Bill.
Amendment No. 7 in section 3 is a drafting amendment to delete “the substitution of” and substitute “substituting” and does not constitute a substantive or material change. That amendment was originally submitted in this House by the Labour Party Members who had tabled a number of drafting amendments on Committee Stage. However, on the advice of the Parliamentary Counsel it was not accepted at that stage. The amendment was resubmitted on Committee Stage in the Dáil. The Parliamentary Counsel had reconsidered the matter and recommended that the amendment should be made. That is in accordance with the conciliatory approach on this side of the House to try to accommodate all views and include as many of them as possible in the Bill.

An Cathaoirleach: Group 2 concerns the subject matter of amendment No. 7.

Deputy Billy Kelleher: I have already covered that, a Chathaoirligh. I have dealt with all the amendments-----

An Cathaoirleach: In group 1 and group 2.

Deputy Billy Kelleher: Yes. I have covered all of them.

Question put and agreed to.
Question proposed: “That the Bill do now pass.”
Minister of State at the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment (Deputy Billy Kelleher): I thank the staff of the Seanad and the Senators for their co-operation in taking the Bill at short notice. While it involved dealing with technical amendments I appreciate their co-operation. The Bill does not change policy but it is important because it allows the enactment of policy. I thank the Seanad staff, Members and the officials in the Department who worked diligently night after night on the Bill.

Question put and agreed to.
An Cathaoirleach: When is it proposed to sit again?

Senator Donie Cassidy: At 2.30 p.m. next Tuesday, 19 May 2009.

Order of Business - 14th May 2009

Order of Business - 14th May 2009

Senator David Norris: I support Senator Fitzgerald on what I understand to be a call for a debate on the rights of children and the services to support them. While there may have been some arguments for redacting some elements of the Monageer report, I find no justification whatever for editing out the seven recommendations. How on earth is this Parliament to exercise its role of supervision in assessing whether these recommendations have been fulfilled if we are not allowed to know what they are? That must be made known.
In a debate on children, I would like to include the situation in the children’s hospital in Crumlin, where wards are being closed and children with serious cardiac problems are placed on intolerable waiting lists. I have received representations on a number of cases, including that of a young boy, the optimum age for whom to undergo the second part of a serious operation - the first part took place when he was a small infant - is three to three and a half years, which means that it should take place between June 2009 and January 2010, but he may well not get a bed. This is intolerable, given that the Government claimed it would protect the vulnerable. There are other heart-rending cases, including one involving a special needs child.
I support the repeated calls that have been made for a specific date for a human rights debate. We could take in the trumped up charge against Aung San Suu Kyi. We could compliment the US Government on having taken its position on the human rights council of the United Nations, which is very important. We could raise cases such as that of Ezra Nawi, someone who is personally known to me, a human rights activist in Israel who has intervened in a non-violent way to try to prevent the destruction of Palestinian houses, who was arrested and is being sentenced in a case over which there is precisely the same doubt as there was regarding the Denning judgment. This is an appalling case about which I will circulate details and against which I will ask members to join the international outcry. The Minister should be involved in this case.
In the general context of the two previous items, I raise the extraordinary situation concerning the cut in overseas aid. On RTE’s “Primetime” on 5 May, the Minister of State, Deputy Peter Power, a very decent man, stated that “we are protecting short-term emergency and humanitarian aid because that is where our focus is. We want to save lives.” This was in answer to a question from Justin Kilcullen of Trócaire. When Irish Aid’s emergency recovery unit was contacted to confirm this, however, it stated that, despite what the Minister of State said, given the current economic circumstances, the earmarked funding for rapid onset humanitarian emergencies was cut from €20 million to €6 million. That is a 70% cut, which is a direct contradiction of what the Minister of State said. When it got back to the Minister of State’s Department, it was told that he meant to say that the reduced amount of humanitarian aid would be delivered. This is a nonsense. We need a debate on this and to get clarification from the Minister of State.

Adoption Bill 2009 - Report Stage - 13th May 2009

Adoption Bill 2009 - Report Stage - 13th May 2009.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Before we begin, I remind Members that a Senator may speak only once on Report Stage, except the proposer of an amendment, who may reply to the discussion on that amendment. Each amendment on Report Stage must be seconded.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 1:

In page 13, line 14, to delete “SIGNED” and substitute “DONE”.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I second the amendment.

Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children (Deputy Barry Andrews): I undertook to look at this amendment prior to Report Stage. As I said on Committee Stage, it is the practice in Irish parliamentary drafting to use the word “signed” rather than “done”. I have been advised by the Office of the Attorney General that this is still the practice so I do not accept the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 2:

In page 16, line 5, after “text” to insert “in the English language”.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I second the amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The proposed amendment suggests inserting the words “in the English language” into the definition of the Hague Convention in section 3 of the Bill. This is considered unnecessary because if it was in any other language it would be so stated. It is considered a given that the text of the Hague Convention referred to in the Bill is the English language version.

Senator David Norris: The legal point is that under the Constitution of Ireland, the Irish language takes precedence. In light of the controversy that has existed in the past week or so whereby a number of complaints were upheld against Departments due to the lack of accessibility for Irish speakers to legal documents, there is a point that Irish is the dominant language allegedly, legally and theoretically.

Deputy Barry Andrews: There is no intention to translate this into the Irish language.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 3, 24 and 65 are related and they may be discussed together.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I move amendment No. 3:

In page 16, line 30, after “Convention” to insert the following:

“and includes an adoption from a country other than one a party to the Hague Convention or a bilateral agreement if the Authority considers that the adoption can be effected from a third country in a manner compatible with this Act”.
4 o’clock
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Will the Minister of State clarify the current status of the bilateral agreement with Vietnam? What is the situation on the post-placement reports that are apparently being requested by Russia and that have led to problems? Every Member of both Houses is receiving heart-breaking e-mails from families who feel that they are in limbo. They are waiting to see if the Government can conclude an agreement with Vietnam. The date of 1 May has passed and some parents have gone so far as to contact officials in Vietnam and ask the reason for the delay. They have been told by senior officials there that it is because of delays on this side.
There are clearly barriers to getting an agreement in place. It would be helpful at this stage if the Minister of State would explain or give us some information on what precisely is happening. I know he has had private meetings with some of the adoption agencies working in this area. There is huge concern, as I am sure the Minister of State is aware, in regard to whether agreement can be reached, what will happen to these families in the future and what will happen to people whose names have been accepted and who at this point do not know what will be the next step.
The Minister of State will note from the amendment that we are allowing for the possibility that we will continue to have in place bilateral agreements and the Hague Convention but that where adoption takes place from a third country in a manner compatible with this legislation, it will be legal and acceptable in this country. Obviously, it is not ideal. The Minister of State responded on this amendment on Committee Stage. Were he to provide the House with whatever information is available in respect of this situation this might allay some of the worries and concerns expressed.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Does Senator Fitzgerald second amendment No. 3?

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Yes.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I support the comments of Senators Prendergast and Fitzgerald on this amendment. It is important that the dreadful state of uncertainty in which so many prospective adopters find themselves is resolved. I, too, am interested to hear what the Minister of State has to say in regard to the agreement with Vietnam and the situation with Russia. This issue was raised on Committee Stage when the Minister of State assured us every effort was being made to ensure the agreements would be concluded with Vietnam and Russia. We now find the process has fallen apart.
We have been told by prospective adopters, many of whom contacted us by e-mail and telephone, that even adoptions which are at an advanced stage, with many prospective adopters ready to fly to Vietnam or Russia to finalise an adoption that often had been years in planning, have been stalled.
Amendments Nos. 24 and 65 are important in that they also anticipate a situation whereby a person who has already adopted from a country with which we have a bilateral agreement but which is currently not in force, might be permitted to adopt a second or subsequent child from that country. That is the situation in which many of the people who have contacted us find themselves.
I am sure the Minister of State is aware of the intense frustration and anger felt by so many people who are at an advanced staged in the adoption process and who find themselves suddenly stymied by an apparent bureaucratic failure. It is important the Minister of State clarifies the position and provides some reassurance to those prospective adopters.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I support the amendment. The Minister of State must explain to this House what exactly he is trying to do. Is he, through his inaction, having not personally visited Vietnam to sort out this problem, trying to close forever Vietnam to Irish adoptive families?
My understanding, having been in contact with a couple who spent last Friday in Vietnam with the deputy director, is that the Minister of State was fully aware of the need to put in place a draft bilateral agreement with the Vietnamese Government prior to last November in order that it could be put through Parliament. The Minister of State was warned of what would happen if this was not done. Currently, 24 families involved in prospective adoptions are held up in Vietnam. Another 251 with eligibility to adopt status are registered with Helping Hands in Cork.
Perhaps the Minister of State will answer the following questions in the context of the amendment. Why has he not shown his commitment to this issue by travelling to Vietnam, sitting down and breaking bread with the Vietnamese, to renegotiate this bilateral agreement for the sake of Irish families and the babies in the orphanages? Can the Minister of State, if he is genuinely sincere about addressing this issue, give us a concrete indication, in terms of time, of when the new agreement will be in place? Is it possible to negotiate an extension of the original agreement pending the putting in place of the new agreement? If we enact this legislation, will it negatively impact on the bilateral agreement if not concluded?
The following was said to me by a family:

