Friday, December 19, 2008

Order of Business - 19th December 2008

Order of Business – 19th December 2008-12-19
Senator David Norris: I would like to raise two matters. I have been shocked
by this morning's financial developments. When I interviewed the gentleman
in question on the radio, I found him to be very pleasant. It is astonishing to
think that the entire establishment has been impugned. Leading people from
practically every pillar of our community - politicians, clergy of various
denominations, lawyers and bankers - have gone to jail. It is astonishing. I
was involved in a directors' loan some years ago. I gave money to a company
to keep it going. That is my understanding of how a directors' loan works.
Directors should not take one third of their companies' funds, which really
belong to other people, for themselves.
It is clear to me I simply do not understand high finance, but I think it is sometimes fairly low finance.
I refer to another matter I regard as quite serious. On foot of newspaper reports, without any personal animus against people whom I do not recall ever having met and about whom I do not know anything, I have raised questions about the way in which the chief executive officer of the Equality Authority was driven out of office. He is a person of the highest integrity. I asked a series of questions. I wish to put on the record of the House that attempts have been made by senior members of Government to intimidate me, to indicate to me that I would be politically punished if I attempted to continue to raise these matters. If that ever happens again, I will name the Minister who did it, and I will not stop in this House. I will do the same outside and I will let anybody who dares to intimidate me or to interfere with the democratic process take his or her chance against me in the courts. I am one of the most litigious people in this land and I have never lost - the worst I had was a draw.
We have indicated that that we will celebrate the first meeting of Dáil Éireann in 1919 and it is perfectly proper, wonderful and honourable that we should. In the context of the attacks upon human rights and the swingeing cuts, the Government should bear in mind these two sentences from the programme of Government for the First Dáil in 1919:
We declare that we desire our country to be ruled in accordance with the principles of Liberty, Equality, and Justice for all, which alone can secure permanence of Government in the willing adhesion of the people...
It shall be the first duty of the Government of the Republic to make provision for the physical, mental and spiritual well-being of the children, to secure that no child shall suffer hunger or cold from lack of food, clothing, or shelter, but that all shall be provided with the means and facilities requisite for their proper education and training as Citizens of a Free and Gaelic Ireland.
That is the test against which the Government will be judged.
Senator Terry Leyden: Successfully.
Senator Jim Walsh: Some €45 million has been spent on the Equality Authority in the past decade, which is a considerable sum of money.
Senator David Norris: It is buttons compared with the waste.
Senator Jim Walsh: This year the authority's funding will enable it to have 38 staff.
Senator David Norris: None of them has any experience.

Order of Business - 18th December 2008

Order of Business – 18th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I welcome the fact that the Government is taking initiative. It has got at least one element right, and that is research and development. It should be kept here.
I have spoken in this House on several occasions over the years about situations where brilliant, innovative and imaginative work done by Irish people was repatriated to the United States along with the profits of that work. We must make sure we get a fair crack of the whip when it comes to our own creativity.
It is not right that this House should be sidelined, which is an increasing feature of the political system. It is a pity. We should not be pussyfooting around the issue of the wage agreement. The reality is that there must be an immediate wage freeze. None of us should get an extra cent while people all around us are losing their jobs. There must be solidarity in this.
In regard to the fishing industry, I am delighted that Members on both sides of the House have sought to give support to our Ministers in Brussels. We should not always touch the forelock to Europe. If one quantifies what other members have received from us in terms of our fish stocks, it more than matches the sum of every single cent we have received from Brussels in grants.
Senators: Hear, hear.
Senator David Norris: If we had stayed out of it and kept our fish stocks, we would be in a better position than we are now. We should remind our European colleagues of that. France, Portugal and Spain have consistently devastated their own stocks before setting off to pillage those of others. Many years ago, I offered support to the Canadians in their dispute with European fishermen who had gone as far as the cod banks off Newfoundland and were destroying the fish stocks there. Our Ministers are strongly deserving of our support in this matter.
Senators: Hear, hear.
Senator David Norris: Will the Leader respond to the series of questions I asked of him in recent days? The first relates to the situation of Ms Pamela Izevbekhai. I honour Senators Leyden and Ó Murchú for their strong support on this issue. I would be pleased to withdraw my motion in favour of an all-party proposal, which would be preferable. Like Senator Leyden, I have been the subject of anonymous contacts, although it was not a telephone call but an anonymous letter. Unfortunately, I threw it in the bin, as I do with all such correspondence, when I should have handed it to the Garda. The letter was accompanied by a newspaper article in reference to which I asked the Leader to raise with the Minister the apparent leaks from sources within the immigration service and whether there should be an inquiry in this regard.
I also asked him about certain matters surrounding the resignation of the chairman of the Equality Tribunal. The statement by the chairwoman of the Equality Authority was issued almost simultaneously with the announcement of that resignation, which had the effect of undermining it. Was that statement mandated as a result of a board meeting or was it a type of maverick action? The representative of the National Women's Council of Ireland has done the decent thing by resigning. The remaining members of the board should do the same. It is astonishing that they should so openly display the fact that they do not have the guts of a gooseberry compared with this wonderful woman who resigned in protest and in order to cease collaborating in the destruction of equality rights.

Thursday, December 18, 2008

Adjournment Debate on Care of the Elderly - 17th December 2008

Adjournment Debate on Care of the Elderly - 17th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I have been briefed on this issue by a constituent and I rely on the brief to establish the facts. It is about a residential facility in County Carlow, a part of Ireland known to the Minister of State and me. It is a 30-bed HSE residential care facility that looks after elderly people in the Carlow area, with ages ranging from 70 to 97. They are elderly people and, to a certain extent, they are vulnerable. The money for this facility was generated over many years by the subscriptions and donations of charitable persons and is an expression of the care that the community in the area provides for its elderly people.
On Friday, 12 December, a HSE official visited this facility and the residents understood her to indicate that it would be closed in the new year. I was not present so I cannot say absolutely that she said that. The residents certainly understood that she said it and they became greatly distressed. The grandson of one of those relatives contacted me about the matter. No clear explanation was given as to why this closure should take place. The residents were left distressed and unclear about their future residential care needs. The residents' carers and relatives were left dazed, picking up the pieces as a result of this.
A very confusing statement was issued by the HSE, which stated that it confirmed that from Monday, 15 December, its 12-bed rehabilitation ward in Sacred Heart Hospital in Carlow will reopen and will return to full operational status. It also stated that it was not holding a meeting that day "with regard to the future". That means "yes, it is not", which is very odd. The situation is very confusing and I hope the Minister of State can clarify the issue.
Apart from the distress and anxiety caused to the residents, a relocation of this kind has very serious psychological and other impacts on people. Moving house can be a very traumatic event for somebody who is well and it has been known to create fatalities in well balanced and apparently healthy people. Therefore, people in the 70 to 97 age bracket may also be confused about this because it is an appalling prospect for them. My constituent told me that he contacted HSE officials, who confirmed that it is under review. The area health manager denied that any such statement was made, but then admitted that she was not actually in the room. Therefore, she is not in a position to deny or confirm what was said. Neither am I, but the residents certainly had that impression.
I have a series of questions to ask and I understand that the Minister of State is addressing the issue in advance of these questions. Were 26 vulnerable elderly people told by a HSE official that their home would be closing in 2009, and, if so, why? We know that this type of facility is subject to a review. This may be prudent, and we all remember the Leas Cross case, where it was proper to inquire into the dangerous situation for the residents there. Are there real causes of concern here? What are they? Does this review exist already? When will it be published? Who carried it out? What are the implications for the residents? Will the HSE reassure all the elderly residents in the facility that their future residential health care needs are not in jeopardy?
I know the midlands and I know Carlow fairly well, and I rather like it. Rumours spread in a small community and there are rumours that the situation emerged not because of a deficiency in the home, but because there was the possibility of a sale of the land involved to a large retail outlet so that a car park could be created that would generate money for central funding. That would be scandalous if it was the truth.
Is the closure of the facility to be temporary or otherwise? What are the choices in front of the residents? Will the HSE put forward a plan to minimise the distress and disruption involved? Is this really about financial rationalisation? What provisions are being made to secure the jobs of the team of nurses who are there already and who have a familiarity and relationship with these elderly people? Very often, such relationships are necessary as they represent a lifeline for elderly people.
Many questions need to be asked about this. Elderly people were certainly put in a panic by the proposition that their residential accommodation may be removed. I would like to establish the facts and then see what can be done. How can these people and their carers be reassured?

Minister of State at the Department of Health and Children (Deputy Máire Hoctor): I thank Senator Norris for raising this issue. It provides me with an opportunity to outline to this House the background to the current situation and the action taken by the HSE, and to reassure the older people concerned about the future.
I have been informed by the HSE that it has not made a decision to close the facility. Government policy on older people is to support people to live in dignity and independence in their own homes and communities for as long as possible. Where this is not feasible, the health service supports access to quality long-term residential care when appropriate, and we continue to develop and improve health services in all regions and to ensure quality and patient safety. The safety and well-being of older people living in nursing homes is of critical concern.
Quality care and patient safety comes first and all patients should receive the same high standard of quality-assured care. Our primary focus has to be on patients. Each hospital, each local health office, managers, clinicians and others working in the health services have a responsibility to ensure that they provide the best possible service to patients and to other clients of our health services.
Under the Health Act 2004, the Health Service Executive has operational responsibility for the delivery of health and social services. This includes facilities such as Bethany House. Bethany House is a welfare home which opened in the 1970s. It is currently operating as a 30-bed unit, which consists of 28 residential beds and two respite beds. There are currently 25 long-stay residents, with one long-stay admission to the facility in the past six months. Reviews are essential to ensure that resources are appropriately channelled and that the changing needs of older people are suitably addressed. The HSE commissioned a review of elderly services within the Carlow and Kilkenny region in 2006. This review, which included Bethany House, was conducted in 2007. The report was received by the HSE in early 2008 and is under consideration.
In recent days, Bethany House has been the subject of media speculation and local rumours that the facility faces closure. No such decision has been made. The Department has been advised that the review is under consideration by the HSE and no definite decision has been made. However, as soon as a decision is made on Bethany House, residents and those directly affected will be the first to be informed.

Following those recent reports, the HSE has taken a number of positive steps to allay the concerns of residents and staff. Senior HSE officials have met all residents and staff to discuss the speculation and to answer any queries or address any concerns they may have. As I said, no decisions on the future of Bethany House have been made. However, the HSE continues to work closely with the home to address the concerns of residents.

Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister of State for addressing the situation. I accept that she is not personally responsible for the inadequacy of her reply. She might not be in a position to agree with me, on the record, that it is inadequate. The reply she read made it clear that the HSE has not made a decision to close the facility. However, the HSE has not made a decision to keep it open either. The indecision in this case is leaving elderly people in a real quandary, which is an appalling prospect for them at this stage of their lives. The Minister of State has acknowledged that a report was commissioned. Almost a year has passed since it was received, but no decision has been made. When will the report be made public?
Can the Minister of State obtain for me written answers to the questions I have asked? I accept that ministerial replies to Adjournment matters are prepared before specific questions are made available. I understand that to be the form of this House. I would be very grateful if the Minister of State could arrange for the questions I have asked, which will be reproduced in the Official Report, to be answered. Will the Bethany House facility be kept open? If not, when will it be closed? When will the report be made public? When will it be acted upon? These questions need to be answered if relatives, patients and staff are to be reassured.

Deputy Máire Hoctor: All I can do is read the statement that is given to me. To be fair to the HSE, if it has not made a decision, I accept that and I ask the Senator to accept it. I appreciate the power of suggestion; it can have a great impact. I hope those who are worried are worrying unnecessarily. Do I recall correctly that the Senator's questions related to whether the people in question have been told what is to happen and when they can expect a clear and definite decision on the future of the house?

Senator David Norris: Yes. I also asked the Minister of State to find out who wrote the report and when it will be published.

Deputy Máire Hoctor: I will get back to the Senator in writing on those questions.
Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister of State. She is very good. I a

Statements on Foster Care - 17th December 2008

Statements on Foster Care - 17th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Barry Andrews. It is appropriate that he should participate in this debate because he is a caring and sensitive person who will take a direct and immediate interest in these issues. I also welcome the opportunity to pay tribute to those involved in foster care, foster parents and officials, most of whom are doing an extremely good job. Occasionally, however, one hits a snag, as I have learned through the several cases in which I have been involved.
Without providing details that might identify the persons concerned, I will refer to a particularly tragic case in which a young woman who was addicted to drugs had two children and subsequently suffered brain damage after an overdose. The grandparents in this case wished to take an interest in the children but met great resistance in this regard, not from those providing the foster care but from the authorities handling the case. Some of those bureaucrats were young people hardly out of college, the ink fresh on their diplomas, but they presumed to know more than the children's grandparents. Officials must show some sensitivity in such cases. The birth mother was wired up to various machines in an intensive care unit, yet because of some theoretical consideration, it was determined that the two children should be made to visit her once a fortnight. They left screaming because it was clearly a horrendous nightmare for them. There must be a balance between our understanding as human beings and the theory that may be dealt out.
The foster care system in general is creaking along somewhat. I emphasise that I have nothing but the highest regard for those involved in the system, apart from my reservations about the rigid application of academic ideas regarding the welfare of children in obvious defiance of their needs. The Minister of State indicated that there is a lack of data, which is a critical issue. To plan and make provision for the future, it is important that we should have an accumulation of data so that we know what the situation is and how it may best be progressed.
I have been briefed by a group with which I was previously unfamiliar, the Irish Association of Young People in Care, which was established in 1999. There has been some Government involvement with this organisation, with the Health Service Executive providing funding for a two-year project, the children's rights and participation project, under which there has been successful engagement with 1,000 people in the north Dublin area. It has been adopted by Vodafone for sponsorship as one of its particular charities. It seems, therefore, to stand in good repute.
One of the first issues the organisation highlights is the absence of up-to-date data, which it emphasises as vital. The group is optimistic and aspirational in its stated objectives, expressing the view that every young person in care should have an allocated social worker. I am not sure how practical that is within the current budget restraints. It also emphasises the importance of devising and implementing a care plan and that resources should be allocated on the basis of need rather than resources. That is certainly the case in an ideal situation but when resources are limited, tough decisions must be made. Unfortunately, it is not always possible to allocate to everybody on the basis of need alone, particularly in the current economic climate. For that reason, we must make the most efficient use of the resources we have.
The most up-to-date statistics, as far as I am advised, are from December 2005 when there were 5,220 young people in care. Of these, 85.6% were in foster care and 7.6% in residential care. This indicates how vital foster care is within the care system. Some 22% of those in care had been so for less than one year, 42% for one to five years and 36% for more than five years. The percentage of children in foster care is growing all the time. Some 44% of relative foster carers had children placed without approval. That is worrying, as is the lack of information. For example, we do not know how many children have been allocated social workers, nor do we have precise information on the ethnicity of those children. That may not have been an issue in previous generations but it certainly is now and is something that must be clearly addressed.
There are no statistics for the number of young people who exit the system completely at the age of 18, at which time they may be vulnerable. There seems to be no follow-up of such individuals. We must be informed of the outcome for these young persons. We cannot allow them simply to slide off the end of a conveyor belt without some knowledge of the end result. There is anecdotal evidence that children in long-term, stable foster care placements have better outcomes than those with multiple placements. It is vital that the data in this regard are made available. Children do not always stay in the same family grouping but may instead move from time to time. I assume that can be highly unsettling for a vulnerable young person.
There is a lack of up-to-date information on the numbers, roles and locations of social workers. The most recent data, from 2001, indicates there were 1,992 social worker posts with 307 vacancies. Within this figure is a worryingly high annual turnover rate of 18.1%, with health boards consistently reporting difficulties in recruiting. That is another problem. This high turnover of social workers, perhaps coupled with multiple placements, is unsettling for young people. There is no central core of stability in such an arrangement, which is precisely what is missing from these young people's lives.
There is no clear definition of a care plan.
What are its objectives? Why is it in place and what should it cover? Very often it is merely a history. It is not a care plan looking to the future but one stating this, that or the other happened and we are now at point X. We should be trying to determine what the results of this historical survey imply and how the system can be improved.
According to national standards, the reviews of a young person's care plan are supposed to occur once every six months in the first two years of care. They are important because they detail issues such as contact with the family and so on.
After care assistance, which I already mentioned, is very important but it must be tightened up. We must bear in mind that over half of the 16 to 17 year olds leaving care do so in an unplanned way. That figure is astonishing. Those young people are vulnerable and in tumult and they leave the system in a way that is not planned for.
There are no data or Irish research on teenage pregnancy that occurs in foster homes and that is worrying.
I find it interesting that the primary reason for young persons being placed in foster care is parental neglect. I want to reflect on that for a moment because sometimes we are lectured about the holiness of the family by what I regard as the more conservative voices in this debate. I came from a family, the same as everybody else, but it is a great mistake to make it just a shibboleth, define it narrowly and not recognise that there are occasions in which the family can be in dereliction of its duty. What about those children? Are they placed in an ideal situation? Should we bow down and grovel to the families that produced these cases of neglect? Should we not be more realistic and say that all these circumstances are human and that the institutions they deal with are human institutions and must be shaped and assisted in the interest of the human components and not in the interests of some mythical or ideological concept that makes a totem out of the family.
We must remember that 50% of the children in foster care are in that care directly because of parental neglect. That is not the responsibility of gay people. We are not undermining the family. We are not causing this parental neglect. That is something that exists and it must be taken into consideration as part of the spectrum of human experience in this country.