We have endured so much in terms of setbacks and infertility and HSE waiting lists. We are five years on this adoption road and are registered with the agency Helping Hands for 51 weeks. We should have received our referral two weeks ago but due to the Minister’s inaction we are now in limbo. We need answers in terms of timeframe and contingency for those with the dossiers already in Vietnam and those, like ourselves, held up in Cork.
This is a human crisis for these families. It is an appalling way to leave them. I plead with the Minister of State to provide reassurance for these people and to respond to the questions I have asked. As I told all the families concerned last week by e-mail, the matter is in the hands of the Minister of State. All we can do is make proposals in regard to what can be done and highlight the misery families are suffering. I appeal to the Minster of State to answer my questions.

Senator David Norris: I support the amendment. I do so having spoken on the matter on Second Stage and based on comments on the issue here.
I wish also to refer to the e-mail campaign. Senator Healy Eames has done us a service by placing on the record some of the main elements of the brief provided through this campaign, thus rendering it unnecessary for me to do so. I received well over 100 e-mails, most of them formal and repetitious. As I live a busy life and often do not leave this place until 11 p.m. I sent a form letter in response explaining that while I had great sympathy for them I could not respond to each individual. This provoked a variety of responses, some of which were understanding and included the same type of heart-rending personal tales placed on the record by Senator Healy Eames. Others were pretty shrill, threatening and bullying and demanded action “NOW” — in capitals letters. I do not respond well to that type of demand nor do I propose to.
I say to anybody embarking on this type of campaign — there are a number of them around including one in support of my distinguished colleague, Senator Bacik, who has proposed legislation on climate change, which I fully support — I do not need to be hectored. Many have told me they are voters in my constituency. I am not the slightest bit interested in the Dáil. I chose to be in Seanad Éireann and I have no intention of trying to make a jump into the Dáil. I find it very insulting that people tried to blackmail me by suggesting they will take their puny little vote away from me. The very same people bellyache about the calibre of politicians they get. They get the calibre of politicians the system encourages. It is pointless to engage in this type of campaign. The level of intensity merely frustrates the admirable motive of the people who embark on such campaigns. The central organising body involved should be aware that rather than advancing the cause of adoption they may very well alienate people who spend much of their time supporting them.

As in all legislation in this area, I place the rights of the child as the primary element. It is heart-rending that people endure long processes and I understand and sympathise with them, particularly if they have been through infertility treatment and so on. However, they are adults. At the end of the day, what this Government is required to do is to safeguard the interests of children, those who are Irish and those who may become Irish. We must seek to avoid situations such as that which arose in respect of the Dowse family who adopted a child from the Far East and who then, because the child did not fit in with them, wanted to swap that child for another.

Senator Mary M. White: They sent the child back.

Senator David Norris: It is appropriate to be prudent and careful in these matters. There are issues which the Minister of State needs to answer. A number of us, including Senators Fitzgerald, Bacik, Prendergast and me, asked about the 1 May deadline in advance of the deadline. We made it clear there was some urgency about it. The House is entitled to an explanation as to why that deadline passed. There may be an explanation and I hope the Minister of State will give it.
I understand difficulties are experienced by other countries. Recently somebody who was in an adoptive situation told me that the United States Administration also has difficulty with Vietnamese adoptions for one reason or another. This is just hearsay and I would like the Minister of State to clarify the matter. There has also been a charge that the Minister of State was in some way irresponsible by not visiting Vietnam. He indicated to me that he had been to Vietnam on several occasions and it would be helpful for him to place that on the record of the House.
My response to this campaign is not just on this issue — it is a question of the political technique involved. There are many other similar campaigns and I think they are actually a hindrance. I will give another example of why it is a hindrance. Today I got an additional volume of these kinds of e-mails. They were very mixed. Some of them were very kind, understanding and heart-rending, and gave really personal details. My secretary has the entire file and is typing up replies. That is why I do not have them all. I would not be able to quote them in any case. I support the matter despite my reservations about the way in which the campaign was mounted. I am trying to serve notice on many well motivated and decent people who get involved in these campaigns. They each see their own individual letter. They need to be careful because if they overuse this instrument it becomes blunt and will alienate their supporters. One letter is fine. However, if they get back in response to their circular letter a circular letter from the politician, they should not try to crucify a politician who is already on their side. They should never try on with somebody like me the threat to take a vote away, because I do not want the vote of people who treat their vote in this cavalier way with very little respect for the democratic ideals in which the State was founded.
I support the amendment despite the campaign as it may provide a method of breaking the logjam and resolve a very painful human situation.

Deputy Barry Andrews: May I have the permission of the House to make a statement on the issues raised by the Senators?

Senator David Norris: Yes.