Motor Vehicle (Duties and Licenses) (No.2) Bill 2008 - 17th December 2008

Motor Vehicle (Duties and Licences)(No. 2) Bill 2008 - Second Stage - 17th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I will speak for only two minutes. I welcome the Minister to the House, but this is particularly stupid legislation and the Minister knows that perfectly well. As a member of the Green Party, his slogan always was that the polluter pays. The polluter is not paying in this, the vehicle is being taxed. What the Minister should be doing, and he knows it perfectly well but his colleagues in Fianna Fáil would not agree to it, is taxing petrol, as it should be, on the amount used.
One could have a huge car, as I had until Southern Ireland asphalt in alliance with South Dublin County Council destroyed it, but I used it only occasionally. I do not mind paying that. However, the Minister would receive a great deal more money. It would be far more efficient and it would inhibit the consumption of petrol and the emission of fumes if the Minister did what he knows is right and taxed petrol. However, just like in the United States, it is unpopular. Will the Minister reconsider that?
I spoke to the Minister about a sophisticated ignition system. I know he is aware of it but I will send him another copy of it. I spoke with Mr. Halligan who, according to himself, never received a copy of it. Perhaps it got lost in the bureaucracy. I will send a copy directly to him as it should be explored.
Will the Minister examine the situation for taxi drivers in how this Bill affects them with regard to licences or registration? It is a disaster. There is a superfluity of taxi drivers and they have great difficulties. I put these on the record of the House recently and I will send the Minister a copy. A point made to me in a letter I received this morning is that because of the difficult situation taxi drivers find themselves in, they are coming in from the surrounding counties and flooding Dublin. Is there any way of using the tax system to indicate from what county taxi drivers come and try to ensure that in this difficult time they stay more or less in their local area?
Will the Minister re-examine the taxation on vehicles for the disabled? It should be reduced to zilch, zero, nil.
Whether via VAT or some other form of taxation, people in this situation should be afforded preferential treatment as compared with those of us who are able bodied.

Order of Business - 17th December 2008

Order of Business - 17th December 2008
Senator David Norris: This Government is both arrogant and frightened, which is a dangerous combination in difficult times. The doubling of the cuts in the health service from €400 billion to €800 billion or €900 billion overnight is a staggering situation. We need to ensure the service provision is not affected and inefficiencies are cut out.
I was aware of a case a year or two ago of a woman who fought valiantly for her son who suffered from a syndrome, the name of which I cannot remember. It was agreed that the service would be provided and the first stage was the appointment of three managers. Immediately after that, there was an embargo on recruitment in the health service. There are three managers who must be paid and no delivery of service for the child. That is the kind of nonsense that is now not tolerable.
I wish to raise another matter. I asked the Leader of the House about a leak of information from the immigration service. He promised he would get the information, but I have not received it and would like to ensure I do.
I must lay the groundwork for my question to the Leader today. While I will not name anyone and did not do so yesterday, officers of State are accountable. I do not mean to pillory any individual but the office is accountable. I will outline the sequence of events. The then head of the Prison Service was involved in a situation where a chaplain was fired because of an alleged release of information required during the course of an inquiry. A complaint was made to the Equality Authority, a significant part of it was upheld and the Department concerned had to pay an award of €40,000. It was found the release had been illegally used and the former head of the Prison Service and now Secretary General of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform is undergoing an inquiry by the Garda Síochána.
I find that astonishing. A Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform was jailed and now the Secretary General of the Department is being investigated. The person involved moved jobs, with which there is nothing wrong, and became Secretary General of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform which has responsibility for the Equality Authority. The authority has now been humiliated and destroyed. It is an interesting sequence of events and we are entitled to some accountability. A background note was issued on Monday from the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform which confirmed that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy Dermot Ahern and the Irish Prison Service were vicariously liable for the unauthorised release of this confidential information.
Will the Leader find out immediately what is meant by the phrase "vicariously liable"? Is it a legal term? Does it have any validity or is it an attempt to evade responsibility? The Secretary General involved is not making any statement at this stage; I believe he should.
It says that a Roman Catholic bishop-----
An Cathaoirleach: What newspaper is the Senator quoting from?
Senator David Norris: The Irish Times from Tuesday.
Senator Joe O'Toole: The newspaper of record.
Senator David Norris: It is the newspaper of record, apart from the Irish Examiner which is an equally good newspaper.
An Cathaoirleach: We are not advertising newspapers this morning.
Senator David Norris: We are told a Roman Catholic bishop, on foot of this illegally distributed information, fired the prison chaplain. He was the quasi-employer of the priest. What is a quasi-employer? Can we have a definition from the Leader of the two terms I mentioned? Can we find out if the Secretary General is now considering his position?
An Cathaoirleach: I do not want individuals recognised.
Senator David Norris: What is "vicariously liable" and what is a "quasi-employer"?
An Cathaoirleach: I remind the Senator that Members have privilege in this House and it should be respected.
Senator David Norris: I have respected it. I have not named anyone. I am asking for responsibility and accountability by servants of this State.

Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2008 - 16th December 2008

Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2008 – Committee Stage – 16th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I concur with Senator Fitzgerald. I am aware that there has been a problem for some time and it has been accepted practice that processing claims takes eight to ten weeks. The Department gave an explanation and stated that people receive an immediate gratuity or some other payment from their employer to tide them over. It seems harsh that people should be placed in this position.
The issue on which I ask for further information is recent newspaper reports, which I presume may have some substance as they appeared in reputable newspapers, that some of the Polish workers who were formerly employed here are flying over on cheap flights and collecting social welfare payments as if they were still resident here. I do not want to tar all Polish workers as I believe only a small minority is involved, as is the case in every community. There is, therefore, nothing anti-Polish in raising this issue. If, however, the reports are true, it is an abominable practice because it diminishes the pot for the rest of those experiencing difficult circumstances during a period of economic turbulence. Does the Minister have further information on the matter?

Deputy Mary Hanafin: Two separate issues have been raised. The length of time required to process claims is due to the pressure caused by the number of applications being received. Unfortunately, all offices have experienced a large increase in the number of people applying for jobseeker's allowance and jobseeker's benefit. To ensure we can expedite the processing of claims, approximately 30 additional staff were made available some months ago. The Department also received sanction for 115 extra staff who are being recruited from other Departments and moved into the relevant offices. We also established a special unit in the Townsend Street office consisting solely of deciding officers.
They will take claims from throughout the country and work very quickly through them to try to ensure people with claims can receive them before Christmas. We are targeting claims for jobseeker's allowance and benefit.
The jobseeker's benefit never takes as long because it is directly related to people having paid their social insurance stamps. The jobseeker's allowance, because it is a means tested payment, can take longer. We are very conscious of it and hope the extra staff in the special unit will help to expedite issues.
On the question asked by Senator Norris on potential fraud, there was anecdotal evidence some months ago that this was happening. To combat that, rather than having people sign on once a month and have their payment paid electronically through their bank and not have to collect it in person, I decided people could sign on once a month but had to collect their payment in the post office every week. The measure applied to new claimants and we are satisfied it has cut down substantially on any potential fraud. It is something we must keep under close control.

Senator Martin Brady: Senator Norris has covered some of what I wanted to say. Some constituents brought a matter to my attention of a situation where a landlord has a partner living under the same roof and the partner receives rent supplement. The evidence is anecdotal. I believe the situation is widespread in north Dublin. Is the Minister aware of this? If it is happening, what can be done about it? It is something I have not come across before.

Senator David Norris: I welcome the clarification the Minister has given. It is a good idea to have payments collected weekly.
Another element in the article I read stated that people are not normally asked for clear or photographic identification. Can the Minister consider introducing that through regulation? The same article had a build-up of so many incidental facts that an accurate case was suggested. It was suggested that some people were getting colleagues or friends to sign on for them and there was no photographic check, such as a driver's licences or passport.

Deputy Mary Hanafin: On Senator Brady's point on rent supplement, it is an area where, because we are spending €410 million, we must keep under control who is receiving it for whom. It can be difficult because we give it to the individual tenant rather than to a landlord. Records would not be kept under the name of a landlord but under the name of each individual tenant. I will check if we can have further control on that matter.
Senator Norris is correct. We do not look for photographic identification. When people come in to claim they must bring all their details with them. If we have evidence that people are signing on behalf of others, which was the story we both read, we must see how we can ensure the right people are getting the money.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 2:
In page 6, between lines 10 and 11, but in Part 1, to insert the following:
" "Spouse" shall be construed to include marriages and civil partnerships between persons of the same sex which would be recognised in other jurisdictions.".
This is an attempt redefine the term "spouse" to include same sex couples. In an extraordinary move a number of years ago, the Minister's predecessor, Deputy Mary Coughlan, on foot of a decision by the Equality Tribunal which found a case of serious discrimination and violation of human rights because a transport company had denied the same rights to a spouse in a same sex relationship that were available to heterosexual couples whether they were married or not, chose not to address this discrimination but copperfastened the violation of human rights by redefining "spouse" to exclude people. We were told, four or five years ago by the then Minister, Deputy Coughlan, that this matter would be addressed speedily and was a temporary tidying-up operation. It has been consistently long-fingered.
It is disgraceful that this Government, as far as I know, is the only one in Europe to have introduced highly discriminatory legislation of any kind against citizens in the last 15 years. Citizens were reassured by the then Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern, that they had exactly the rights, that it was the responsibility of the law to justify and vindicate those rights, and that sexual orientation must never be used as a reason for discriminating against people. In an attempt to be helpful, as I always am, I tabled this amendment to address this glaring, blatant and mean-minded attack on the civil and human rights of a vulnerable minority.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I support Senator Norris in this.

Deputy Mary Hanafin: I do not propose to accept the amendment. The reason is the preparation of the Civil Partnership Bill which, as the Senator knows, is due to be published early next year. It will give civil partnership registration for same sex couples and will also confer a range of rights and obligations. I intend, following the passing of that Bill, to ensure equivalent social welfare treatment will be extended in a future Social Welfare Bill to the category the Senator is talking about. It is appropriate at this stage, given how advanced the Civil Partnership Bill is, to wait until the issue is dealt with in that.

Senator David Norris: While I do not wish to impugn the Minister's honour or goodwill in this matter, since the Social Welfare Bill was used as an instrument to discriminate viciously against gay people, it is perfectly appropriate that it be used in a positive manner to remove the discrimination. There is nothing to prevent that in the future. It can be done now quite easily, simply and technically. It would be a good day's work.
I have heard about this Bill for the past four years. It has now been postponed until the end of 2009. I had a Civil Partnership Bill on the Order Paper of the House for four years and it was kicked to touch every time. I cannot remember how many committees there were. There was the Anne Colley committee, the human rights committee, the committee on the constitution and old Uncle Tom Cobley and all. The whole gasworks were involved in it and they all said, "Yes, go ahead and do it." The courts said the same. I do not know what the problem is. It is being long-fingered again.
I remind the Minister that justice delayed is justice denied. I look for the amendment to be accepted. I am not anti-family. I would like the Minister to know that because a Senator from Wexford on the Government side of the House produced material on supporting the family. It was apparently intended to undermine those of us taking a progressive point of view. I offered to sign it and begged to have it given to me so I too could support the family. I did not come out of the hot tap in the bath. I came from a family. I support the family. I do not support it with uncritical fervour regardless of whether the father is fiddling with the children or there are other types of abuse going on. There are some pretty rotten families. To use the family as a scapegoat for denying people human rights is an idiotic piece of nonsense. I do not accept what the Minister has to say on this issue.

Deputy Mary Hanafin: The difference between now and previous occasions is that the scheme for the Civil Partnership Bill was approved by Government last year. Preparation is well under way, unlike previous occasions when generalities were being discussed.

That Bill will have a significant impact on same sex couples and on their rights. Therefore, it is appropriate to wait until that Bill has dealt with those issues so that I can then follow it up afterwards in a social welfare Bill, which is my intention.

Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister for her courteous response. This will be my last intervention on this matter. To have something in the heads of a Bill does not matter a tuppenny damn. In the Charities Bill 2007, we had a clear indication that human rights would be included as it had been included in Northern Ireland, Scotland, England, Wales and even Australia. However, it was suddenly whipped out. How do I know that my human rights will not be whipped out at a convenient moment? The fact that it is in the heads of a Bill has no significance whatever in law. That is what we are here for. We are not here to daydream about how wonderful it might be in 2009 if the Government gets itself together and does something. We are here to legislate.
With the greatest regret, I do not accept what the Minister has to say. I have had too many promises for too long. There has been too much of what the late Sean O'Casey would have called "prognostication and prevarication". I will call votes on all these things from now until the Government stirs itself and does something. It has been long enough in the waiting.

Amendment put.

The Committee divided: Tá, 4; Níl, 28.


Hannigan, Dominic.
Norris, David.
Ross, Shane.
Ryan, Brendan.