Deputy Barry Andrews: At a human level I share the Senators’ sense of the deep hurt and frustration expressed by all the people who have been sending e-mails to me and the other Members of these Houses. At a human level one cannot avoid empathising with the situation Senator Healy Eames mentioned. Many parents have come through a very long process involving attempted family formation followed by, in my view, prolonged and protracted HSE processes regarding suitability and eligibility. I have met many prospective adoptive parents in my clinics in recent weeks. The HSE encourages parents to try to bond with the child before even having a referral in order to create a link with the child. That link is perceived to be broken by the fact the agreement with Vietnam has expired.
I will make a short statement to the House. I would like to reiterate again my personal commitment and the Government’s commitment to putting in place new bilateral international adoption agreements with Vietnam and Russia. I am very aware of the anxiety being experienced by applicants and their wider families. The pain so clearly articulated leaves me in no doubt about the sensitivity of the issue. The steps we are taking are not intended to cause unnecessary angst and frustration. We are engaged in a process that seeks to strengthen the protection of children in inter-country adoption. At every opportunity I have communicated updates to prospective adoptive parents and their representative groups on these matters and I have committed to continuing with this process.
Against this background my office is continuing to work to create the appropriate legislative, policy and administrative frameworks to ensure a well regulated regime of adoption. Our aim is to support and protect prospective parents and even more importantly the children for whom adoption services are devised and provided.
The Adoption Bill, which includes the regime of the Hague Convention, provides an assurance for individual children, their families and the State that appropriate procedures have been followed and that the adoption was effected in the best interests of the child. As such, it is our intention that all inter-country adoptions will meet the standards of the Hague Convention. This is the principle underpinning the negotiations with Vietnam and indeed negotiations with other countries in the context of inter-country adoptions. Simply put, I am striving to achieve, for all adoptions, the same standard we expect to apply to the adoption of an Irish child.
A core principle of the Adoption Bill and the Hague Convention is that inter-country adoption should be child centred, that is, in all stages of the process the child’s interests must be paramount. The Hague Convention, which is given the force of law in this Bill, puts in place the equivalent of a contract between states to regulate the standards that will apply in each jurisdiction. Its purpose is to safeguard that acceptable standards are being applied in other countries, over which we have no jurisdiction. When countries have not ratified the Hague Convention, a bilateral agreement is required to be entered into to enable adoptions to be recognised in this country. The standards required under any such agreement should mirror the standards required by the Hague Convention.
As Senators know, the Government is working towards securing a strengthened agreement with Vietnam. In light of concerns raised by other countries which emerged during 2008, the Government decided it was necessary to seek a strengthening of the existing agreement with Vietnam. I emphasise that when we visited in November 2008 we were able to confirm and establish that our arrangements with Vietnam were very favourable because we were adopting through a unique Irish mediation agency, Helping Hands. We were also able to establish that we were generally adopting relinquished rather than abandoned children, which gave that extra reassurance in terms of consents. It was on this basis that the Government decided to pursue a new agreement with Vietnam. With the publication of the Adoption Bill 2009, it was also considered necessary to ensure that both the content of a new agreement and its implementation would meet the minimum standards set out in that Bill and under the Hague Convention on the Protection of Children and Co-operation in respect of Inter-Country Adoption.
There has been ongoing dialogue with the Vietnamese authorities with the focus on achieving the requisite strengthening of procedures for the protection of children. The Socialist Republic of Vietnam is a sovereign state and the progress that can be made relies on the co-operation and goodwill of that state. This is a sensitive issue and the Government, despite its aspirations, must be, of course, respectful of the views and decisions made by the Government of Vietnam. It is my intention to continue with these discussions with a view to bringing them to a conclusion at the earliest possible date. It is anticipated that further proposals to advance the discussions will be made to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in the coming week. I am also hopeful the Vietnamese side will be in a position to revert with its proposals shortly. I do not wish to speculate on the timeframe or the outcome for these negotiations. There has been a high level of engagement on both sides and it is clear from progress so far that there is a willingness on both sides to bring the negotiations to a successful conclusion.
As regards the Russian Federation, my officials and their colleagues in the Department of Foreign Affairs have since April 2008, been in consultation with regard to inter-country adoption in that jurisdiction. This has included contacts with the Irish Embassy in Moscow and legal and other preparatory work on the possibility of a draft agreement between the two countries. A meeting between officials of my Department and the Russian Embassy in Dublin took place last week. I will continue to advance this matter with the assistance of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Martin, and his officials both here and in Moscow as quickly as possible. A number of steps are now in train to advance to formal discussions on a bilateral agreement between the two countries.
Officials have also specifically raised the issue of the so-called “black listing” because of alleged outstanding post-adoption reports. The Russian side has provided a list of outstanding reports. The list produced by the Russian Ministry of Education is currently being validated by the embassy. In the meantime, I have asked the relevant authorities to assist me in pursuing resolution of this issue as a matter of urgency. Officials have also assured the Russian side of the importance we attach to resolving the matter. Overall, it must be acknowledged that another sovereign government is party to all negotiations on inter-country adoptions and consequently it would be unwise and inappropriate to attempt to air the issues or negotiate these very sensitive matters in the public domain as it might jeopardise the prospects of concluding any new agreements. For that reason, further details on negotiations are not being made available at this time. Furthermore, it also is the case that speculation on either the nature of the issues or the degree of progress being made is unhelpful and may prove misleading and distressing to those applicants who currently are waiting to adopt. In this regard, I would greatly appreciate Members’ forbearance in respect of these negotiations and ask them to accept I am doing my utmost to bring both of these processes to a successful conclusion in the best interest of children.
I wish to state unequivocally that the Government is also firmly committed to ensuring that arrangements between Ireland and Vietnam, Russia and any other country where Irish people are adopting children protect and promote the best interests of the children, their families and prospective adoptive parents.
I am of course aware that I have been criticised regarding the handling of the situation in Vietnam. The easy option would be to accede to the pressure being generated from all sides. However, in conscience, I cannot contemplate advising the Government to enter into any bilateral agreement that does not provide for the minimum standards to protect children who are to be adopted by Irish families. I must reiterate the child’s best interests are the fundamental principle that supports the development of a national child care and protection system as well as an ethical, child-centred approach to inter-country adoption. Inter-country adoption does not occur in a vacuum but across jurisdictions and spans complex areas of family law, child protection and welfare. It must be legislated for, managed and understood in that context. It requires a shared responsibility and respect between states to ensure the best ethical practices to support the child’s best interests and to safeguard against abduction, sale or trafficking of children.
Ireland has a strong tradition of inter-country adoption and was once a so-called “sending country”. My aim is to support the continuance of that tradition by assuring prospective adopters, the countries of origin of prospective adoptees, the birth families of the children and, looking into the future, the children themselves, that inter-country adoption was undertaken in the best interests of the child to the required standard with adequate safeguards and protections for all concerned. My role, as Minister of State with responsibility for children, is to provide for the legislative, policy and system frameworks to achieve that aim.
In conclusion, some colleagues from the Government side of the House have impressed on me a principle that I accept, namely, that at the earliest possible opportunity, I will travel to Vietnam to assist in whatever way I can. In hindsight, people have stated that I should have gone with one of the earlier delegations and perhaps that is the case. However, having discussed this matter with my colleagues and in the hope it will be of some consolation or satisfaction to some of the associations concerned, I undertake to travel to Vietnam as soon as would be useful to the process that is being undertaken at present.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: The Minister of State should clarify for the House the minimum standards which he considers are not being met.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Healy Eames, I must call Senator Prendergast.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: May I check?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: No, there is no mechanism to so do if a Senator is not the proposer of an amendment.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: May I raise a point of order?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Members are engaged in a Report Stage debate.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: While I realise that, on a point of order I seek clarity from the Minister of State, who has shown much good faith in this regard. What minimum standards does he consider are not being met?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Healy Eames, that is not a point of order.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I seek such clarification at the earliest possible opportunity.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Senator might get that under another amendment.

Deputy Barry Andrews: Shall I address the amendments?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Yes, the Minister of State is yet to address the amendments.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I refer to amendments Nos. 3, 24 and 65, which have been discussed. This is about trying to create a system whereby another type of adoption would be permitted outside of the Hague Convention or a bilateral agreement. The Hague Convention is a minimum standard and as I noted previously, it is clear there never will be a situation in which one is 100% guaranteed that each adoption will be safe. Consequently, one must apply the standards contained in the Hague Convention or, if one cannot do so because the other country has not signed it, one must reach a bilateral agreement that is based on the Hague Convention’s principles. Such principles guarantee automatic certification of such adoptions and specify that matters such as the consent of parents, the adoptability of a child, the eligibility of a child to be adopted and the principle that there be no improper financial gain, can be guaranteed in such an adoption. It is important to try to bring countries up to this level and it is an incentive to countries to declare that Ireland will have adoptions with countries that have signed the Hague Convention or with which we have bilateral agreements.
As for the so-called grandfather clause, this again suggests there should be a parallel process of adoption with countries that are unable to ratify the Hague Convention for some reason or with which Ireland does not have a bilateral agreement for some reason. Whatever that reason might be, it clearly is a matter of which one must take cognisance. If such states are unable to come up to the minimum standards, to which, incidentally, we signed up many years ago——

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: Yes, many years ago.

Deputy Barry Andrews: We must take cognisance of the inability of such states to come up to the minimum standards for which we negotiate or if they cannot sign or ratify the Hague Convention. I am not prepared to accept a parallel system of adoption in the Bill.

Senator Phil Prendergast: Having worked for many years as a midwife, I approach this issue from a slightly different angle because I have seen at first hand in my professional capacity incidences of people enduring long and tortuous attempts either to become pregnant or to go through all the investigations and the upset they felt in this regard or equally in cases where babies were lost. My concern was that Russia, Vietnam and Ethiopia could fall outside this requirement unless bilateral agreements were established with them. Vietnam has become the most popular country for Irish applicants and it follows the model practice that has been promoted by the Minister of State’s Department, the Adoption Board and the Health Service Executive.
I tabled this amendment because of the nature of the contacts I have had with people in this regard. Moreover, I took no issue with any aspect of their e-mails because I discern the reason they would feel sufficiently strongly to do whatever they considered was necessary. I believe such actions were born out of frustration, as opposed to being deliberately provocative. It is simply that it causes great upset when people care deeply about something and believe it has been interfered with. Other countries have established bilateral arrangements with Russia and there is precedent and intent from the Russian side. There are hundreds of thousands of children in Russian orphanages and Ireland should not close its homes to such children either. As for Ethiopia, in recent analysis of adoption in Ethiopia, it has been deemed to be compatible with Irish law and consequently there should be no hold-up in establishing a bilateral agreement.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I thank Senator Prendergast. This legislation is standard-setting and with respect to Russia, it is clear the Government will have learned a great deal from the Vietnamese experience. If the Government is successful, this will have been the first time a bilateral agreement will have been concluded under the terms of the new Adoption Bill and the new standards it has set for itself. At the outset of this standard-setting regime, I do not propose to dilute those standards by permitting a parallel system of adoption outside of that process. I again undertake to pursue a bilateral agreement with Russia as soon as the other process is completed.
I hope people understand the Government is committed to adoption. While there are those who theorise that international adoption is not a proper child protection measure and that there should be concentration solely on supports for families in countries of origin, the Government is committed to the concept that international adoption will take place because there is such a strong tradition in this regard in Ireland. Moreover, we have assurances about our relationships and have minimum standards. The Government was able to assure itself in this regard as recently as November 2008, which grounded its decision in December to pursue a bilateral agreement with Vietnam, despite issues that had arisen that had caused other countries to withdraw from that country. Ireland has a unique set of circumstances that allows it to move forward. However, issues remain between the countries that unfortunately have not been resolved to date.
Amendment put.