Níl
Boyle, Dan.
Brady, Martin.
Butler, Larry.
Callely, Ivor.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Daly, Mark.
de Búrca, Déirdre.
Ellis, John.
Feeney, Geraldine.
Glynn, Camillus.
Hanafin, John.
Keaveney, Cecilia.
Leyden, Terry.
MacSharry, Marc.
Ó Domhnaill, Brian.
Ó Murchú, Labhrás.
O'Brien, Francis.
O'Donovan, Denis.
O'Malley, Fiona.
O'Sullivan, Ned.
Ormonde, Ann.
Phelan, Kieran.
Quinn, Feargal.
Walsh, Jim.
White, Mary M.
Wilson, Diarmuid.

Tellers: Tá, Senators Dominic Hannigan and David Norris; Níl, Senators Camillus Glynn and Diarmuid Wilson.

Amendment declared lost.



Senator David Norris: I, too, support the amendment, particularly the element Senator Prendergast singled out, the issue of mortgages. I raised this issue on the Order of Business for many months before the situation became disastrous. I am concerned about it. At least, mortgage interest rates have fallen. However, we are moving towards a situation of considerable unemployment and the point made by my two colleagues about the banks is significant. The banks are being bailed out by taxpayers' money but there is still a significant number of repossessions. Over the past six months to a year I have put on record the steady increase in the number of repossession orders given by the courts in Dublin. One of the judges drew attention to this as an important and significant fact.
I will conclude by pointing to the biblical lesson in this. There is a parable in the Bible, with which the Minister will be familiar, about a man who is in debt to his master. The debt was forgiven by his master but the man was then utterly severe with somebody lower down the chain of indebtedness and insisted on his pound of flesh. The master took a grim view of that and of somebody whose debt had been forgiven being so unfeeling and callous. There is that element in the banks. They got themselves into this situation because they could not be bothered with the little people, the people who were described by an American woman, whose name I cannot recall, as the little people who pay taxes. These are the people who take out bank loans and so forth.


We have all seen the way in which the banks have treated ordinary customers with indifference and went after big corporate sources, futures, derivatives, gambling on the Stock Exchange and so forth. When they got themselves into trouble, however, they had to seek money from the taxpayer. That is all I have to say in support of my two colleagues.

Senator Paul Bradford: I concur with the previous three speakers on the issue of house repossessions. When the State, Government and taxpayer is coming to the aid of the banking and financial institutions in a fashion not yet determined, we need to demand some form of reciprocation. That so many people have difficulty with their mortgage repayments is a cause of grave concern. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the number of court orders for repossessions being granted each week is staggering. While action is not taken on foot of many of these court orders, once granted a repossession order may proceed. This leaves many people living in fear of losing their homes.
The Minister outlined the mechanisms in place to address this issue. The supplementary welfare system, for example, provides assistance for people in difficulty with mortgage repayments. We must send a strong political signal to the banks and mortgage agencies that we expect them to tread softly with regard to those in difficulty. As many Senators noted, the economy needs a banking system and financial houses if it is to survive. On the other hand, mortgage companies and banks also need customers and home owners if they are to survive. The Minister, Minister for Finance and Taoiseach should hold direct talks with the lending agencies to impress on them - we do not need to implore or beg them - that the financial institutions must respond to the generosity of the Government and taxpayers by showing flexibility, compassion and common sense to those experiencing financial difficulty.
Jobs are being lost at a record rate and the trend is set to continue for some time. However, like all economic cycles, the current one will come to an end. The majority of those experiencing mortgage difficulties are responsible citizens who are not seeking a free lunch but time and space to get their financial affairs in order. The financial institutions should respond generously and in the same fashion as the State responded when they found themselves in a difficult position in recent months.

Deputy Mary Hanafin: I am on record as asking financial institutions to show forbearance with clients, not to foreclose early and to give people an opportunity to reschedule their payments or pay only the interest on mortgages, an issue raised by Senator Prendergast. However, arrangements the Government makes on behalf of taxpayers to ensure money is made available more freely to the banks in order that small businesses can secure loans, overdrafts and credit are with the main financial and banking institutions. In general, these institutions are not seeking repossessions in the courts. It is the sub-prime lenders and mortgage companies, some of which gave mortgages too generously in the first instance, which are trying to claw back properties. For this reason, I am not sure to what extent the Government can influence the major banks. When I referred to this issue in conversation with the chief executive of one of the two large banks the other day, I was informed that the bank in question had only two or three repossessions. The Government is examining this issue.
Senator Prendergast referred to a sense of doom and gloom among members of the public. While there is no doubt she is correct, Ireland continues to attract significant foreign direct investment. Many major projects have been announced in recent months, for example, by Pfizer, Intel and Coca Cola, which will create jobs. Infrastructure is still being built and the Government continues to invest heavily in a range of projects. The Government will also announce an economic plan aimed at regenerating the economy.
I accept that many people are losing their jobs. Unfortunately, my Department has made provision for an average of 290,000 people being on the live register next year. This is terrible for the individuals in question and their families but we must ensure Irish entrepreneurs and companies around the world know that Ireland is open for business and has a well-educated, flexible and adaptable workforce. Employers like being here because the workforce is so flexible and adaptable. While the news on the jobs front has not been good, there is scope, through good economic planning, to be able to improve matters.

Senator Paul Bradford: Has the Minister held direct talks with the financial institutions on this issue and, if not, does she plan to do so? I noted her remark that she had made her views known. The Minister or other Ministers should discuss this issue with the banks and other mortgage lenders and strongly impress on them the Government's thinking and position on this issue. Will she consider doing this?

Deputy Mary Hanafin: I have not held formal talks. As I indicated, however, I had a casual conversation with the chief executive of one of the large banks. The Government deals with the major institutions whereas the companies taking cases to court tend to be sub-prime lenders. I have discussed the issue with the Minister for Finance and I may discuss it again.

An Cathaoirleach: Is the amendment being pressed?

Senator Nicky McFadden: While I do not propose to press the amendment, I implore the Minister to hold formal talks with the financial institutions to protect those who are suffering. She has the capacity to do this.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Section 24 agreed to.

An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 12 in the name of Senator McFadden is out of order as it is not relevant to the subject matter of the Bill.

Amendment No. 12 not moved.



Senator David Norris: I will comment briefly on section 28? I pay tribute to the work that is done by the money advice and budgeting service. It is an important arm of the social welfare system. It does a great deal to assist people who are bewildered by the financial predicament in which they find themselves. I commend any provision the Minister might consider that would strengthen this worthwhile service, to which I pay tribute.

Question put and agreed to.

Section 29 agreed to.

SECTION 30.

Question proposed: "That section 30 stand part of the Bill."

Senator David Norris: I oppose this section of the Bill, just as I will oppose every section in Part 5. It may seem like a slight waste of time to oppose the definition of "agency" for the purposes of this part of the Bill. I will give my reasons for opposing Part 5 when we reach section 31, which provides for the dissolution of the Combat Poverty Agency.

Senator Nicky McFadden: I join Senator Norris in opposing Part 5 of the Bill. The Combat Poverty Agency has made a number of presentations to the Joint Committee on Social and Family Affairs. The agency has been exemplary in carrying out its research function. Its professionalism and expertise have allowed it to operate as an independent voice. It has been highly critical of a number of developments. It has spoken out on fuel poverty, for example. I completely disagree with the proposal to abolish the agency. I oppose Part 5 of the Bill.

Senator Phil Prendergast: I support what my colleagues have said about this excellent agency, which has done immense work over the years. I regret the Government's proposal to abolish the agency, which provides a great service.

Deputy Mary Hanafin: As Senators are aware, Part 5 of the Bill is necessary to give effect to the Government decision to integrate the Combat Poverty Agency with the Office of Social Inclusion in the Department of Social and Family Affairs. The decision arose from a recommendation made by a review group that was established on foot of a Government decision in June 2007. Long before I was appointed as Minister for Social and Family Affairs, it was decided that it was necessary to review the role of the agency in light of changes that had happened in the preceding years. Other agencies and structures had been established to do the work associated with combating poverty that is central to the work of the Government and is of interest to all Senators and Deputies. Although the legal wording of section 31 of the Bill refers to the "dissolution" of the agency, it is not intended to absorb it without recognition into the Department of Social and Family Affairs. It is intended to enhance both sections, the Office of Social Inclusion and the Combat Poverty Agency, both of which do good work.
The Combat Poverty Agency was established at a trying time in Ireland, when it was decided that there was a need for a body to highlight issues, conduct independent research and contribute to Government policy. Those aims and aspirations are as relevant today as they were then. We have to look at what has happened in the meantime. The community and voluntary pillar has a valuable role in social partnership. There are offices of social inclusion in various Departments. A number of good non-governmental organisations contribute to policy-making and participate in the social inclusion and budget forums etc. The Cabinet sub-committee on social inclusion has been mentioned. There is a high level group of Government officials in this area. Many people have contributed to the significant amount of research that has been undertaken in the Department of Social and Family Affairs. An independent voice has been given to those who experience poverty. One of the things the Combat Poverty Agency has been very good at is helping people to participate in domestic and EU forums in this country and in Brussels.
I envisage that all the work I have mentioned, such as the research and policy advice that directly gives a voice to those who experience poverty, will continue in an enhanced and focused way that ensures we get the best possible value from the skills of the staff of the Department and the agency. That was the intention of the review in the first instance. The challenge we face is to ensure that the new structure works. Although the board members and staff of the Combat Poverty Agency to whom I spoke expressed their disappointment with the Government's decision - they wanted the agency to be retained as an independent body - they are willing to co-operate to ensure that the work of the agency continues and is enhanced. I am satisfied that we can and will work with them to ensure that happens. I appreciate that other issues will be raised by Senators as this debate continues. The section of the Bill under discussion provides for the dissolution, in a legal sense, of the agency.

Senator David Norris: We are speaking about the section that sets out the definition of "agency".

Question put and agreed to.

SECTION 31.

Question proposed: "That section 31 stand part of the Bill."

Senator David Norris: This section is strenuously opposed. I was interested in the Minister's comments during the debate on section 30. She seemed to be somewhat queasy about accepting responsibility for this decision. She pointed out that the original decision was not made on her watch. I agree with that and accept it. If she had been there, perhaps a voice might have been raised against it. She honestly accepted that there continues to be a need for independent research etc. and she suggested that this need could be met within the Department. That has not been the experience of any professional body I have ever come across. I have been involved in politics and management long enough to know that the proposal to incorporate, absorb or swallow the agency into the office of social inclusion is bad practice and will inevitably militate against the independence that is necessary. It has to be considered in the context of the destruction, in effect, not only of the Combat Poverty Agency but also of every other organ that has spoken out on behalf of marginalised people. The Government has a really shameful record in this regard. I am sorry that some of my decent friends are involved in it.
The Minister, Deputy Hanafin, used soft language when she said that the work of the Combat Poverty Agency will be "enhanced and focused". I would hate to be "enhanced and focused" in this manner because it would mean the extinction, in effect, of the life form that I am. If it is not the case that the agency is being made extinct, in effect, why is every group speaking out, as a coalition, against this savage attack on the most vulnerable people in society? In the week in which we are celebrating the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it is absolutely insufferable that the Government is embarking on such a swinging series of demolitions. I do not accept the Minister's response. I spoke at great length about this issue. I do not intend to be tedious on this matter, unless I am seriously provoked. I am sure I would be restrained by the Cathaoirleach if I were to attempt to be tedious.
I do not believe for a single minute that any money will be saved as a result of this proposal. Questions about the nature of these savings have been asked by Senators on the Government side. During the break, while we were waiting for the last division to take place, I checked whether anything was lingering in my little postbox and I was rather interested to find a document setting out the details of a Supplementary Estimate of €50 million that is being provided for the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food.

An Cathaoirleach: We are on section 31 of the Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill and we are not discussing agriculture.

Senator David Norris: I am exactly concentrating on that. I thank the Cathaoirleach for his guidance. The point I am making is that the Government can suddenly, at 6.50 p.m. on a Tuesday, find €50 million lying around the place, but apparently we are told there must be all these swinging cuts that do not save a penny, will create inefficiencies in the system and will deprive people of their rights. The Minister may well have been supplied with facts or figures that might appear to show otherwise. I will find great difficulty in swallowing them. If there is any serious intention to try to hoodwink people about this, why not subject it to an independent cost-benefit analysis and let us know what are the facts. I challenge the Government to do that. I bet it would not have the courage to do so because it knows what the answer will be, as do a few wise old birds on the other side of the House.
I am opposing this section. I shall probably confine myself to that one vote. It shames the House that these words should be read into the record: "The Agency shall be dissolved on the commencement of this Part." What an awful thing. As we go into the worst recession this country has probably ever seen, the Government addresses it, as it addressed the question of inequality and discrimination, not by curing it, not by reaching out and trying to do something positive, but instead by a negative and destructive action, by collapsing the agency that is more than ever needed during these difficult times. This is a shameful day's work and I shall certainly call a vote on this issue as I understand my colleagues who have spoken so effectively this afternoon also wish for a vote.

Senator Brendan Ryan: I am also amazed that the Minister would argue that the work of the Combat Poverty Agency would continue in a more focused manner following its abolition than if it were to continue.

Senator David Norris: Life after death.

Senator Brendan Ryan: I ask the Minister to comment further. It is beyond belief that she could argue that. The Labour Party will certainly be opposing the section.

Deputy Mary Hanafin: I certainly appreciate the interest and passion of the Senators on this matter. The interest and passion is more about combating poverty than in just having an agency, and everybody would share that. That will always be at the core of my policies, particularly in the portfolio I now hold. Senators will be well aware that the development of the DEIS scheme in education was about doing the same thing. When I talk about a focused way, I mean ensuring there is not overlap and duplication and that it can work closely with other State agencies and Departments, including the National Economic and Social Development Office, the National Economic and Social Council and others I did not mention earlier. It can be very focused because it can start work immediately on, for example, preparing for the European Year of Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion in 2010. As a group, they will be working closely on that and it gives them a set project to do. Together they will benefit from it.
Research is a really important part. I know that Senator Norris of all people would appreciate the importance of evidence-based work. It has been a measure of the importance they attach to it that the Office of Social Inclusion and the Combat Poverty Agency have commissioned research. While that will continue, it will not be just research commissioned as a result of a request, but they will initiate that type of work. We can only combat poverty if we know where is the particular need. They will be able to identify it from work and research they will do. They will continue to do that work, sharing the expertise they will have from the new division. At a strong policy level they will undoubtedly be able to enhance their work. They will be able to do it in a way that will feed into the Cabinet committee on social inclusion and to the various other bodies I mentioned earlier. They will also bring their skills and expertise to it in a way that will ensure that the voice of people experiencing poverty is heard.
I appreciate the work that has been done in recent years. However, the review was established not as a budgetary issue, but to ascertain how the work can continue in a way that will benefit policy most and to ensure it is feeding in properly. As a result of the review, this was the recommendation. From the manner in which the board, the staff and officials in my Department are working through what I appreciate is a difficult time for the staff, it is clear they are very anxious to ensure they keep working on the projects and research they have been working on and that they can start preparing for the European Year of Combating Poverty and Social Exclusion as a joint group.
I believe the integration - not the abolition - of the agency into the Office for Social Inclusion will ensure we are drawing from the best of the skills and talents of both groups. The Office for Social Inclusion as it stands will also be disbanded and an entirely new unit will be set up. The agency should in no way feel that it is just being brought into an existing office. It will be a new unit and that will give everybody an opportunity to draw on the best of what they do.

Senator David Norris: I am sure the Minister will be familiar with the historical use of the word "dissolution". It was used by Henry VIII. He dissolved the monasteries, and there is not much left of them.

Deputy Mary Hanafin: And his marriage.

Senator David Norris: He dissolved lots of marriages. He was an enthusiastic supporter of marriage. He was a great family man. He was a defender of the Catholic faith. What else can we say about such a remarkable scion of the Tudor family?

Deputy Mary Hanafin: And six wives.

Senator David Norris: It is dissolution. I agree that, of course, they are co-operative - that is their spirit of professionalism.
On the basis of this series of scandalous attacks on human rights, I will write to every international organisation I can think of indicating the approach of the Government. It should be shamed internationally as well as nationally. I certainly propose to do this, as I did when we had the awful collaboration between the Government and President Bush's regime on the issue of rendition flights. Our Minister went over to appear before the parliamentary-----

An Cathaoirleach: On the section, Senator.

Senator David Norris: It is a parallel point and I am going to make it.

An Cathaoirleach: I know, but it is not relevant to the section.

Senator David Norris: I wrote to them and said they should not believe a word of what is being said because the Minister will tell them it was never raised. I mentioned all the debates and so on in which it was raised. I am going to make sure this news travels.
The Minister said that the agency can continue to be independent. Will that really be so? In that case, why does the Government routinely include in legislation a section restricting criticism of Government policy on the part of civil servants? Such sections have appeared in many Bills in recent years. That is the official position. Civil servants cannot be allowed to be critical from within Departments. That is the problem. I know the Government does not like criticism - of course it does not. None of us particularly likes criticism, but it is a very important element of democracy. The Minister says everybody feels the same way, but they do not. The Government has lost touch with reality - not all its members, by any means, but a significant number of them. The Minister of State, Deputy Hoctor, said last Friday that nobody gave a damn about the removal of the medical card entitlement from the over 70s because there was only one person in the Gallery. She was blithely ignoring the fact that that person represented 10,000 pensioners. The Leader told us it was great for shopping to have all these protests, and another Member on the Government side said they had only come up for the craic on the day.

An Cathaoirleach: On section 31.

Senator David Norris: I am responding to what the Minister said. She said that everybody was very supportive. That is the extent of the sympathy that exists in some sections, although by no means all. There are splendid people on the Government side who have a heart. It is important that these matters are placed clearly on the record.

The Committee divided: Tá, 23; Níl, 12.


Brady, Martin.
Butler, Larry.
Callely, Ivor.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Daly, Mark.
Ellis, John.
Glynn, Camillus.
Hanafin, John.
Keaveney, Cecilia.
Leyden, Terry.
Ó Domhnaill, Brian.
Ó Murchú, Labhrás.
O'Brien, Francis.
O'Donovan, Denis.
O'Malley, Fiona.
O'Sullivan, Ned.
Ormonde, Ann.
Phelan, Kieran.
Walsh, Jim.
White, Mary M.
Wilson, Diarmuid.

Níl
Bradford, Paul.
Burke, Paddy.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Coffey, Paudie.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Donohoe, Paschal.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
McFadden, Nicky.
Norris, David.
Ryan, Brendan.
White, Alex.

Tellers: Tá, Senators Diarmuid Wilson and Camillus Glynn; Níl, Senators David Norris and Nicky McFadden.

Question declared carried.

An Cathaoirleach: When is it proposed to take Report Stage?

Senator Donie Cassidy: Now.

Senator David Norris: I do not agree. It is awful that a very significant Bill like this should go through all Remaining Stages like this. That allows for absolutely no suggestion of amendments whatever and no real Report Stage. They might as well abolish the Seanad-----

An Cathaoirleach: There were no amendments.

Senator David Norris:----- and they forgot the Ombudsman's office as well. Why do they not get rid of that?

Question, "That Report Stage be taken now", put and declared carried.

Question put: "That the Bill be received for final consideration."

The Seanad divided: Tá, 23; Níl, 13.


Boyle, Dan.
Brady, Martin.
Butler, Larry.
Callely, Ivor.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Daly, Mark.
Ellis, John.
Hanafin, John.
Keaveney, Cecilia.
Leyden, Terry.
Ó Domhnaill, Brian.
Ó Murchú, Labhrás
O'Brien, Francis.
O'Donovan, Denis.
O'Malley, Fiona.
O'Sullivan, Ned.
Ormonde, Ann.
Phelan, Kieran.
Walsh, Jim.
White, Mary M.
Wilson, Diarmuid.


Níl
Bradford, Paul.
Burke, Paddy.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Coffey, Paudie.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Donohoe, Paschal.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
McFadden, Nicky.
Norris, David.
Ryan, Brendan.
Twomey, Liam.
White, Alex.

Tellers: Tá, Senators Fiona O'Malley and Diarmuid Wilson; Níl, Senators Maurice Cummins and Nicky McFadden.

Question declared carried.

An Cathaoirleach: When is it proposed to take Fifth Stage?

Senator Donie Cassidy: Now.

Order of Business - 16th December 2008

Order of Business - 16th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I wish to move an amendment to the Order of Business that we take No. 28, motion 31, ''That Seanad Éireann condemns utterly the disgraceful action of the Government in destroying the Combat Poverty Agency [which we are doing today by the way] and the Equality Agency and the gutting of the Irish Human Rights Commission and calls on the Government to rescind these decisions.'' It is a shameful day for the Seanad that Part 5, section 30 of this Bill purports to destroy the Combat Poverty Agency. From those Government benches last week we heard a clear statement that this was not a money-saving exercise and it would actually cost money. Let us not have lies about that. This proposal will cost money to kick the poorest and the weakest elements of our society. It is a complete and utter disgrace. It was done in the week in which we celebrated the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We followed it up then. We got all mention of human rights removed from the Charities Bill despite the fact that these provisions exist in all the neighbouring jurisdictions, Northern Ireland, Wales, Scotland and England.
However, it did not stop there. We attacked the Human Rights Commission and savaged it. We then had a 43% cut in the Equality Authority, absolutely destroying its work as everybody knows, and it was deliberately done. In other words every single element concerned with human rights is being eliminated. The Sunday Independent celebrated human rights week and this matter by ignoring it and instead devoting an entire page to a scurrilous attack on Mary Robinson. Thank God for The Irish Times, which on its front page yesterday gave us a good hint as to what may well have been in Senator Boyle's mind.
Senator Jim Walsh: What about The New Ross Standard?
Senator David Norris: Do not be such a fool.
Senator Jim Walsh: Through the Chair.
Senator David Norris: You really make yourself a piggy when you behave like that. This is a serious matter.
An Cathaoirleach: We are on the Order of Business now.
Senator David Norris: I am on the Order of Business and I want to say this, which is very important because it leads to a situation where I believe the Government is in great moral danger. I remind the House and you, Senator Walsh, that it was a Minister for Justice on your side who spent some time in jail for corruption.
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator should not direct his remarks across the floor.
Senator David Norris: I want to help the House because questions have been asked about these influences. The front page of The Irish Times carried an article about the Equality Authority making a complaint to the Garda because of the alleged disclosure of information which is prohibited under the Act. This was disclosure of information that came about during the course of an investigation. A Roman Catholic chaplain in a prison was assaulted. He tried to get a copy of his terms of employment but was denied them. The court directed that the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform should make this information available to him, but that was not done. He then alleged discrimination, but he was not found in favour of on that one. However, subsequently when this information was leaked from the Irish Prison Service by a named official, the Equality Authority found it was justified and he was awarded €40,000 in compensation. That amount of money is not awarded unless there is something to it. It was appealed but the appeal was dropped and the €40,000 was paid over.
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator has made the point.
Senator David Norris: I have not made the point, but I am going to make it. The point is that the person involved is now the Secretary General of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform. The destruction of the Equality Authority, the authority that filed this complaint, is coming from the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform.
In these circumstances there are grave questions to be answered by Government.
I would also question the actions of the chairperson of the Equality Authority in issuing such a statement after the chief executive had resigned. I have never seen such an extraordinary act of treachery.
An Cathaoirleach: Senator Norris, I ask you to resume your seat.
Senator David Norris: No, I will not.
An Cathaoirleach: It is not in order to name anyone who is not here to defend himself or herself-----
Senator David Norris: I am going to finish what I have to say, a Chathaoirligh.
An Cathaoirleach: -----or to make allegations against anyone-----
Senator David Norris: I ask to be allowed to finish what I have to say.
An Cathaoirleach: -----who can be certainly identified. It is not right to do that.
Senator David Norris: It is time for the Green Party to walk from Government. If its members threaten it, the Government will give in.
An Cathaoirleach: I ask the Senator to conclude.
Senator David Norris: Look at the somersaults that have been performed by the Minister for Education and Science. The Green Party members can do it if they make such a threat. This Government is terrified it will be wiped out by the people.
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator is not going to rule this House. He is paying no respect to the Chair and the other Members. He has made his point and I ask him to resume his seat.
Senator David Norris: I will finish my point by saying this. If the Government wants cuts it should look at the €10 million it is handing out to look after the election prospects of junior Ministers-----
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator has made his contribution. He is totally out of order.
Senator David Norris: -----or the €10 million kiss-off to its council electors.
An Cathaoirleach: That is ridiculous. The Senator is totally out of order on the Order of Business.

Friday, December 12, 2008

Health Bill 2008 - Second Stage Debate - Friday 12th December 2008

Health Bill 2008 - Second Stage - 12th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I wish to raise a point of order.
An Cathaoirleach: I call Senator Norris.
Senator David Norris: Members have abolished the Order of Business and the Government has abolished the Combat Agency and the Equality Authority. One does not know what will happen next.
An Cathaoirleach: That is not a-----
Senator David Norris: That was the preface to the point of order I wish to raise.
An Cathaoirleach: What is the point of order?
Senator David Norris: As no Order of Business has been scheduled today, is it appropriate to commence proceedings without a quorum? What number constitutes a quorum?
An Cathaoirleach: We have a quorum.
Senator David Norris: Is a quorum present in this House? Every committee and sub-committee requires a quorum-----
An Cathaoirleach: Senator Norris, a quorum is present.
Senator David Norris: I asked what number constitutes a quorum.
An Cathaoirleach: A quorum is 11 Members and the Chair.
Senator David Norris: That is helpful and I thank the Cathaoirleach.
Senator Donie Cassidy: One is always learning in this House.
An Cathaoirleach: The Minister of State should proceed.
Senator Mary M. White: Every day one learns something new.
Senator David Norris: I am always trying to learn. It is a pity the Government is not.
An Cathaoirleach: The Minister of State, without interruption.


Senator David Norris: I will not welcome the Minister of State to the House. There
is nothing personal in that and, for all I know of the Minister of State, Deputy Hoctor, she is an estimable woman.

Senator David Norris: Yes, absolutely, but I do not welcome any Member of this disgraceful Government to this House. The Government has behaved barbarously in this and in many other areas. When I listen to people on that side of the House talking about protecting the vulnerable and the weak, I wonder how they dare to engage in such bare-faced hypocrisy, following the budget and the destruction of the Combat Poverty Agency and the Equality Authority. There are plenty of little voices over there that would like to speak out, and if the Green Party has guts, conscience or decency, this is the time for it to get out of this corrupt and discredited Government. I completely condemn it and no Minister will get a welcome from me in this House as long as the Government continues its savage attacks on the most vulnerable elements in our society, even stifling their voice. The Government is a disgrace and it is time it went.
There is a lot of hypocrisy over there. I listened to some of the debate here and heard the people on that side of the House whinging about being interrupted and then heckling, hectoring and cat-calling to this side. I am not Opposition, but Independent, and I believe I show it. I vote with the Government when it has decent policies. Yesterday in this House I commended the Government including the Green Party Minister of State on the manner in which they handled the pig crisis, but I will not stand for rubbish and hypocrisy. We are told about tough decisions and asked to support them. I would support any tough decisions if the Government really took them, but I will not support lies, evasion and hypocrisy. These decisions are not tough, they are just stupid.
If the Government thinks it can mask a stupid decision and describe it as tough, then it is very much mistaken and the Irish people certainly have it rumbled. The Government is asking, in effect, "What good is it to knock, knock, knock when we must be constructive?" Not much is constructive about what is happening here today in this Bill. I understand that perhaps it was foolish to have made these concessions, but it was the Government that did it, as a cynical vote-getting exercise. Now it is going to batter old people over the heads to get back a few bob, to take its bribe back, because that is what it was.
We are in a difficult financial situation, but who got us into it, not I? It was not people on this side of the House but rather those on the Government side, with their corrupt relations with the construction industry, for one thing. We are in a difficult situation globally, but Ireland is far worse off than most other countries in Europe because of the way the Government carried on, with its squandermania, and it is still at it. It destroyed the Combat Poverty Agency. One of the Members on the Government side of the House put on record a few days ago the fact that it will actually cost money to destroy the Combat Poverty Agency. Let us not have any more of this lying. We saw yesterday that councillors are to share €10 million - another little bribe. Why is the Government handing out €10 million to people as a type of golden handshake, which is not required? Why is it doing that while destroying the Combat Poverty Agency to save a minute proportion of that sum. This is outrageous.
I am glad, however, as Senator de Búrca pointed out, that the appalling situation where people could be widowed one day and have the medical card removed from them the next, is being amended. It was not amended, however, out of any sense of decency, but rather because Deputy Alan Shatter - with whom I disagree on many issues - pointed out that it would be unconstitutional and would not have survived.
Deputy Máire Hoctor: It was not Deputy Shatter's idea.
Senator David Norris: Well, I believe it would be unconstitutional, and the Minister of State is not a lawyer and so my opinion is as good as hers.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I believe it is still in there for the three years.
Senator David Norris: In that case, why does the Government not do the decent thing and get rid of it altogether?
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Norris, without interruption.
Senator David Norris: I thank the Leas-Chathaoirleach, although I do not mind. They can disgrace themselves as much as they like and I shall give back just as good as I get.
It is also cack-handed. The Government was warned about this and took no notice. It received a report from the Department of Finance, wondering whether the significant risks had been spotted, apart from anything else. The Departments of Health and Children and Finance were told there were significant risks attached to the move to abolish the automatic entitlement to a medical card for the over 70s. That was before the budget on 10 October, and the Department of Health and Children appears not to have considered the risk to be of sufficient concern so as not to accept it. That was its brazen attitude at the time. There was a one and half page report suggesting that there would be widespread anger, and pointing out a series of difficulties, namely, that the doctors would be at a loss of income from the higher capitation grant and might refuse to take on the new over-70 GP visit-only cardholders, the GPs might seek to use their industrial relations muscle or they might pursue the legal contract route, similar to the pharmacists, to restore all or part of their income. The report warned that if it succeeded with the annual cash grant in place under the new arrangement, it could remove the projected savings and possibly even increase the cost of the medical card scheme, yet it went ahead with it.
I know the Minister put the word "fortunately" before the diatribe about people daring to live longer. I apologise, because I am 64, and I might go on to 70, 80 or 90. I shall live as long as I damn well please.
Senator Mary M. White: Hear, hear.
Senator David Norris: I should declare an interest. I am lucky in having plan E, the most expensive plan available. I can be sick at my leisure any time I want. However, it is disgraceful that the most vulnerable, about whom the Government side prates all the time, are not protected in this way. As for the millionaires, I ask the Minister of State to show me one. I live in the north inner city. There are plenty of rich people around from the suburbs. I do not see queues of Rolls Royces outside the State clinics. If the Minister of State can show me where they are and give me a list of the multimillionaires that are soaking up resources, I shall be obliged. That is all rubbish. It is not true, and we all know it and, therefore, the Government should not be using it.
I believe in a universal system. There was a very interesting letter in the newspapers from three very distinguished doctors, Mr. Hugh Flood, consultant neurologist, Dr. Gerry Burke, consultant obstetrician and gynaecologist and Professor Pierce Grace, consultant vascular surgeon at the Regional Hospital Limerick. They put on the record facts to the effect that just over a quarter of Irish citizens are covered by the medical card and about half are covered by private medical insurance, which might say something about our national health service. If a quarter are covered by the medical card and half insure themselves, that would indicate people are voting with their wallets on this one. A quarter of the citizenry have no insurance whatever and, therefore, there could not possibly be a greater argument for universal health care.
The figures were worked out. The HSE board was told that the cost of each new medical card this week was €1,650, but one of the private health insurers was offering coverage for €635 per annum. I do not know whether we could buy into that for the vulnerable citizens. Everybody in this country should be treated equally. That is what was said in the 1916 Proclamation which the Government side seems to have forgotten. I am amazed. Are there any republicans left? I sometimes wonder. We had the call for a boycott on Newry the other day. That is great Thirty-two County republicanism. Now it is a case that one cannot be a millionaire or live long because it is unpatriotic. Why did the Minister for Finance not say that it was unpatriotic to go on living, and that we ought to die out of decency and respect for his cack-handed budget? Well, I am not going to do that.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Hear, hear.
Senator David Norris: A programme of nationalising the existing private hospitals would accelerate the positive elements and provide the capacity necessary to implement a national scheme. It could be done. Universal health care could be provided promptly, and fairly inexpensively, by the simple measure of giving a medical card to those who cannot afford it, and selling it to those who can. The Government has the money. It could scrap the pay-off to the councillors.
It might be argued that I am being sensational and expecting to get a headline. I am not. There is no "Oireachtas Report" tonight because this House has made itself so insignificant, through the Government playing around with it, that RTE cannot be bothered covering the Seanad. It would be very quickly covered if this were the Dáil. Neither will these proceedings be covered in the newspapers. I feel obliged, only out of honour to put these matters on the record. I want to signal to the Government that I am only one independent voice, and it will get no co-operation from me on anything.