The Seanad divided: Tá, 17; Níl, 26.

Bacik, Ivana.
Bradford, Paul.
Burke, Paddy.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Cannon, Ciaran.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
Hannigan, Dominic.
Healy Eames, Fidelma.
McFadden, Nicky.
Norris, David.
Prendergast, Phil.
Quinn, Feargal.
Regan, Eugene.
Ryan, Brendan.
Twomey, Liam.

Níl
Brady, Martin.
Butler, Larry.
Callely, Ivor.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Daly, Mark.
de Búrca, Déirdre.
Feeney, Geraldine.
Glynn, Camillus.
Hanafin, John.
Keaveney, Cecilia.
Leyden, Terry.
MacSharry, Marc.
McDonald, Lisa.
Ó Domhnaill, Brian.
Ó Murchú, Labhrás.
O’Brien, Francis.
O’Donovan, Denis.
O’Malley, Fiona.
O’Sullivan, Ned.
Ormonde, Ann.
Phelan, Kieran.
Walsh, Jim.
White, Mary M.
Wilson, Diarmuid.
Tellers: Tá, Senators Phil Prendergast and Liam Twomey; Níl, Senators Camillus Glynn and Diarmuid Wilson.
Amendment declared lost.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I move amendment No. 4:

In page 17, between lines 25 and 26, to insert the following:

“(4) In this Act, “married couple“ means an opposite-sex or same-sex married couple or a couple who have entered a registered civil partnership with each other.”.
We debated this amendment at some length on Committee Stage so I do not propose to go back over that ground in detail. It is an important amendment which would insert into the Adoption Bill the right of a same-sex couple who are married or who have entered a civil partnership to adopt on the same terms as a married opposite-sex couple.
On Committee Stage the Minister indicated some sympathy for the principle that same-sex couples should have adoption rights but expressed the view that this Bill was not the appropriate place. My concern and that of my colleague, Senator Norris, is that the civil partnership legislation as we have currently seen it in draft form does not provide for adoption rights for same-sex couples.
As the Minister indicated, same-sex couples are currently very engaged in the fostering of children and there is a great deal of support for that. There should be no objection in principle in same-sex couples having adoption rights. Whether that occurs with this Bill or the civil partnership Bill is not important for me but I hope the Minister will express support for inserting this principle into legislation of some form. I would like to hear the Minister of State’s response on that.

Senator David Norris: I second the amendment. I had put down an amendment in the first instance on Committee Stage. My position is perhaps more radical as I am disquieted by the fact that the apparent proposals of the Government do not include any such provision in the civil partnership Bill. It is clear the Government has shied away from it, although it is a very important aspect and a principal defect of the proposed civil partnership Bill.
There is no sign of the civil partnership legislation, even though we have had repeated promises on it. It is nearly five years since I put a civil partnership Bill on the Order Paper of this House and it was kicked by the former Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern, into every committee, sub-committee and think tank etc. in an act of prevarication and nonsense.
As these problems continuously recur in social welfare and other legislation, we continue to get fobbed off with promises. Will the Minister of State try to impress on his colleagues that we need legislation in this area? I believe it is appropriate here but if the Minister of State indicates it is not and that it will be dealt with elsewhere, we should ensure we get the opportunity to hammer the matter out even if what the Government ultimately produces is a defective Bill.
There will be defects and the children will be let down once again. I am not just talking about the rights of parents because that can be a selfish matter. Gay people can be just as selfish as anybody else and there is no automatic right to have children. The child should be the centre of the matter, which is why in the amendment I put down it was clear that the rights and welfare of the child were primary. I made other points regarding couples recognised in other states; I cannot remember the exact formulation but I was clearly speaking about gay couples so we will use that shorthand. Such couples could be vetted to gauge suitability as there is no automatic right for gay people to adopt.
This is an important amendment, which I decided to leave with Senator Bacik because her amendment came at an earlier stage in the Bill. What is the point in putting down a number of amendments, as one will be called and others added to it, and I can make my argument? This should not be the principal focus of this Bill but it presents an opportunity for us to remind the Government of its lamentable failure in this area. We do not even have the civil partnership Bill but it will be defective in this area when it is introduced. That is a battle which needs to be fought. It would not need to be fought if this was a Government with vision but unfortunately it is not.
Neither Senator Bacik nor I will want to call a vote on this but we wish to signal to the Minister that this is an area of human concern. If the Government was caring and interested in a socially constructive circumstance, it would pay attention to it.

Senator Jim Walsh: I totally oppose the amendment. In my opinion and that of many specialists in the field, the best interest of the child is served by having the influence of a mother and father in its upbringing. Any deviation from that would take away from the focus of the child. 5 o’clock
Both the proposer and the seconder of the amendment spoke strongly about civil partnership, which is a concept I do not oppose, although I am against it mirroring all the rights and entitlements of heterosexual marriage. That is distinct and different and should be treated accordingly. Other minority interests in society should have their rights recognised in a way appropriate to their circumstances rather than on the basis of replicating the rights of other such bodies. Where possible and unless natural justice intervenes, we should ensure every child in the State has the benefit of having a mother and a father because the latter is in their absolute interest in the context of their development and upbringing. There are many studies which underline and prove that point of view.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I support Senator Norris’s call for the civil partnership Bill. Issues arise in respect of a number of areas, whether it be in the context of the amendment under discussion or in respect of social welfare, which cannot be dealt with in isolation from that Bill. I urge the Minister of State to ensure that legislation is introduced in the House before the end of this session.
If the Minister of State is in negotiations in respect of the matters we discussed in the context of this amendment on Committee Stage, will he indicate if he plans to have an input into the civil partnership Bill in respect of the issues that have been raised by quite a number of Members? I refer to the various anomalies contained in the legislation with regard to this matter at present. It would be important that as many as possible of these issues be dealt with when we debate the civil partnership Bill. As stated on previous occasions, Fine Gael’s view is that in the absence of the civil partnership Bill the amendment before the House is premature.
This matter is of concern to many couples, who are wondering what will be the nature of the law of the land in respect of it. As the Minister of State indicated earlier, the key consideration ought to be what is in the best interests of the child and how a child’s welfare is best served by our adoption laws. We must also consider how best we might protect children irrespective of the status of their parent or parents. We must inquire how the greatest level of protection can be provided, what prevents discrimination against children and, regardless of the formation of their family, what will provide them with the most security as they grow up.
I would like the civil partnership Bill to be introduced as soon as possible. In addition, it would be good to hear from the Government the priority it intends to afford that legislation.

Senator Mary M. White: I wish to assure colleagues on the opposite side of the Chamber that the Fianna Fáil Party is totally committed to the civil partnership Bill. Let there be no ambiguity about that.

Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.

Senator Mary M. White: There is a commitment in the programme for Government in respect of the legislation and that commitment will be delivered upon.

Senator David Norris: Good.

Senator Mary M. White: I will try to discover, as quickly as possible, when the Bill is due be introduced.
There is no doubt that cultural and social changes are giving rise to legislative change. Society is leading the way and prompting such legislative change. I am of the view that, in time, society will decide whether it is acceptable for gay couples to adopt children and legislators will then make their move.
I am amazed by people who refer to children needing mothers and fathers. Are these individuals inferring that children who, for example, only have mothers are living in a dysfunctional environment? Those who state that children should be raised by both a mother and father must be extremely careful with regard to the language they use.

Senator David Norris: Hear, hear. Well said.

Senator Mary M. White: I again assure those opposite that my party is fully committed to the civil partnership Bill, which I will be valiantly supporting in the House when it is introduced.

Senator David Norris: Good woman.