I will call quorums all over the place. A Leas-Chathaoirligh, can we have a quorum?
Notice taken that 12 Members were not present; House counted and 12 Members being present.

Senator David Norris: Is the House quorate?
An Cathaoirleach: Is the Senator calling for a quorum?
Senator David Norris: Yes.
Notice taken that 12 Members were not present; House counted and 12 Members being present.

Request to Move Adjournment of the Seanad under Standing Order 30. ^
An Cathaoirleach: I have received notice from Senator David Norris regarding a motion that he wishes to raise under Standing Order 30. I ask the Senator to give notice of the motion before I give my ruling.
Senator David Norris: I ask that the House be adjourned to discuss a matter of urgent national interest, namely, the destruction of the Combat Poverty Agency and the Equality Authority. I understand it is not possible for those supporting me to be named on the instrument, but I am being supported by Senators Francis Fitzgerald and Phil Prendergast. Everybody will agree this is a matter of national urgency, and the Government will pay a price for it. The issue has now hit the Joe Duffy show. The Minister who said-----
(Interruptions).
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator has made his point. Having given careful consideration to the matter raised by Senator Norris, I cannot consider it to be a matter contemplated by Standing Order 30. I regret, therefore, that I have had to rule it out of order.
Senator David Norris: Could the Cathaoirleach give me some information as to what matters are considered by the Seanad to be of national urgency?
An Cathaoirleach: I can discuss the matter privately with the Senator.
Senator David Norris: I recall a day when one of the Chair's predecessors ruled that something was not a national emergency when, within hours of the debate, the Taoiseach was ruling it was, in the Dáil. Are we on a different planet? Why is the Order not abolished altogether, for all the use it is?
An Cathaoirleach: In accordance with the Order of the House yesterday, the sitting should now suspend for 30 minutes. Does the Leader now propose a change?
Senator Donie Cassidy: I have been requested by the Minister and officials to allow 45 minutes from the time of leaving the House after Second Stage. I propose for the consideration and support of the Members that we adjourn until 3.15.
Senator David Norris: No. There will be no co-operation on this.
Senator Donie Cassidy: If Members have difficulty with that, we will revert to the proposal agreed to yesterday, a 30-minute suspension.
Sitting suspended at 2.40 p.m and resumed at 3.10 p.m.


Charities Bill 2007 - Report Stage Debate - 11th December 2008

Charities Bill 2007 - Report Stage - 11th December 2008
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Before we commence, I remind Senators that they may speak only once on Report Stage, except the proposer of the amendment who may reply to the discussion on the amendment. Each amendment must be seconded.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On a point of order, is a briefing note on the new amendments available? Will the Minister of State have a script?
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Minister of State will deal with each amendment as it arises. Amendments Nos. 1 and 2 are related and may be discussed together by agreement.
Government amendment No. 1:
In page 1 of the list of amendments made in Committee, to delete the text inserted by amendment no. 3, and to substitute the following:
"(iii) none of the property of which is payable to the members of the body other than in accordance with section 88,".
Minister of State at the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs (Deputy John Curran): Amendments Nos. 1 and 2 are technical amendments.
Senator David Norris: Is the amendment being seconded?
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Senator beat me to it.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Under Standing Orders Government amendments do not need a seconder.
Deputy John Curran: They provide for the necessary redefinition of charitable organisations and trusts arising from section 88 which allows for charitable organisations to enter into certain agreements with charity trustees or connected persons that would have been contrary to the previous definition.
Senator David Norris: Some of the amendments are welcome but there is an astonishing number of them. Will the Minister of State provide an explanation for why no less than 65 of the 80 amendments, that is, well in excess of 70% or three quarters of them, are Government amendments? I accept it is the function of the House to amend but it is astonishing that 65 amendments out of 80 are Government amendments given that the Bill was already before the Houses and lapsed prior to the previous general election and there has been plenty of time to consider it. Since there is such a plethora of amendments, it encourages one to hope the debate we had earlier will lead the Minister of State to address the most significant omissions. I will continue to press the human rights amendment with strong support from academic and other organisations involved, especially given that it is so close to international Human Rights Day.

Deputy John Curran: Senator Norris is correct that there are a number of Government amendments. Report and Final Stages of the Bill were concluded in the Dáil recently. I am anxious that before the Bill is finalised it would be reviewed by the Attorney General's office. I think that is an appropriate exercise. Accordingly, some amendments are drafting ones for the sake of clarity. I have no problem accepting suitable amendments. The amendments have been introduced on purely technical and drafting grounds in recognition of previous amendments and to tidy up the Bill in that regard.

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 2:
In page 1 of the list of amendments made in Committee, to delete the text inserted by amendment no. 4 and substitute the following:
" "charitable trust" means a trust-
(a) established for a charitable purpose only,
(b) established under a deed of trust that requires the trustees of the trust to apply all of the property (both real and personal) of the trust in furtherance of that purpose except for moneys expended in the management of the trust, and
(c) none of the property of which is payable to the trustees of the trust other than in accordance with section 88;".

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is amendment No. 2 agreed?

Senator David Norris: It is welcomed.

Amendment agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 3 and 40 are related and will be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Government amendment No. 3:
In page 1 of the list of amendments made in Committee, to delete the text inserted by amendment no. 5 and substitute the following:
" "education body" means-
(a) a vocational education committee established by section 7 of the Vocational Education Act 1930,
(b) a recognised school within the meaning of the Act of 1998,
(c) a management committee established for the purposes of section 37 of the Act of 1998,
(d) a parents' association established in accordance with section 26 of the Act of 1998,
(e) a student council established in accordance with section 27 of the Act of 1998,
(f) an institution of higher education within the meaning of the Higher Education Authority Act 1971 (amended by section 52 of the Institutes of Technology Act 2006), or
(g) a body established solely for the purpose of funding not more than one such institution of higher education;".

Deputy John Curran: Last week I introduced an amendment that excluded certain educational organisations from particular provisions of the Bill. Having reflected further on the matter and following consultation with the Office of the Attorney General, I table these two amendments today to have the following effect. Having consulted the Department of Education and Science, I am adding third level educational fund-raising foundations to the definition of education body. In the amendment I introduced last week, inter alia, I exempted education bodies from the requirement to keep books of accounts under section 47. On further consideration, having taken advice on the matter, I believe it is essential that the financial position of a charity should be verifiable at any given time and in this regard I am removing the previous exemption under section 47. It is not unreasonable to expect an organisation to maintain financial records, especially where it enjoys an exemption from having to file a statement of accounts.

Senator David Norris: This is a welcome amendment. I have had an opportunity to work, for example, with vocational education committees and they provide a very good service. I note the wording of the final part of the amendment, "a body established solely for the purpose of funding not more than one such institution of higher education". A number of bodies, especially VECs, receive central funding, in other words, funding from citizens. They are not necessarily just voluntary contributions. They receive also voluntary contributions through their charitable status and the public is entitled to an account for those. We have had a number of recent scandals that were rather surprising and regrettable. They occurred in institutions that the majority of people in this country respect, admire, and which many have used. The same is true of VECs. This is a question of accountability and I welcome it. The Minister of State has done a good job by introducing these paired amendments.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I, too, welcome the amendment. By removing the exemption, one removes also a question mark over a particular body. In any case, such a body would keep proper accounts, and it is vital it would do so. Educational bodies should have the same status as any other charity in that regard.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I welcome the amendment. This is a welcome removal. I hope it will augment the work already being done in the keeping of accounts. However, it is important we do not place an unnecessary burden on educational establishments in particular in respect to audited accounts. I am concerned we may be allowing a level of carelessness to creep in here. The amendment is welcome. In revoking reference to education we are making a positive statement. There is a growth of educational trusts in the third level area and fund-raising is an important part of the primary and second level education sectors.

Deputy John Curran: I thank the Senators for their comments.

Amendment agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 4, 9 and 61 are related and can be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Government amendment No. 4:
In page 9, between lines 39 and 40, to insert the following:
"(c) an approved body of persons within the meaning of section 235 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997,".

Deputy John Curran: The amendment seeks to reinsert the provision excluding an approved body of persons within the meaning of section 235 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997, which was removed last week on Committee Stage. The Bill seeks to retain the status quo as regards charitable purposes. Sport is not regarded as a charitable purpose. Therefore bodies of persons under section 235 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997 cannot become charitable organisations. I do not believe that considering the inclusion of sporting bodies as charities on the principled basis that a particular advantage might accrue to them under the taxation system is a sound approach. Revenue will still retain the absolute right to make its own determination on eligibility for tax exemptions for any body on or not on the register of charities. Therefore, I cannot accept the Opposition amendments before the House on this matter as they are directly contrary to the intent of the Bill and they also involve amendments to tax law, which is not within my remit.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: It is a pity the Minister of State intends to reverse the excellent decision we took in this House last week. I commend the House on its support of the amendments we tabled. There is broad consensus on the Bill. The Minister of State has support across the board for the main rubrics of the Bill. I cannot comprehend why the Government has introduced amendments that do not allow for the advancement of sport or the promotion of human rights. We need to address the concerns of many sporting organisations and of the umbrella organisation, the Federation of Irish Sports. The Government amendment does not address those concerns.
I appeal to Senator Ó Murchú and his colleagues to recognise the importance of sport and the importance of the promotion of human rights as a positive benefit to the advancement of communities. I appeal also to the Minister of State not to reverse the decision of last week. The purpose of the previous amendment was to broaden the scope of the definition of charitable purpose outlined in the legislation. As it stands, the purpose and the goals of some worthwhile organisations that contribute great benefits to the community are not recognised in the section of the Bill outlining charitable purposes.

I thank the Minister of State's officials for their briefing. They have been very upfront and honourable and I pay tribute to them. However, I do not see the logic of the restrictions the Minister of State is putting in place. He has not convinced me, nor has he convinced other Senators.
At this eleventh hour, the scope of the definition should be broadened to ensure sports organisations qualify automatically under the definition of "charitable purpose". There can be no doubt that sports organisations contribute greatly to communities. They benefit them and people prosper. If one considers the society in which we live, one will note that a young boy is before the courts this morning. There is, therefore, a gaping hole in the Government's policy for providing sports, community and recreational facilities. Sports clubs and organisations are filling that void. Government policy should be to deliver what is required to tackle problems associated with health, education and all other sectors of society. This side of the House will oppose amendment No. 4.
It is true the majority of sports organisations would qualify under the definition of "charitable purpose" based on the criteria outlined in that they are of benefit to the community. However, it makes no sense to refer to their purpose within the relevant section of the Bill to ensure there is no ambiguity involved. I am at pains to understand why the definition of "charitable purpose" should not be broadened, especially given that sports organisations have contributed to communities' well-being. The Government talks about the promotion of health but the most important vehicle for doing so is sport. It promotes social inclusion and enhances the community spirit among all strata of society. Sport transcends gender and all age groups. Surely the legislation should reflect sport's charitable contribution to society. We will oppose the amendment.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: There is no doubt the decision Senator Buttimer referred to last week has certainly become part of the folklore of Seanad Éireann. It will probably be debated and discussed for a long time to come. We will not make any progress in that regard this morning and we will deal, therefore, with the actual amendments before us.
Senator Buttimer is quite right that sport is vital to the well-being of a community. Of this there is no doubt. "Sport" is a very broad term and many of us realise that it is very much a commercial business. I sometimes regret this because I am often very dissatisfied that, if a team at a certain level does not do well, we call for the head of the manager straight away. This is a side to sport that unfortunately has come to the fore. There is also pressure put on those who represent us in the Olympic Games.
At Oireachtas committees, I have often stated there is much to be said for the old-fashioned approach to sport, which involves doing one's very best, for the honour of the little village if that is what one is representing. I genuinely hope we will return to this approach because I have seen people who have been made absolute wrecks as a result of the pressure put on them by the media and others.
The Minister of State has made it quite clear that a tax law has an implication in respect of these amendments. That is ultimately a matter for the Revenue Commissioners. If there is a tax law implication and we proceed along the lines proposed, we will have to revisit the legislation. The Minster of State said from day one that it was not a matter of expanding out of all recognition what is already in place regarding charities but that it was a matter of copperfastening the legislation already in place. Organisations with charitable status will continue to have such status under the new regulatory authority. We all welcome this because it immediately does away with a whole line of applicants. It also takes the pressure off the many existing charities in terms of their having to comply with whatever is necessary in the application process.
The advice the Minister of State has given on tax law implications is important. It would be wrong of us to detract and distract from existing charities by including large commercial bodies as if they, too, were charities.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I am somewhat disappointed that the Minister of State is not taking on board the amendment that was considered in the House last week. Amendment No. 9, which concerns the advancement of sport, was suggested by the Federation of Irish Sports, which represents 60 different sports organisations. The amendment seeks to ensure that bodies whose primary purpose is the advancement of sport will be included in the legislation.
Last week we had a very full debate on this issue and I do not want to rehash the same arguments. Suffice it to say the amendment was supported by Members on the other side of the House. Independent Members, such as Senator Mullen, voted in favour of it, the Green Party decided not to oppose it and Fine Gael and the Labour Party voted in favour of it. I am a little disappointed that Fianna Fáil will not take it on board. The opinion of the House was clear and, if the amendment is pressed, I will vote in favour of it again today.