Deputy Barry Andrews: I echo Senator Mary White’s comments to the effect the Government is committed to the civil partnership Bill. Everyone recognises the country has taken great steps forward in recent years. A number of surveys show the concept of same-sex marriage does not offend the majority of people. While it is fine for people to advocate the family model which includes a mother and father, there should not be discrimination against other family formations. The quasi-religious social theory which underpins some of the constitutional provisions relating to marriage is open to challenge in the modern era. If we place children at the centre of this debate, it will present us with a challenge. It will be difficult for society to engage in the debate to which Senator Bacik refers because there are serious divisions on this issue.
In the context of the Bill, adoption is only available to married couples. The Supreme Court is clear that a married couple is comprised of a man and a woman. Any change to this model would require a constitutional amendment. In my view, however, there are many loving families and what children want more than anything else is a loving family. There is no reason a loving environment cannot be provided by a single person, a cohabiting heterosexual couple or by any of the other family formations that are becoming more common.

Senator Mary M. White: Hear, hear.

Deputy Barry Andrews: The sooner we come to grips with that fact the better. As already stated, however, it would not be appropriate to accept the amendment at this point.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I am glad the Minister of State supports the principle that children are entitled to a loving family of whatever form. I should have declared an interest in that I am serving as junior counsel in the Zappone-Gilligan case, which has not yet been heard by the Supreme Court. This will be the first occasion on which this issue, namely the definition of marriage and whether marriage is confined to a man and a woman, will be put before the Supreme Court. The latter has not yet resolved the issue in a case in which it has been directly in point.
It should be remembered there are already many gay couples with children in Ireland. In the interests of those children, we should be introducing some form of legislation to regularise their position vis-à-vis their own parents.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I move amendment No. 5:

In page 17, between lines 25 and 26, to insert the following:

“(4) In this Act, “special guardianship order” means an order appointing one or more individuals to be a child’s “special guardian” (or special guardians). The Minister may prescribe procedures for the court to follow in making a “special guardianship order”, in accordance with the following principles:

(a) A special guardian—

(i) must be aged eighteen or over; and

(ii) must not be a parent of the child in question.

(b) The court may make a special guardianship order with respect to any child on the application of an individual who—

(i) is entitled to make such an application with respect to the child; or

(ii) has obtained the leave of the court to make the application,

or on the joint application of more than one such individual.

(c) The individuals who are entitled to apply for a special guardianship order with respect to a child are—

(i) any guardian of the child;

(ii) a local authority foster parent with whom the child has lived for a period of at least one year immediately preceding the application.

(d) The court may also make a special guardianship order with respect to a child in any family proceedings in which a question arises with respect to the welfare of the child if—

(i) an application for the order has been made by an individual entitled to do so (or more than one such individual jointly); or

(ii) the court considers that a special guardianship order should be made even though no such application has been made.

(e) The effect of a special guardianship order is that while the order remains

in force—

(i) a special guardian appointed by the order has parental responsibility for the child in respect of whom it is made; and

(ii) subject to any other order in force with respect to the child under this or any other Act, a special guardian is entitled to exercise parental responsibility to the exclusion of any other person with parental responsibility for the child (apart from another special guardian).

(f) Paragraph (e) does not affect—

(i) the operation of any enactment or rule of law which requires the consent of more than one person with parental responsibility in a matter affecting the child; or

(ii) any rights which a parent of the child has in relation to the child’s adoption or placement for adoption.

(g) While a special guardianship order is in force with respect to a child, no person may—

(i) cause the child to be known by a new surname; or

(ii) remove him from the jurisdiction,

without either the written consent of every person who has parental responsibility for the child or the leave of the court.

(h) Paragraph (g) does not prevent the removal of a child, for a period of less than three months, by a special guardian of his or hers.”.
I did not table this amendment on Committee Stage. However, I indicated my intention to table it and I raised the arguments in favour of it at that point. It is based on a provision in section 115 of the UK’s Adoption and Children Act 2002, which creates a special guardianship order by inserting a new provision, section 14A, into the UK’s 1989 Act. On Committee Stage I outlined the effect special guardianship orders would have in Ireland. The introduction of such orders has been recommended by two expert groups, one of which was chaired by the late Dr. Joe Robbins. There are, therefore, already expert recommendations in existence in this country which advocate the introduction of special guardianship.
A special guardianship order provides permanence for children for whom adoption is not appropriate. It is, therefore, a halfway house which goes further than foster care but which is not as permanent or final as adoption. In jurisdictions where provision is made for such orders, courts may make them in respect of a child on the application, in particular, a foster parent with whom the child has lived for at least one year prior to the application. The idea is to provide for situations where children have been living with foster parents for some time where the latter are, in all but name, acting as their parents but where these children do not, for particular reasons, want to break all ties with their birth parents or where it is not appropriate that they should break those ties but where they wish to be in a more permanent relationship with their foster parents. Such foster parents may be a relative of some form.
A special guardian takes on parental responsibility for the child, including all responsibility for day-to-day decisions relating to his or her care and upbringing in law. Under the special guardianship model, the natural or birth parent retains some limited rights, including whether to consent to the child’s placement for adoption. A special guardianship order gives certain rights to the child and his or her guardian, for example that they may leave the country on holiday together. It also provides for retaining a link with the birth parents. Special guardianship is appropriate in cases where fostering does not provide adequate permanence for a child but where an adoption order would also not be appropriate. The Minister of State indicated some interest in this idea on Committee Stage. I am putting forward this model, very much based on the UK’s, as one he may wish to adopt.

Senator David Norris: I second the amendment. It is a useful one that follows the principle of placing the interests of the child as paramount. It provides for a special relationship with a special guardian in circumstances where the birth mother may find it difficult or there may be some obstruction but a link with the birth parents is still retained. At the same time, it prevents the child having a new surname imposed upon him or her, thereby distancing him or her from his or her roots, or the child being removed from the jurisdiction. This is a carefully considered amendment. A court procedure is involved so it cannot be lightly entered into but carefully progressed with due regard given to legal restraints given that a special guardianship would be a serious undertaking by anyone.
There may be circumstances where it could also be used for the protection of a child. The provision appears to me to be a sort of guardian ad litem clause where a child may be in danger in his or her original circumstances and can be removed and placed into the custody of a special guardian. The guardian ad litem clause, introduced after an amendment tabled by the former Senator, Brendan Ryan, and me, only goes so far. It only represents the child in court; it is only a legal position. This amendment goes further because it opens the possibility of someone taking a human interest in the child. It is all very well for the child to have the right to a guardian ad litem to defend him or her in court. That is a very abstract notion. To have someone warm, loving and caring in the background to take on, when necessary, the function of a parent is a good and humane action and enshrines the principle of the primacy of the rights of the child. I recommend this amendment to the Minister of State and hope some move will be made in this area.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: On Committee Stage, the Minister of State expressed some interest in this amendment and said he would seek legal advice on it. Did he and what is he considering to do with the clause on this Stage? If he will not include it in this Bill, will it be included in the civil partnership legislation?
This thoughtful amendment suggests a system to provide guardianship rights to the non-biological parent of a child of a same-sex partnership. It would be supportive and protective of children. For example, it proposes: “While a special guardianship order is in force with respect to a child, no person may cause the child to be known by a new surname or remove him from the jurisdiction, without either the written consent of every person who has parental responsibility for the child or the leave of the court.” It is important to have these sorts of protections in such cases.
The provision is similar to the guardian ad litem provision which we have been very slow to develop in this jurisdiction. It has been in place in England for a long time. I have experience of how it works in adoption assessments and consider it helpful as a system and way of working.
While it would seem the Minister of State will not be accepting this amendment, I would like to hear his views on its proposals. Does he believe there is a gap in the existing legislation? If he is not considering accepting the amendment in this legislation, will he consider it for the civil partnership legislation?

Senator Feargal Quinn: I support Senator Bacik’s amendment. I was unaware of this issue but the main objective of this legislation is the welfare and benefit of the child. The amendment identifies many of the issues in the field such as the category of person allowed to apply for special guardianship being a local authority foster parent with whom the child has lived for at least one year immediately preceding the application. The amendment tackles the various challenges we are not yet handling. If the Minister of State has a problem with the general theme of this, it may well be that he has to make some changes to some detail of which we are unaware.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: This amendment has much merit. Families do get into difficulties and there are times when they need a helping hand. Occasions arise when a special guardian may be needed temporarily. There are occasions when a child may be out of control and the parent, parenting on her own, cannot manage. It is also important a child in such a guardianship is not given a different surname or removed from the jurisdiction.
I support this amendment because it maintains the critical link with the birth parent. Its provisions would also give the courts greater flexibility when searching for a suitable person to care for a child. The amendment recognises everything in parenting is not mainstream. We have to legislate for when life is not perfect and this is a good example of that.