Senator David Norris: I agree with much of what Senator Ó Murchú said. The amateur element in sport is very important. When sport becomes a business, it loses many of its values, which, tragically, has happened in the United States.
I remember saying quite a number of years ago in the Houses of the Oireachtas that I used to watch wrestling from Manchester with Kent Walton.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Giant Haystacks.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Big Daddy.

Senator David Norris: Big Daddy, Giant Haystacks and the wonderful Mick McManus, who was a savage in the ring but who collected Ming porcelain. He could be very delicate in his aesthetic appreciation. The interesting thing about wrestling then was that it was fun, theatre and sport. Then it moved to the World Wrestling Federation and it became utterly unscrupulous. The values were different and it was a matter of winning at all costs by cheating, smashing and using outlawed weaponry, the very values that led the United States, tragically, into the Gulf War.
Whatever about the Battle of Waterloo being won on the playing fields of Eton, I believe a moral is to be learned from sport. We certainly learned one during the Special Olympics World Games. When one participant fell, that person's colleagues, instead of saying, "Great, this is my opportunity, I will really rub their nose in it.", actually went back to help the fallen participant and all crossed the line together. Everyone felt this was heartening. I therefore agree with Senator Ó Murchú on the amateur element in sport.
I do not agree, however, that the proposed provision will facilitate just, or even principally, the large organisations such as the IRFU and the GAA. These organisations already receive enormous sums of money and seem to be able to tap into any fund. One need only consider the dispersal of lottery funding. The IRFU and the GAA receive enormous and disproportionate sums of lottery funding. The bodies being excluded from benefit by the legislation are the very amateur bodies about which Senator Ó Murchú is so passionate. They are the ones that will suffer because one can only obtain tax relief on money spent on capital projects. One cannot claim tax back for hiring boxing instructors or coaches of various kinds. These are very necessary, particularly for the amateur groups.
On the business of copperfastening, to which Senator Ó Murchú referred, the Minister of State made the point that the legislation is really a tidying up exercise and that it is intended to confirm the status quo. Confirming the status quo is not terribly adventurous government. If it was a question of copperfastening and tidying up, a better job could have been done.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Hear, hear.

Senator David Norris: That is why I asked my initial question about the number of amendments.

I accept that many of these amendments may well strengthen the Bill. This is not the first time the Bill has made the rounds because it was proposed before the last election so there was that period to look at it. There was the period between the two Administrations and the period when the Bill was being prepared before it was presented to this House, yet 75% of the amendments are Government amendments.
That leads me to the Minister of State's argument that it is all about technical difficulties with tax. It is an argument I can understand, that in order for this amendment to be sustained, it would necessitate changes in tax law, which is not under the remit of the Minister of State, but rather that of his colleague, the Minister for Finance. That should have been explored with the Minister for Finance and the appropriate assurances should have been given by the two Departments.
It is very welcome that this House is absolutely pulsating at present with young blood, in the corridors and in the Public Gallery. While I am not inviting our guests to make a contribution, I wonder what they think of a Government that is turning its face against allowing sport to be considered, particularly the type of amateur sport that many of them may be engaged in, and preventing that from being recognised as a legitimate charitable purpose. I would not like to shock them too much, but I reveal at this point that later we will be looking at the question of excluding human rights. What a celebration of Human Rights Day, which was yesterday.
We very often look to our United Kingdom colleagues for models of legislation. Very often this is a form of legislative laziness. We just take down the UK Bill and stick it in here with a few harps and things around it to make it Irish. However, in the Northern Ireland legislation, this matter is addressed. The proposed definition of "charitable purpose", to be found in clause 2 of the Northern Ireland Bill follows closely the broad definition of the English Charities Act 2006, with new references included to the advancement of amateur sport. That, I believe, addresses all the matters raised by Senator Ó Murchú and should assuage his doubts because it clearly points in the direction of amateur sport. If they can do it 90 miles up the road, I do not see why we cannot do so, particularly given that we are so anxious to have a united Ireland.
I notice that every day we are widening the gap in legislation between the two jurisdictions in Ireland. I wonder when I hear people talking about boycotting Newry whether they are committed to a Thirty-two County Ireland. It does not sound to me like an all-Ireland republic, unless they propose to isolate Newry as some type of curious principality, such as Andora or, indeed, that oddest of all states, the Vatican. I am sorry, but I could not resist the dig.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 5 is a Government amendment which arises out of Committee Stage and is in the names of Senators Hannigan, Alex White, McCarthy, Ryan, Prendergast and Kelly.

Government amendment No. 5:
In page 10, line 4, to delete "activities, or" and substitute the following:
"activities, whether in the State or outside the State, or".

Deputy John Curran: One of my basic aims in respect of this legislation is to make charities secure against takeover or against being undermined or misused by criminal or terrorist groups. It is vital this does not happen. Members may remember that during my opening remarks on Committee Stage last week, I signalled that I was examining the references to terrorism in the Bill. In this regard, I have consulted the Office of the Attorney General in respect of a possible concern that the existing wording in the Bill relating to terrorism might be interpreted as referring only to terrorism in this jurisdiction. While my advice is that the existing wording applies to terrorism in any jurisdiction, I am introducing an amendment for the avoidance of doubt in this regard. I thank Members for their input on this matter.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I thank the Minister of State for so doing. He gave that undertaking last week and I appreciate that the Bill will be changed to reflect it.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I support this amendment. All Members are aware that terrorism is extraterritorial and I am pleased this has been included.

Senator David Norris: While it is reasonable to include the amendment, I do not feel as threatened by terrorism as do some others. However, I take this opportunity to compliment Senator Hannigan, who has enjoyed a series of unusual successes for someone in his first term in the Seanad. It is refreshing when one puts in such energy and is rewarded by having a direct impact on legislation, even in a small way, by having one's amendments accepted. This is a good day.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Like other speakers, I compliment Senator Hannigan on highlighting this issue and I thank the Minister of State. Like Senator Norris, I do not feel so threatened by terrorism but it is important to have protection and I welcome the amendment.

Deputy John Curran: During the debate on Committee Stage, Senator Hannigan mentioned the Supreme Court D case, which related to the Criminal Assets Bureau and which stated that unless legislation specifically mentioned the rest of the world, it applied only to Ireland. Based on the legal advice, the proposed amendment removes any doubt that any organisation involved in terrorism in any jurisdiction would be excluded.

Amendment agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 6 in the names of Senators Hannigan, Alex White, McCarthy, Ryan, Prendergast and Kelly arises from Committee Stage.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I move amendment No. 6:
In page 10, after line 40, to insert the following:
"(2) This Act applies to humanism as it applies to religion.".
While the Labour Party tabled this amendment on Committee Stage, it withdrew it because there also was a reference to cults. I have resubmitted it to state "This Act applies to humanism as it applies to religion." The Minister of State will be aware that the US Supreme Court has recognised that humanism is a religion for the purposes of the religious charitable exemption there. Consequently, this exemption is in line with what has been done elsewhere. The Humanist Association of Ireland met the Taoiseach and other Ministers to discuss humanism in Ireland and at the time its representatives were assured there would be parity of esteem between humanists and religious groups. This is the first opportunity for the Government to deliver on that commitment and, unfortunately, by excluding humanism, it has flunked it. It has not met the commitment it gave to the Humanist Association of Ireland. I ask the Minister of State to reconsider this new amendment and I hope he will see fit to include it.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is the amendment formally seconded?

Senator David Norris: If Senator Hannigan needs a seconder, I would be honoured to second the amendment.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I also would be happy to second it.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I appreciate that.

Senator David Norris: While Members have rehearsed this issue on a previous Stage of the Bill, I wish to introduce a new element. I received a very brilliant paper by Dr. Oonagh B. Breen of the school of law at University College Dublin, Belfield, in which she comments on the manner in which this matter is addressed in Northern Ireland legislation. My eyesight is not great and I am prepared to be corrected by the Minister of State, but I have looked without success for a definition of religion in the Bill. The Minister should inform me whether it contains such a definition.

Deputy John Curran: No.

Senator David Norris: That is an extraordinary omission that the Minister of State should consider because practically everything else has been defined, down to the hairpins. For example, it defines "church" as the Holy Roman Catholic and Apostolic Church, albeit not, I am glad to say, exclusively, as there is permission for other churches to survive. However, there is no definition of religion although there are definitions of all kinds of other matters. If one is dealing with religion and if one intends to exclude humanism, the least one should do is to provide a definition of religion.
I do not know whether the Minister of State, as a good sportsman, can take an amendment on the hop as he would a ball, but to be helpful, the Northern Ireland Bill provides for a statutory definition of religion that includes express references to faiths that do not profess belief in a god, as well as to polytheistic religions. This statutory definition, which was first seen in the English Charities Act 2006, is cognisant of the multicultural make-up of Northern Irish society. This recognition of religious difference goes beyond the law in Ireland, where the definition of religion remains a matter of common law interpretation based primarily on belief in, and worship of, a supreme being. The proposed statutory definition in Northern Ireland should facilitate the registration of nontheistic organisations, including, for example, humanist, Confucian and even Buddhist organisations as religious charities if they otherwise satisfy the public benefit test in Northern Ireland.
While I am unsure whether it is possible to take this on board, this Bill deals with a matter in which religion is central to at least one section. However, no definition has been provided. I do not make this point with an intention to carp or to water down the beliefs of any particular church. I am a regular churchgoer, but I do not approve of the current practice whereby everyone, when reciting the Nicene Creed, is obliged to say "We believe". I know what I believe but I have not the slightest idea of what the people in the next pew believe and I will not say anything on their behalf. Their religious views and values probably alter in respect of the state of their digestion, the time of day and so on. Moreover, there are certain things I simply do not say. As I do not believe in the resurrection of the body, I will not say it. I am happy to believe in the resurrection of the dead.
Members should try to provide a definition of religion and, in its absence, they must go in the direction of Senator Hannigan's amendment. I am neither a humanist nor an atheist, but people of very high ethical standards who promote values such as this should be afforded a space within Ireland's charities legislation.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: The amendment is an interesting one from the point of view of the definition of humanism. What is the meaning humanism in modern 21st century Ireland? My party is not opposed to the amendment, but we would like to see a definition of humanism.
Like Senator Norris, I am a regular church-goer and I believe in the resurrection of the body and the soul.

Senator David Norris: I do not believe in Senator Buttimer's either, or Senator Mullen's. I find that a great relief. It is a comfort.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: The growth of humanism needs to be looked at in the context of the Bill. We have not included a definition of religion, which, I suppose, is an omission that perhaps should be looked at.
In the context of where we are at in this Bill, we need to recognise the importance of people who, as Senator Norris stated, are of high ethical standards and who do promote values. Therefore, we would not have any difficulty with the amendment before us. However, I would like to hear a definition of humanism.

Senator Rónán Mullen: This is turning out to be an interesting debate. I am sorry that Senator Norris does not believe in the resurrection of the body.

Senator David Norris: The dead, yes; the body, no.

Senator Rónán Mullen: I am looking forward to my new glorified body in the next scheme of things.

Senator David Norris: He could do with the glorification.

Senator Rónán Mullen: I could certainly do with a make-over. I am very much inclined to support Senator Hannigan's amendment. I like the look of it. It proceeds from a generosity of spirit in including groups who have ethical values in our society. The way it is worded, that it would apply to humanism as it applies to religion, does not proceed from any intention to water down religion or the value society places on religion.
It might be worth saying at this point that what Senator Norris is proposing would not pass constitutional muster. We are in a different constitutional set-up south of the Border. It is interesting to note that Article 44 of the Constitution, for example, pledges the State specifically to acknowledge the importance of "the homage ... due to Almighty God." It is not often reflected on, but the State is not neutral on the issue of religion. The Constitution values the religious experience very highly. It refers in explicit terms to the value of acknowledging the role of religious faith in society. However, that need not necessarily have negative implications for people who do not have religious faith. That is why I say I would be inclined to support what Senator Hannigan has proposed.
I would not go with the approach of the US Supreme Court which would try, as I think Senator Norris is suggesting in the Northern Irish context, to lump in humanism as a form of religion. That would be to deprive what I like to call authentic religion of its unique and positive character in society.
In the spirit of the new era, which I hope we are approaching, which is one where we take a generous approach to the different convictions of others and also to the absence of conviction on the part of certain people on the meaning of life or the origin of our existence and, indeed, our ultimate destiny as persons, it is good that there are people in society who, while not professing religious faith, express a desire to be associated with strong ethical values that are communitarian in nature.
I certainly hear that from time to time from people who do not share my faith or any religious faith. I have come across it recently, for example, on the pro-life issue in the context of my Stem-Cell Research (Protection of Human Embryos) Bill where several people told me they did not really share what they thought were my religious convictions but they were with me on the issue covered by the legislation. I do not wish to single out that issue unduly. There may well be other humanists who would not be with me on that but who would none the less walk the road in terms of a vision of society that is inclusive, communitarian, etc.
For that reason, it would be good if we were to find a way to include the aspirations of groups who come together, do not profess religious faith but, like religious faith communities, none the less seek to advance values in our society which, as I have stated, are communitarian and promote altruistic behaviour, if one wants to call it that, in various ways.
It surprises me that one point on which I agree with Senator Norris, and on which he is absolutely right, is "We believe", because in Latin it is "Credo", in the first person singular. That is probably the more correct approach to take in the Profession of Faith.

Senator David Norris: We will have to get back to the Latin mass and the Cranbrook prayer book.

Senator Rónán Mullen: As I do not want to alarm Senator Norris by agreeing with him on too many matters, I will conclude my comments with that.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: We could have an animated discussion on religion but my better judgment tells me to stay clear of the theological minefield presented by Senator Norris. Perhaps some other day we can have a full debate on that.
I must admit I am fairly ignorant about humanism. I always thought it was an antidote to religion. Perhaps that is misinformed in its own way.