Deputy Barry Andrews: On Committee Stage, I said this proposal was an intriguing solution to this issue. I also referred to the Adoption Act 1988, whereby an adoption order can be sought in respect of someone in long-term foster care provided tight criteria are met. That is transposed into this Bill. There is a constitutional requirement due to an Article 26 reference in the Bill.
The position of foster children has improved dramatically over recent years. In cases where a foster child is with parents for five years or more, the parents can apply for passports in their name and consent to medical treatment for them while they are entitled to the same benefits under gift tax as natural children.
The amendment does not refer to what type of child would be eligible for special guardianship. Senator Bacik spoke of the type of children for whom one may seek a special care order. Is this the type she had in mind or is it more than one category?
The amendment proposes the effect of a special guardianship order is that while the order remains in force, a special guardian appointed by the order has parental responsibility for the child in respect of whom it is made and, subject to any other order in force with respect to the child under this or any other Act, a special guardian is entitled to exercise parental responsibility to the exclusion of any other person with parental responsibility for the child, apart from another special guardian.
The clause, “exclusion of any other person”, may give rise to constitutional problems.
I have sought legal advice on the best vehicle for this matter and whether it can be provided for without constitutional amendment. The options include the Civil Partnership Bill or amendments to the Guardianship of Infants Act 1964 or the Child Care Act 1991. I will consult the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform on these options in due course.

Senator Ivana Bacik: In light of the Minister of State’s comments, I will not press the amendment. I am glad the issue will be revisited. As I noted earlier, two expert reports have recommended the introduction of a special guardianship measure. I have only transposed some of the relevant provisions from English law as an example of what can be done. Clearly, much more detail would be required in respect of any legislation providing for this. For example, detailed special guardianship regulations are in place in England to prescribe the procedures and the children who are eligible. I have raised the matter simply to seek the Minister of State’s support in principle. I accept the matter could be easily addressed through other legislation and thank him for his attention to it.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I move amendment No. 6:

In page 17, between lines 39 and 40, to insert the following:

“(e) providing information, advice and counselling to a birth parent wishing to consider placing a child for adoption;”.
Section 4 of the Bill makes arrangements for the adoption of a child, whether on a domestic or inter-country basis, and sets out the various issues which need to be taken into account when making an adoption order. This amendment would ensure the provision of information, advice and counselling to birth parents forms an integral part of the adoption process. It is a straightforward amendment which provides the woman in such a situation an opportunity to consider carefully the implications of her decision. There is no doubt that standards have improved dramatically both in Ireland and internationally in the way birth mothers are looked after but problems continue to arise in some areas. The reason we spend so much time discussing standards is because this area is vulnerable to abuse. In certain circumstances, women could be put under pressure to make inappropriate decisions. That certainly happened in the past. I move this amendment because it is important to provide support and counselling to birth parents considering whether to place their children for adoption. It is a safeguard amendment to ensure appropriate counselling is made available.
Given the focus of the Hague Convention, I presume the Minister of State is raising the issue of standards in his negotiations with Vietnam. This causes anxiety among people, however, because more than 600 families have already adopted children from that country. If an issue arises regarding standards, one must ask why we allowed these apparently successful adoptions. What are the new barriers to the agreement? The Minister of State is unable to clarify the issues that have arisen in terms of standards and has asked us to take him at his word when he states he will make every effort to conclude an agreement. I accept his good intentions in that regard and am sure he wants to reach an agreement but standards are important. We must ensure birth parents receive the highest possible level of support when making what is often a difficult decision.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: I second the amendment. I regard this amendment as providing for the minimum standard. It is generally the practice that information, advice and counselling is provided to a birth parent who is considering whether to place a child for adoption but there is merit in arguing for requiring this in the legislation. Correct me if I am wrong in assuming that the only instance in which adequate counselling is not provided is where another member of the family or a new partner adopts the child.
We have to uphold adoption standards and I recognise the Minister of State is concerned about this issue. I ask him to clarify for the House the issues that remain outstanding between Ireland and Vietnam in regard to the bilateral agreement. Some 600 Irish families have adopted Vietnamese children and this country’s adoptive parents have a great record. France and Italy have renewed their bilateral agreements with Vietnam. What is it we want that the Vietnamese cannot provide? I would be grateful if the Minister of State could go a little further in giving us information on the human context. As we all know from the hundreds of e-mails we receive, this is a human issue. Families are in torment because of the uncertainty. They have been waiting for years and, just when they thought it was over, this hurdle is put in their path. It appears the Government is stopping them.

Senator Mary M. White: Hold on.

Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: Let me finish. I am prepared to listen and will take the Minister of State in good faith if he can elucidate the issues that remain outstanding. He could reassure us that the matter is being addressed.

Senator David Norris: I am happy to support this amendment, which provides that any reference made to issues of principle on the practicality of adoption shall be taken to include the provision of information, advice and counselling to a birth parent wishing to consider placing a child for adoption, because adoption is a serious step. I presume the amendment only covers the Irish State and has no extraterritorial pretension, even in respect of the other side of the Border. Vietnam does not figure in this amendment as far as I am concerned but we will have a further opportunity to raise the concerns of parents when we deal with the section.
The number of children made available for adoption in this State is quite small. Perhaps the Minister of State can provide the figures in this regard. Adoption has changed from the traditional context whereby women who became pregnant outside marriage were subject to social pressures. In some instances, they were forced to give up their children for adoption. This no longer happens, thank God. Even so, it is a traumatic decision and birth parents who make the decision for whatever reason should be supported by the State through, at the very least, the provision of information so that they can make an informed decision and have professional advice and counselling at what may be a difficult time.

Debate adjourned.

Order of Business - 13th May 2009

Order of Business - 13th May 2009
Senator David Norris: I take a more temperate view. We made fools of ourselves and did not manage this matter very skilfully. We cannot blame the press for the interest it took in this. I certainly will not work seven days, or 24 hours. I often leave this place at 11 p.m. and I do a damn hard day’s work, but if anyone thinks I will work on Sunday, they can forget it. I go to St. Patrick’s Cathedral and I propose to continue doing so. By making exaggerated and intemperate claims, we make fools of ourselves. We were a laughing stock and I laughed like a drain when I heard it. It was very funny but it was not demeaning the place. I considered writing to Senator Cassidy to ask, since we were following the British Tory lead, if I could have my wisteria clipped, my moat drained and the chandeliers cleaned. It makes the whole thing look asinine.
There is a practical side to it in that we do not know whether we are meeting at 10 a.m., 2 p.m., 2.30 p.m. or 3 p.m., Tuesday, Wednesday or Thursday. One cannot arrange a diary. I had to go to an important meeting of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. I have chastised that committee for organising its meetings to coincide with the opening of the Order of Business but I cannot blame its members if they never know when the Order of Business will be. A second committee wanted me to attend for it to be quorate but I refused because I thought it would be insulting to the Seanad. If we insult it ourselves, we cannot blame anyone else for insulting it.
I refer to the case of Mr. Willie Corduff and Shell to Sea. Disgraceful attacks were made on Shell to Sea in an attempt to smear the campaign by attainder. I was called a fool. I am not afraid to be a fool in the interests of virtue. If I am a fool, so is Archbishop Tutu of South Africa, who said that a peaceful protester, Goldman international award winner, Willie Corduff, was physically attacked under cover of darkness by the agents of a multinational corporation resulting in him being hospitalised and left severely hurt and traumatised. That is a matter we should raise and I ask the Leader to raise it. I ask for a proper inquiry. This is a man beaten by thugs in the employ of Shell Oil. What is the response from this Parliament? The victim gets attacked. It is not good enough. I was told that some of the supporters have links with the dissident IRA groups but one cannot impugn an idea by attacking the motivation of some of the fringe elements of the support.

Senator Terry Leyden: We need the gas.

Senator David Norris: Senator Leyden’s Government gave it away for nothing and the Minister who did so went to jail. We know all about that.
I ask for the debate we were promised on human rights, especially in the light of death sentences currently being passed on people in Tibet.

Order of Business - 7th May 2009

Order of Business - 7th May 2009
Senator David Norris: I wish to make a couple of positive points which will require me to mention names but only for the purposes of identifying specific cases in a positive manner. I very strongly welcome the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Louise O’Keeffe.

Senators: Hear, hear.