Senator David Norris: It places the human, rather than God, at the centre.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I cannot speak for the Holy Spirit, obviously,-----

Senator Jerry Buttimer: But Senator Ó Murchú is imbued with it.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: -----but I would be surprised if the Holy Spirit is not in there among humanists as well, in their own way.
Religion in many ways is community and in other ways it is individual. We need to be very careful when it is community and when it is individual. I will focus on individual for the moment. There is a slight danger here - I do not attribute this to anyone who has promoted the idea here or elsewhere - that often when someone wants to become part of someone else's party, so to speak, it is intended to distract or dilute from that. I would be a little worried that to put humanism in the same context as religious is precisely what it could do. In fairness, it is not prescriptive enough when it comes to legislation. I do not know what will be the Minister of State's response to it, but my first reaction is that it is not the category for humanism.

Deputy John Curran: As Senators will be aware, the Charities Bill 2007 provides that the advancement of religion shall have a charitable purpose with a rebuttable provision to deal with those organisations whose religious credentials are doubtful or whose methods are suspect. The Bill does not attempt to define religion, nor would it be wise to do so as religion has a much wider context than merely charity law. The other principal charitable purposes such as poverty and education have similarly not been defined in the Bill. It will be a matter then for the charities regulatory authority to determine, in a case-by-case basis utilising common law and precedent as well as its own expertise, whether an applicant body has a charitable purpose and serves a public benefit. In addition, it will be open to all applicants for charitable status to appeal decisions to the authority, to the charity appeals board and, in turn, to the High Court. In that regard, I am afraid I cannot accept the amendment.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I appreciate the comments of my colleagues from both sides of the House. I am disappointed that the Minister of State will not accept this but I will not press it.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Government amendment No. 7:
In page 11, line 29, to delete "regarded as being".

Deputy John Curran: Amendment No. 7 is a drafting amendment removing text considered to be superfluous.

Amendment agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 8, 14, 15 and 16 are related and may be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I move amendment No. 8:
In page 11, between lines 30 and 31, to insert the following:
"(b) the promotion of human rights,".
This relates to the promotion of human rights. It is a slightly different wording than that of my party's amendment last week. This would give the same definition that is included in other jurisdiction such as England and Wales where, in both cases, the protection and promotion of human rights is included within their Acts. That is all we seek to do. We are concerned the consequences of excluding them mean some organisations may lose their charitable status because of some of the sections in the Act. We encourage the Minister of State to include the amendment in the Bill.

Senator David Norris: I have indicated that I very much regret this Government clearly has committed itself to a policy that is deeply antagonistic to the entire area of human rights.

There cannot be any doubt about that. I know from speaking to my Fianna Fáil and Green Party colleagues that Members on the opposite side of the House have equally little doubt about the matter. I commend the Green Party and Deputy Cuffe in particular, for bravely standing up to oppose the Government's swingeing attacks on human rights. This Bill comprises a small part of an attack being made across all Departments. This is a shameful campaign and it renders valueless the speeches made by Government Members on human rights day.
I will not rehearse the comments I made earlier but will, if the House permits me, quote from a learned paper by Dr. Oonagh Breen because it is important to flesh out the political views of people such as me with the opinion of somebody with an extensive academic acquaintance of this area. Dr. Breen states: "No reasons have been publicly offered for the subsequent deletion of the advancement of human rights from the published Bill." This comes on foot of the fact that the initial consultation paper on charity law reform did not originally include human rights in the proposed list of charitable purposes but the public's disagreement with this policy decision led the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht affairs to remedy this omission in its 2006 general scheme of the bill with express reference to the charitable nature of the advancement of human rights. Human rights were specifically removed, therefore. Nobody can tell me that is not sinister. Dr. Breen continues:
The Minister of State for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, although promising to return to the issue at report stage, declined to speculate on the possibility ultimately making the list other than to say the matter was being considered by the relevant departments and the Attorney General.
I want the Minister of State to specifically state whether he has received advice from the Attorney General on this issue and, if so, whether it was negative and what it contained. Is this a political decision rather than one with a firm legal basis?
Dr. Breen states:
It is trite but true to say that the issue will turn upon politics or, at least, a conception of what is "political" and whether political acts, even if not for political purposes, should qualify as charitable. In the absence of an express charitable purpose in favour of human rights, human rights organisations may find no natural home for themselves in the statute other than the broad heading of organisations supportive of "political causes". From a legal perspective, given the existence of so many human rights organisations that pursue charitable purposes, this default labelling - or even the potential for such default classification - is an altogether insufficient categorisation of the promotion of human rights in the context of charity law.
These comments do not come from the alliance of charities, which could be said to have an axe to grind. This is the dispassionate view of a professional whose legal expertise has been brought to bear on the problem. Dr. Breen further states:
The problem with s. 2, as it stands, is twofold. First, it offers no insight into what is meant by the phrase "political cause" that, if found to be a body's principal object, results in its non-eligibility for charitable status. Ultimately, human rights organisations stand to lose the most from this. There is no direct judicial authority on the meaning or scope of the phrase "political cause" to assist the regulator in applying this concept. In a non-charity context, the High Court has interpreted the phrase "political end", drawing upon English charity case law in its exegesis, but it is unclear whether the terms are synonymous. If promotion of human rights is ultimately excluded from the statutory list of charitable purposes (putting the Irish definition at odds with that of its neighbours, all of which expressly recognise the charitable status of human rights bodies), organisations in this field would be well advised to set out their objects as precisely as possible in the governing instrument, relating them back to the other established heads of charity and demonstrating the non-political ways in which human rights will be promoted.
A second problem with s. 2 relates to its limits. As discussed above, s. 2 is concerned solely with the purposes for which an organisation is established. It is silent on the extent to which legitimate charities may employ political means to achieve their ends.
I apologise for quoting more extensively than I normally do. I usually speak off the cuff rather than refer to documents but these points are so convincing and irrefutable from an independent and dispassionate perspective that if the Government refuses to address them, it will be clear that the Bill represents another attack on human rights. Particularly due to its actions over the past year, this hypocritical Government has the worst human rights record of any I can recall in my 21 years in this House. It is mounting a sustained attack on the Combat Poverty Agency, the Human Rights Commission and the Equality Authority. They are irritants but that is the reason they should be supported. Otherwise, we might as well abolish the Opposition, pestilent Independent Members and turbulent priests of a non-Roman Catholic variety.
I received correspondence from FLAC, Amnesty, Frontline and ICCL which referred to a report by the Charities Commission for England and Wales entitled Charities Working in the Field of Human Rights. This report points out that human rights charities are more likely to have complaints made against them because of the high profile of their work. It states:
Broadly speaking we found that these charities' performance and governance arrangements were in line with other charities. We did, though, find evidence of more complaints about their work than other types of charities. This is perhaps unsurprising
given the generally high profile and contentious nature of the fields in which they work.
With human rights consistently under the media spotlight, and the recent recognition of the promotion of human rights as a description of a charitable purpose in its own right in the Charities Act 2006, we hope this short overview illustrates some of the diverse ways charities seek to promote and safeguard human rights...
Human rights are seen as fundamental to the healthy functioning of society and respect for human rights is generally seen as a moral imperative. In [Britain], the implementation in 2000 of the Human Rights Act 1998 reinforces the legal imperative.
In 2002, the Government's Strategy Unit report Private Action, Public Benefit recommended the inclusion, in the proposed new Charities Act, of the promotion of human rights as a charitable purpose in its own right. Its reasoning was that this would "allow charities to play their full part in the vital tasks of protecting human rights both in the UK and overseas" In the same year, the Charity Commission recognised the promotion of human rights as a charitable purpose in its own right...
Our findings were that human rights charities are broadly very similar to other charities on the Register in terms of their structure and governance. They have very similar concerns and issues to other types of charity. However, in some areas, while the concerns are similar, they are magnified for human rights charities.
That is an unanswerable case and the Minister of State will commit an act of moral cowardice if he evades it. All the charities have made this case. Why are they being spurned? I understand that independent reports submitted to the Government on this area made similar recommendations. It will be a black day for this House and for the Minister of State if he refuses, even at this late stage, to include human rights as part of the definition. It puts into context the public statements yesterday from members of the Government parties. I honour the Green Party and its representatives for taking a strong line on this issue and I urge them to continue to do so.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is the Senator seconding the amendment?

Senator David Norris: I second the amendment, if that is all right with Senator Hannigan. I would also like to move my own amendment.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Senator cannot move his amendment at this stage.

Senator David Norris: When the time is appropriate, I will do so. I see my distinguished friend and colleague, Senator Boyle, sitting on the Government benches. I do not deplore the fact that the Green Party is in government with Fianna Fáil. That gives a certain degree of leverage in this matter and whatever happens today with this issue, I hope Senator Boyle and his colleagues, both in this and`in the other House, will use that leverage to try to bring some moral value to the views taken in these areas so disgracefully by the Fianna Fáil element of the Government.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: What is before us is, to say the least, bizarre. We are talking about the advancement of the promotion of human rights in this section of the Bill. I do not agree with Senator Norris on the leverage held by the Green Party.

Senator David Norris: I did not think the Senator would.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: If the Green Party is in government and is supposed to be an equal partner, why are we at this point? We will, no doubt, get a long lecture from Senator Boyle about Fine Gael and Labour opposing Bills and our record on human rights.

Senator Dan Boyle: I do not need to give it, the Senator has done it for me.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I am pre-empting the Senator's comments as I can read him like a book.

Senator Dan Boyle: I am glad I am so easy to read.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Why are we in the current position if the social conscience of the Government is Senator Boyle and his cabal?
All this week we are, rightly, celebrating the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Today in Ireland we are restricting the inclusion of the promotion of human rights in consensus-oriented legislation for no apparent reason. Senator Norris is right in that we have received extensive consultation with human rights organisations, all of which are united in their views.
We have not heard a cogent explanation as to why this measure is being rejected, especially when it was contained in the original heads of the Bill. Why has it been removed? There is a need to look at the model in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, where the legislation Senator Norris read to the House has been effectively introduced. Why can it not be introduced here and what is the issue? What are we afraid of?
The concept of this amendment is to promote human rights. Yesterday, Amnesty International published a document outlining ten actions for every Deputy and Senator. If we are to be serious about the advancement and promotion of human rights, the amendments put forward by us on this side of the House should be accepted. Unfortunately, the Government has ignored, in every step of the legislative process so far, attempts to include them and that is regrettable.
I will not go back over the debate we had last week on Committee Stage. The joint correspondence we got from Amnesty International, FLAC, the ICCL and Frontline asks a number of questions which should be answered by the Minister of State today. Is it purely about tax and revenue in the Department of Finance? Perhaps in his reply the Minister of State will address some of the concerns of the organisations, the representatives of which I know the Minister of State has spoken to. We must get an answer.
It is regrettable that we will again divide the House today on important legislation dealing with the promotion and advancement of human rights when we have not had a cogent message from Government as to why it has acted in such a way and the thinking behind this exclusion from the Bill. The Minister of State may indicate there is a five-year review but why not start today and include the bodies, as I argued last week? If the Department finds the practice is not working in five years, it could be reviewed then. Why are they being excluded today? We have not had answers from Government and we need them.

Senator Dan Boyle: Yesterday I attended an event hosted by Amnesty International to mark the 60th anniversary of the publication of the agreement of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I spoke candidly at that event, probably too candidly, but I would like to use the opportunity of Report Stage to repeat much of what I said there because I stand by it.
I cannot understand why the original reference to human rights in the scheme of the Bill has been removed. I do not agree with that, although I am involved in a Government process that obliges me to accept it because it has gone through Government procedures. I already stated in my speech on Second Stage that I believe this is good legislation which is flawed as a result of that omission. This has not come about through the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs. As a result of general Government processes, concerns have been raised, not specifically political concerns, in other Departments.
There is a view that human rights in their widest aspect are not considered with unanimity as they should be. Human rights exist in different contexts as there are civic and political human rights, on which there is a broad degree of consensus. These include democratic principles and the involvement of people in civic life. There are other human rights, such as social and economic, which engender ongoing political debate.
As far as I and my party are concerned, these are also inalienable human rights, and seeking to afford those rights is part of the democratic role of any citizen. No political process should stand aside, whether informed by administrators or elective political representatives, from seeking that such rights be attained.
If the Minister is not prepared to address the issue, the existing operations under a human rights banner could find themselves with spurious and political challenges for existing or being seen to affect charitable operations in their status. One of the major bodies in the form of Amnesty International has special tax status only because of a particular Irish solution to the Irish problem of failing to recognise human rights in the widest sense. A former Minister for Finance, Richie Ryan, chose to grant the body that status in a Finance Bill. We should no longer have such machinations.

Senator David Norris: Yes.

Senator Dan Boyle: We should not have the validity of well recognised organisations being questioned and uncertainty over their future because of a Bill that is 90% excellent in what it proposes to achieve. The Bill aimed to achieve that at its inception, when it was presented as a scheme by the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs. The fact that it cannot do so now means that either spurious challenges will be made against these organisations or bodies will be formed that will have their validity questioned in future. There will be a need for future legislation to amend this prior to the review mentioned in this legislation.

I am stating that while acknowledging that I will be voting for the Government and against the amendments. The least the Minister can do is bring out regulations, at the earliest opportunity, to define and protect the role of organisations that currently find themselves in this position. The regulations should also define how other organisations, that may come into being under similar circumstances, can be afforded similar protection. If our legislation is not complete, we could find ourselves in difficulties in future because the valuable work of well recognised and publicly accepted organisations is being challenged by someone who disagrees with them politically. The political system should not adopt that approach.
I reluctantly accept that because unelected influences may have had an effect on the Bill and they have been given a weight that is disproportionate to what their individual concerns should be, it will result in a Bill that is missing an important element. How does the Minister of State intend to allay the concerns that will remain until the legislation is eventually completed under the five-year review or, hopefully, though amending legislation? We may feel obliged to propose such amendments because others have been successful in arguing against the issue.
Coalition Government is about give and take, and winning and losing arguments. The most important argument that has been won concerning this Bill, given what was absent from the original draft legislation, is the issue of advocacy. Advocacy is essential in civic society, including all voluntary and charitable organisations, in order to hold a mirror up to the type of society in which we live. The fact that advocacy is now very much part of the Bill will allay some of the ongoing concerns about human rights organisations. It is more important to have a Bill that recognises the charitable intent and purpose of organisations, whatever their historical background. In that way we can hold up a mirror to reflect society and force Governments and the political system generally to account for that. The inclusion of advocacy in the Bill makes it somewhat easier for me to support it, but it will not totally allay my unhappiness that there is a lacuna in the legislation that will eventually have to be filled.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: On Second Stage we all had an opportunity to express our views on human rights issues. I put my position on the record at that time because I felt uncomfortable. I must also put on the record that Senator Norris in particular has been one of the foremost advocates for human rights in this House. On many occasions, particularly on the Order of Business, I have been on the same wavelength as him. There is no doubt but that the organisations which have been mentioned here have done exemplary work. At times, many of us have felt particularly comfortable that such organisations exist, including Amnesty International in particular. On many occasions throughout the world, it has been necessary for Amnesty to put its head above the parapet. When it comes to what we might almost regard as state violence and terrorism, we are lucky to have Amnesty International's reports. The organisation has suffered for its views. It has gone into areas to investigate state terrorism, thus putting the lives of its representatives on the line. For that reason, in the debate on Second Stage, we all expressed our feelings and emotions on that issue.
It is important to send a message to those organisations that their work should be acknowledged with the stand they have taken. Obviously, I do not agree with Senator Norris when he says we have the worst record on human rights. I do not know whether he meant in Europe or in the world generally.