Senator David Norris: Ms O’Keeffe is a remarkable and courageous woman who was let down by the machinery of the State. The State and church engaged in a nasty form of evasion of their clear responsibility to this woman who had demonstrated that she had been abused. I welcome the decision by the Supreme Court to refuse to grant costs to the State as any other decision would have bankrupted Ms O’Keeffe. Yesterday was a very good day for democracy and for the rights of the individual. Senators on all sides spoke out about this case.
RTE, which has been the subject of criticism, broadcasts some wonderful, life-enhancing programmes. For example, its recent documentary about Chuck Feeney, a person of whom we can be extremely proud, was wonderfully positive. Mr. Feeney is a selfless, remarkable man who used the enormous wealth he had accrued throughout his business career to invest positively and anonymously in doing the things the Government should have done, including investing in third level education and infrastructure. The critical matter was that Mr. Feeney examined these projects carefully before——

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senators must refrain from referring by name to individuals outside the House.

Senator David Norris: It would be impossible to refer to the example I am giving without mentioning the name of the individual in question. I do not do so in a critical sense.
I think I can refer to another Member of the House by name. I am very pleased my colleague on this side, Senator John Paul Phelan, raised the circumstances facing Protestant schools, an issue I briefly referred to the other day. I hesitate to raise this matter because I come from the Protestant community and I do not wish to be associated with——

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The matter has been selected for discussion on the Adjournment.

Senator David Norris: I understand that. I welcome the decision to select it for debate because it has a much more powerful effect if the issue is raised by somebody who is not a member of the Protestant community. This shows the value of the House.
I call for a debate on human rights in the international context, particularly in light of the appalling events in Afghanistan where more than 100 innocent civilians were blown to pieces by United States forces. This is the type of incident I and many of my colleagues, including on the Government side, objected to when the Israelis were implicated in similar activities in Gaza. It shows that even someone like President Obama finds turning around the ship of state a lengthy process.
Tragically, if the United States and the Soviet Union, as it was then known, had made a moral investment and showed concern for human rights 20, 30 or 40 years ago, they might have jointly intervened on behalf of the unfortunate people, particularly women, of Afghanistan.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Does the Senator have a question for the Leader?
Senator David Norris: I ask for a debate on human rights to take into account circumstances analogous to those in Gaza that are still occurring, even under the Obama administration, in Afghanistan where the great powers played out a game, at long distance and to the disadvantage of that country’s people, which inspired the Taliban and resulted in the negative aspects of extreme, fanatical religious positions.

Private Members Motion on Energy Resources - 6th May 2009

Private Members Motion on Energy Resources - 6th May 2009
Senator David Norris: I am delighted to have been called to speak immediately on coming into the House. I am especially glad the Minister, Deputy Ryan, is here because I have some suggestions, questions and prods to deliver directly to him. First, I welcome him to the House and say I am extremely glad a person of his capacity, commitment and political and ideological background is in his position. It is fortunate the Green Party has this significant role at this juncture.
I commend my good friend and colleague, Senator Feargal Quinn, on tabling this very important motion, which is seconded by Senator O’Toole. I lent my name to it because I believe in most of it. However, I have some reservations about the nuclear element although fission and fusion are relatively safe and are well down the list of recommendations. Senator Quinn has been very courageous in this area. He has, as I have, taken an interest in the area of nuclear energy. I cannot speak for Senator Quinn, but I had a long period of resistance to this idea. I believe the Green Party in Ireland perhaps still has, although the Green Party in England appears to have changed its mind.
I have not actually changed my mind. I have simply prised it a little further open. It is for that reason that Senator Quinn and I have a motion on this matter on the Order Paper. It proposes: “That Seanad Éireann requests the Government to establish as a matter of urgency an expert committee to examine in an impartial fashion the feasibility, benefits and potential hazards of nuclear energy generation.” That is the first step. We must face this issue because of the pollutant nature of fossil fuel-based generating systems. We must establish the facts. It was following a meeting with two friends of mine who are involved in the nuclear area that I agreed to table that motion. I am not quite as supportive as Senator Quinn. I would not be gung ho for nuclear energy but to behave responsibly, we must establish the facts.
A number of people, especially on the Opposition benches and in the Green component of the Government but most particularly my colleagues, Senators Bacik, O’Toole and Quinn, have been pushing for the use of natural energy sources for a number of years. There are, of course, problems. The Minister will have seen a newspaper report in recent days of a very exciting development, launched in the presence of Ms Angela Merkel, where the difficulties of wind generation and the fluctuation of supply appear to have been solved by a capacity to store energy and bring it on stream when the wind drops, avoiding the sporadic pattern which is a major problem of wind generation and guaranteeing continuity of supply. We can learn from this.
The Minister spoke about the virtues of the electric car. I drove one outside this House about two weeks ago. It was a Mitsubishi produced by Mr. Joe Clarke of Westbrook Motors in Parnell Street, Dublin 1 in the north inner city. It was one of 11 cars which have been made, is valued at €1 million and I was allowed to drive it. It was a wonderful experience. One simply turned the key, there was no noise, no exhaust, the drive was very smooth and there was good acceleration. The technology probably needs to be tweaked because of the limited mileage the car can achieve but it is well on the way. Today, I received a report by the Joint Committee on Climate Change and Energy Security entitled Drive for Zero: Electric Vehicles are a Winning Proposition.
I principally wish to direct my pleas to the Minister about wave energy. We have a substantial natural resource, particularly on the Atlantic coast. It is estimated we could eventually supply all the energy needs of the island of Ireland from that one source and perhaps export energy. We have the natural ingredients. We have the resource, the research community, the appropriate policy, the incentives — with a feed-in-tariff for wave energy of 22 cent per kilowatt hour — and the technology developers. However, since the announcement of this Government strategy only €500,000 has been invested by the Government. That is not enough and it must be increased. That amount was made available to UCC. None of the developers themselves, who are the most exposed to financial uncertainty, received a single cent.
The Minister has said he sees the emergence of a local wave energy industry as being akin to the establishment of the first portakabin by Intel in Leixlip. If that is the case and there is job potential, should he not be supplying similar levels of support? This is not happening. It is all the more important because of the retention of intellectual property, profits and expertise in Ireland. The European Commission quotes ten to 20 jobs per megawatt installed ocean energy capacity. A national target of 500 megawatts should produce 10,000 jobs. Wave energy is a very worthwhile investment. I believe the Minister’s heart is in the right place. I hope he can use this debate and an independent contribution like mine to strengthen his hand at Cabinet and to ensure the Government makes this investment.
Wavebob, the company in which I am interested, has a joint venture with Vattenfall, a Swedish company, to develop wave farms off the west coast of Ireland. This is a clear vote of confidence by the international community, but they need further support. In the United States under President Obama’s stimulus package, $250 million will be made available to support ocean energy development. What are we doing? We are in danger of being caught if the Scottish authorities facilitate planning permissions and the US supplies the money. We do not want to be outmanoeuvred by the Scottish, as we were in the whiskey trade.
Matthew Simmons wrote Twilight in the Desert, with which I am sure the Minister is familiar. He was one of the first proponents of peak oil theory and called such energy sources the Holy Grail for the future of energy. We are trying to grow a business. At the moment the wave company to which I refer gets most of its support and finance from Sweden. That must stop. One of the directors of the company is a personal friend of mine and I put that on the table. I have no personal investment in any of this. I refer to someone I have known for many years and whom I respect, namely, Mr. William Dick. Even with personal guarantees, these people cannot squeeze money out of the banks.
Science Foundation Ireland awards hundreds of millions of euro for research and design but these people cannot get any of it because they work as a small, private industry. Tax relief on research and design is meaningless in the case of this company. SFI funds flow to third level institutions, but little goes to research. The company to which I refer has a bunch of very bright people doing seriously advanced work. All those involved are graduates, post-doctorate researchers and so on. It has talent from throughout the world; some seven nationalities are represented. It is relatively easy to get funding from Enterprise Ireland for collaborative research with a university. The company has two leading scientists in training with funding totalling approximately €700,000, but the universities have a different approach. They take time and tend to publish commercially sensitive material.
Will the Minister examine this? The Minister should invest in wave energy, about which he spoke so prophetically. When I use the term “invest”, I do not mean €500 million, but substantially more than that.

Order of Business - 6th May 2009

Order of Business - 6th May 2009
Senator David Norris: The violence came the other way and I have seen videos of some of this stuff.
With regard to the HSE and the Ombudsman for Children, I find it extraordinary. I listened to Mr. Kane and it sounded like the Caine mutiny. Apparently, he would not talk and then he wanted it done with lawyers. This delay and waste is symptomatic of the HSE. He is supposed to be protecting children, but actually seems to be protecting, first, the HSE and, second, the Church. I do not think that is the duty of the HSE, so it must be cleared up.
I join with other colleagues, including with Senator Fitzgerald, in expressing concern about the bilateral adoption agreement with Vietnam. All of us who spoke on that debate expressed great concern about the possibility that this deadline would be missed and now it has been. We have a good, intelligent and decent Minister of State. I do not know how the current position came about and I will not blackguard the Minister of State who is a decent man but the position is not acceptable. Yesterday, I received 60 e-mails on this matter, which is indicative of the level of public concern.

Statements on Gangland Crime - 30th April 2009

Statements on Gangland Crime - 30th April 2009
Senator David Norris: I am a welcoming person and I welcome the changing of the guard, noting that there is a different Minister of State in the Chamber. I welcome the support of my colleague, Professor Ivana Bacik, with whom I will share time.
This is a serious situation, particularly with regard to violent organised crime involving firearms. I am now boasting of my age, almost 65 years. When I was younger there was no such thing as organised crime in this country. Gun crime was virtually unknown and comparatively small crimes were headline news. We went to the cinema to see the mob in Chicago but it did not appear to exist in our community. There was less violence.
I am not sure how it happened. Partly, it is our culture. There may not have been a mob but there was a culture of violence. It was embedded in the songs sung, glorifying violence, murder and explosion. That was part of our background. The IRA softened people up to the idea of violence through its campaigns, particularly in recent years. I listened to a reporter in Limerick on RTE, who interviewed a man who was limping because he had been shot. The precise method by which he was shot, through the back of the knee, was used by both sides in the north of Ireland. There is political currency there. I remember warning that if we did not manage the transition from violent events to a more democratic situation, we ran the risk of creating a mob situation, which we now have. There is a direct relationship.
The recent cases in Limerick are extraordinarily worrying. The catalyst for this appalling violence appears so trivial. The refusal to admit a young girl to a pub because she was under age and not in a position to produce evidence of her age was treated by the criminal fraternity as a capital offence for which someone was sentenced to death. That is absurd and a previous case was similarly trivial but people were hired to murder on the basis of this tiny provocation that escalated like a 16th century Italian vendetta.
The ages of some of the murderers and gun toters are 14, 15 or younger. Where does this come from and in what manner have these people been desensitised? The conditions of poverty and squalor in which these people live and the areas where this takes place are limited and easily definable. This is part of the reason. I never thought I would say the following because I remember speaking on the Video Recordings Bill where I was so much in favour of freedom of speech. People are acclimatised to horrendous violence by violent video games. This must be examined again.
There are absurd effects of this. I do not want to be bloodthirsty but I recall the phrase in the Bible that those who live by the sword die by the sword. The case of the man who blew his head off while showing an accomplice how to murder somebody is absurd to the point of laughability. My mother’s favourite joke was a cartoon of a man who lost his index finger who was explaining to his workmate how it happened and the other four fingers were flying up in the air. It happened because the man was so stupid. One regrets every death but if anyone asks for it, it is someone from a gang. It shows they are not quite as clever as they thought they were. We must use these circumstances quite callously to illustrate the lack of intelligence. These people are admired and have promoted themselves. Consider the insensitive way a young female member of one of these gangs discussed on the Internet her favourite gun, among other fashion accessories. That is a deliberate provocation of society.
The Minister of State referred to the CAB and Senator Walsh approvingly referred to how other countries have admired it. I hope they knew it was Tony Gregory who suggested it and I who supported him in this House. The Government was not the slightest bit interested at that stage so there is no point in the Government taking credit for it now. Let the credit reside where it belongs, with the late Deputy Tony Gregory, who pointed out there was no co-ordination between the inland revenue, the social services and the Garda Síochána, and who consistently made the plea for co-ordination.
There is a relationship between drugs and guns. Frequently, guns come in as part of the drugs shipment for a variety of reasons. We are vulnerable to drugs because of our island geography. It is extremely difficult to police this area, even with European assistance. We were very foolish to allow ourselves, in an unsophisticated way, to be set up for this. One of the ways we did this was by ignoring heroin, despite what people like Tony Gregory were saying. We concentrated on cannabis, a recreational drug, which was a stupid diversion from the real target. They should have considered legalising cannabis.
The Minister of State, in his speech, mentioned Mr. Collins. I saw his father on television and I salute him and his family. It was immensely moving to see his grief and hear that, even though he knew that the same might happen again and he might lose a son, he would still do it because these people must be stopped. We need not look for support from the people; while we have magnificent, courageous, decent people like that in Limerick, we have the support of the people and must build on it. I honour and salute that extraordinary man.
The figures in the Minister of State’s speech are a complete waste of time and are utter garbage. I remember being in the House when Michael McDowell produced the same figures. The Fianna Fáil Members analysed the figures and argued that the only reason an increase could be shown was because the figures took this or that starting point. They are not impressing anyone with that. We need to know not whether there was a percentage increase between 1997 and today but whether there are enough gardaí concentrated in the areas where they are necessary. There is a clearly demonstrable correlation between the numbers of gardaí and a drop in crime. The Minister of State should not try to fob us off with massaged figures that impress nobody.
I was interested in what the Minister of State said about trained asset profilers. I would have liked some more information on this as it was not explained, meaning it was just a phrase. I assume it means that people are professionally trained to detect, for example, if there is a sudden efflorescence of luxury in a working class estate, a Lamborghini is parked outside a door or people appear outside the front door looking extraordinarily tanned after a period of poor weather conditions and so on. I presume such people find anomalies and are able to profile and track people who could not afford items such as houses, boats or holidays on the social welfare they claim, for example. Can we have more information about what is involved?
There is the question of witness protection, which is very important. Can a programme be achieved and are there resources to do it? There should also be protection for gardaí and I ask the Minister to introduce special penalties for those who attack the emergency services.
Is there a proper register for handguns and is it updated regularly? May a person with a criminal record ever have a handgun? They should not be allowed to have one. With regard to the use of surveillance evidence, how would this be gained? How would long-distance voice recording be proven, for example, and is there a form of voice profiling? Mobile phone tracing has been useful in the past.
There is a clear need with regard to definition, for example, of members of a criminal organisation. Previously, there had been great difficulties in defining “gang” and the process came unstuck with that before. Will the Minister of State reassure the House that we have an appropriate definition of criminal organisation? How is that defined and how can people be deterred or prosecuted for that?

Order of Business - 30th April 2009

Order of Business - 30th April 2009
Senator David Norris: I ask the Deputy Leader to provide for a debate on freedom of speech, particularly in light of the apparent proposals to introduce into law the offence of blasphemous libel. Unfortunately, I was in hospital and was not able to be in the House yesterday but I would have raised it had I been here. It is very important that we consider the issue.
Certain forces abroad are trying to get this done. The Vatican, in conjunction with the forces of Islamic fundamentalism, has been using international fora to try to establish an offence of defamation of religion, and this was rightly resisted by our international representatives. To find that the Government is acting in a contradictory way is very disturbing.
I was close to a case of blasphemous libel some years ago, which was very damaging, when Gay News was banned on foot of the publication of a poem by the late Professor James Kirkup. That had serious repercussions here as an entire edition was seized and other editions were subsequently seized. It was a serious infringement.
The matter of blasphemous libel and blasphemy was raised and dismissed by the Law Reform Commission in 1991. The Supreme Court decision in 1999 held the same way. I understand exactly how offensive these matters can be. That is why some weeks ago I raised the matter of a blasphemous performance in a Wexford nightclub where they re-enacted the Crucifixion. I felt that to be contemptible and I said so. The matter was taken up by the radio and other sources. As a result, not perhaps of my intervention but the popular moral disapproval, this was cancelled. That is the way to do it. God, if he or she exists, requires no defence from Irish law.
We would be far better off introducing civil partnership legislation and if we are looking for legislation to introduce we should achieve something we promised rather than kowtow. Where did this come from? I am a little disturbed to discover that sources close to one of the most reactionary religious-political groups here are circulating newsletters containing selectively edited highlights from these kinds of debate in Seanad Éireann. I deplore that and any Member of the House who co-operates with it as that is not freedom of speech either. That is the reason we need a debate on freedom of speech.