Senator David Norris: If I could explain, I meant in comparison to other governments, in terms of the interference with every single human rights organisation.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I genuinely feel it would be wrong to see Ireland in that regard.

Senator David Norris: No, I would not say that, but I meant compared to other governments, including Fianna Fáil governments.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Ó Murchú, without interruption.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: When opportunities arise, we often ask the Government to take an independent stand. Just because one is a member of a particular forum, whether it is the European Union or the United Nations, one does not have to toe the line completely. We saw that during the invasion of Iraq. I can still recall watching that invasion on television as if we were watching a movie, forgetting that people on the receiving end of that indiscriminate bombing were being killed in their thousands. From day one, I made the point on the Order of Business that, first, I did not accept that the invasion of Iraq was justified because certain countries went against the will and procedure of the United Nations and, second, there was absolutely no respect whatsoever for human life. We were able to see the embedded journalists in Iraq telling us what suited the powers that be, but we were never told about the suffering of men, women and children. The number of people who have been indiscriminately killed has run into hundreds of thousands.

Senator David Norris: Yes.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: We have also seen what some of the major powers did in laying their mines in countries they invaded. When they withdraw, however, they leave the mines and it is left to private organisations and spirited people to engage in clearing them. We also saw what mines do to people, not just killing them but also maiming them by blowing off limbs and destroying their lives. There is so much of that going on that an independent voice is needed.
Ireland was the only Government in Europe that took an individual stand against the invasion of the Malvinas or the Falklands war. People said we would suffer for doing so but we did not and, subsequently, our stature improved because we were prepared to stand up. We were not prepared to accept the soccer lingo concerning what they did to the Belgrano.

Senator David Norris: Disgraceful.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: It was totally against all the existing conventions on war. We should bear in mind that there are thousands of examples where we must stand up. On the other hand, while it may not be the strongest argument, I do not contribute to the notion that the organisations I have mentioned are the only custodians of human rights. I would regard that as a weakness in the protection of human rights, which are a matter for each individual and every organisation also. I am a member of several organisations for which human rights are high on the agenda. For that reason, I am making the case for the charities listed in this Bill.
I have always been a supporter of Amnesty International and contribute fairly generously each year. I was unhappy, however, with the position taken by Amnesty on abortion.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: I think the Senator may be straying from the amendment.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: The point I am making is part of the amendment.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: It is not.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: The work done by these organisations has been mentioned, therefore we are entitled to put the other side of the argument. I do not agree with the position taken by Amnesty International on abortion. If one supports human rights, one must support them in all forms, including for the born and the unborn. We cannot genuinely say that Amnesty should have taken that position.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Senator is straying a little from the amendment.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I look forward to the Minister of State's response. Obviously I will be voting with the Government.

I have stated what position individual organisations should take on human rights. If there is a further discussion, we might also respond.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate on human rights. Our human rights aspirations should be reflected in legislation. In recent months, organisations that promote human rights in Ireland have been attacked. This is clear from the reduced funding and budgetary changes in respect of the Irish Human Rights Commission, IHRC, which falls under the Good Friday Agreement, the Equality Authority and the abandonment of the Combat Poverty Agency. Given that people experiencing poverty is a human rights issue, any body that voices the concerns of the most vulnerable is a human rights organisation.
I welcome the Green Party's comments, but Senator Boyle's view of coalition government is questionable, given his support for the Bill and despite his statement to the effect that it is empty of an important element. Would a coalition partner not want to express its values? The Senator has spoken strongly on the value of human rights and his wish to change the legislation, but he is accepting a Bill devoid of an important element, namely, human rights.
Why is there such intransigence? Senator Ó Murchú has referred to his discomfort and the Green Party has asked the Government to change the Bill. The Minister of State has been contacted by a range of credible organisations with a long record of quality work in the protection of human rights in Ireland, including the Free Legal Advice Centres, FLAC, Amnesty International, Front Line and others. Why will the Government not accept their comments on including human rights in the Bill?
This week is the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. After recent actions, the Government is missing a critical opportunity to restore the credibility of its approach to human rights. The arguments are spelled out by those working in this area. Why did the Government remove the advancement of human rights from the Bill? If it had to do with tax concerns or Front Line's arguments, they can be addressed easily. Its exclusion and the consequential impact on the work of human rights organisations give rise to a range of concerns. They will be undermined and presented with further difficulties. They are concerned that they will be excluded if human rights are not included in the Bill.
I wish to place on record some of the concerns of Front Line, Amnesty International, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties, ICCL, and FLAC. If the advancement of human rights is not reinstated in the Bill, problems may arise. Since human rights will not constitute a charitable objective, organisations engaging in its advancement will find accessing funding more difficult, given that foundations and donors require clarity regarding charitable status. Will the Minister of State inform the House about how organisations will be able to address this matter?
Like my colleague, Senator Buttimer, the organisations pointed out that the advancement of human rights is a recognised charitable objective in the UK, including Northern Ireland. According to them, the Bill will undermine the principle of equivalence in the Good Friday Agreement. Will the Minister of State respond to this serious issue? United Kingdom organisations that advance human rights will be able to promote their aims in Ireland, but Irish organisations will not be able to benefit from such promotion. That they will be placed at a disadvantage is immediately evident.
Many Senators will have received the organisations' document which states that organisations have a charitable exemption for education, religious or humanitarian work. However, were they to frame their work in human rights terms, the regulator would be able to remove their charitable status. If non-governmental organisations are to retain their status, they will be in the bizarre position of trying to deny that their work includes the advancement of human rights. This is a serious problem. The organisations also claim that they could be subject to malicious complaints to the charities regulator to the effect that they are not working to advance human rights. While I am sure the Minister of State is familiar with these concerns, will he explain how the organisations will deal with them if changes to the Bill are not made?
The organisations estimate that an amazing array of Irish charities, 60 to 200 in total, may have their work with the vulnerable affected by the exclusion of human rights as a charitable purpose. Reviewing the legislation in five years is not good enough as damage could be done in the meantime. Given the week that is in it, the Government has an opportunity to begin making amends for the damage it has done to human rights in recent weeks, as eloquently referred to by Senator Norris. Will the Minister of State review the decision?

Senator Ivana Bacik: I welcome the opportunity to speak on my amendment No. 14 and related amendments, which seek to include the protection of human rights as a charitable purpose. I am disappointed because, when we debated the matter on Committee Stage, a number of points were strongly made. I look forward to the Minister of State's reply.
As others have stated, the Bill in its original form as the 2006 charities regulation Bill included the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose. We do not know what has changed since then that would lead to that goal's removal. From our Committee Stage debate, it appears that no legal objection was made by the Attorney General.
As I stated then, it is the opinion of the human rights committee of the Law Society that the advancement of human rights should be included as a charitable purpose. Subsequently, I provided a copy of that submission to the Minister of State's office, as requested. Given these facts, that the opportunity to reinsert the provision was not taken is disappointing. I hope the Minister of State might accept one of the amendments.
As Senators have stated, this week is the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Given this, including the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose would be fitting. It is unfortunate the Government has seen fit to attack human rights bodies by undermining the Irish Human Rights Commission and the Equality Authority and underfunding them next year. As pointed out by the charities that have briefed us - Front Line, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties, Amnesty International and FLAC - the charitable status of between 60 and 200 organisations could come under threat unless the protection of human rights is included as a charitable purpose.
While others have referred to this, it is important to note some of the difficulties those organisations will face. According to the Minister of State, current charities will retain their status, but this is subject to change and potential challenge. This is of concern to many groups that view their primary purpose as the advancement or protection of human rights.

Even if they have charitable status, they may find it difficult to access funding because the advancement of human rights is not explicitly recognised in our legislation on charities. They may also find themselves open to malicious complaints to the charities regulator. Previous speakers referred to certain charities and took issue with particular views they expressed. I do not believe it is appropriate, in this debate, to take issue with different charities and stances they may have adopted. However, this shows the dangers involved and highlights that human rights-based charities may be the subject of complaints.
I thank the free legal advice centres, FLAC, for recommending to me the 2007 annual report of the Charities Commission for England and Wales which makes the point that human rights charities are more likely to have complaints made against them because of the high profile nature of their work. The commission also pointed out that human rights are seen as fundamental to the healthy functioning of society and that respect for such rights is generally seen as a moral imperative. That is a strong statement. It is also a strong premise on which one could base a list of charitable purposes.
The Minister of State did not provide an adequate explanation in respect of this matter on Committee Stage. He must indicate why he does not propose to reinsert a provision relating to the advancement of human rights in the Bill. He must also indicate why he is not following the legislative models adopted in other jurisdictions to which reference was made on Committee Stage. It is clear that we will be out of line with neighbouring jurisdictions when the legislation is passed. The principle of equivalence of protection of human rights under the British-Irish Agreement will be undermined if we do not include the advancement of human rights as a recognised charitable objective, particularly as it is so recognised in the UK and Northern Ireland.
The charities have pointed out that resources, including funds and volunteers, for human rights objectives may be diverted to neighbouring jurisdictions, particularly as they see those as having stronger protection for the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose.
A great deal more could be said in respect of this matter. However, I do not propose to belabour the point. As a result of the Committee Stage debate, we know of no legal obstacle to the inclusion of the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose. There is no indication that the Attorney General has objected in any way. We are aware that the advancement of human rights is included as a charitable purpose in neighbouring jurisdictions and that difficulties will arise under the British-Irish Agreement if it is excluded. The charities - those most affected - have pointed out the many problems they will encounter if the advancement of human rights is not included as a charitable purpose.
I urge the Minister of State to take on board the sentiments we have expressed, and those put forward so strongly by the Incorporated Law Society's human rights committee and others, and include the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose.

Deputy John Curran: This issue was debated at length on Committee Stage and I accept that Senators have particularly strong views in respect of it. The Bill does not effect any diminution in the status of human rights organisations operating in Ireland.

Senator David Norris: Of course it does.

Deputy John Curran: It has been framed to safeguard their status through the deeming process relating to the register of charities.

Senator David Norris: Rubbish. The Minister of State should not insult the House.

Deputy John Curran: I will refer to that point in a moment.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Minister of State, without interruption.

Senator David Norris: The Minister of State deserves to be interrupted. What he is saying is a disgrace.

Deputy John Curran: Many of the charitable purposes in the Bill are very closely linked with human rights. My understanding is that no charity has been granted a CHY number by Revenue on the basis that it is a human rights organisation per se.
The Bill does not change the charitable purposes that have developed in common law, nor is it within its gift to do so. As I made clear to the House, it is not the intention of the Bill to widen or to narrow the range of purposes that have become accepted as charitable over time.
The Bill before the House is substantially different in many respects from the general scheme that was originally published. Much of what was contained in the general scheme was based on examples from other common law jurisdictions. Much of the legal guidance received during the drafting reflected that it is not always possible to transfer into Irish law what was in other legislative codes.
As regards human rights and social justice, during the drafting of the Bill and the detailed consultations that were undertaken at that time with other Departments and statutory agencies it emerged that the advancement of human rights and social justice was not a charitable purpose in Ireland. That is why it was removed. As stated on many occasions, the purpose of the Bill is to maintain the status quo and regulate the current system.

Senator David Norris: A very noble ambition.

Deputy John Curran: Senator Boyle referred to charities and advocacy. The general scheme was quite restrictive in respect of political advocacy on the part of charities. When drafting the Bill, however, in the context of addressing the question of advocacy towards a political objective by charitable organisations, practical issues arose concerning the protection of charitable status for certain bodies which do good work on the ground, such as those dealing with families of victims of homicide, abuse etc. It has been argued that many charitable organisations legitimately engage in advocacy as a means to achieve their charitable purpose, although advocacy in itself is not their principal objective. Accordingly, it was decided not to include a specific provision in the Bill restricting advocacy by charities.
The question of deemed versus non-deemed charities has arisen on a couple of occasions. There seems to be some misinterpretation to the effect that charities which are deemed under section 40 are to be perceived differently from those which apply for registration under section 39. I wish to put the record straight in respect of this matter. I received legal advice to the effect that deemed and non-deemed charities are exactly the same for the purposes of the Bill. The most critical provision in the Bill in this context is the definition of "registered charitable organisation" in section 2. Deeming is not to be regarded as a temporary measure pending registration proper. Deemed organisations will have had their charitable credentials assessed to the satisfaction of Revenue in the first instance. In addition, they will be no more likely to be removed from the register than their section 39 counterparts.
I reiterate that while human rights and social justice are not specifically mentioned in the legislation, the acts to which they relate, namely, the prevention and relief of poverty, the advancement of education and the prevention of human suffering, are so specifically mentioned. As stated previously, my purpose has always been to maintain the status quo and draw up legislation that is in line with established practices. On those grounds, I cannot accept the amendments.

Senator David Norris: On a point of order, will the Chair provide a ruling as to whether it is appropriate for the Minister of State to merely read a typescript that was prepared in advance when replying to a detailed debate?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: That is not a point of order.

Senator David Norris: Will he be kind enough to indicate whether he obtained advice from the Attorney General?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Norris is being disorderly.

Senator David Norris: If there is nothing in his typescript in respect of the matter, then he could not have obtained such advice. The Minister of State could not have known the questions I intended to pose before that rubbish was prepared.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Has the Minister of State concluded his reply?

Deputy John Curran: Yes.

Senator David Norris: The Minister of State is not going to answer my question.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: I call Senator Hannigan.

Senator David Norris: The Minister of State does not have much courage.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: Members feel strongly about the failure to accept these amendments. Those on the Opposition benches have been approached by organisations such as FLAC, Amnesty International and the Irish Council for Civil Liberties in respect of this matter. Senators on this side have posed questions, as has Senator Boyle on the Government side. I agree with the latter in that there is a large hole in the Bill. Senator Buttimer suggested a way to circumvent difficulties in this regard by the inclusion of this measure for a period of five years. That is a sensible proposal and I do not know why such an approach could not be taken.
The Minister of State indicated that there is no specific reference to human rights in the Bill. However, such reference is made to "the prevention or relief of suffering of animals". I fail to understand why human rights have not been referred to in this way. I encourage the Minister of State to reconsider the position in this regard because nothing he has stated will dissuade us from pressing the amendment.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Prior to the sos Senator Boyle referred to "outside forces" and I am concerned by those remarks. I seek clarification on what he said. Prior to the sos we took a vote to exclude sporting and human rights organisations from being considered as charitable organisations. A member of a Government party has referred to "outside forces". The section with which we are dealing refers to "a public benefit". Are the outside forces at work of public benefit to the wider community and the organisations we represent? I seek clarification from Government on what are the outside forces. Who are these mystical people?
Is pressure being put in regard to human rights, as so eloquently outlined by Senator Norris, and is Fianna Fáil wielding a big axe and a big stick? If that is the case, we deserve to know. Let us have the debate now. If the Green Party is not happy to support the Bill, let us park it. We have already seen a major tome of amendments, which shows that the Bill is a work in progress, a bit like the Government budgetary policies. A member of the Government parties came to the House and made a speech like a Member of the Opposition and then voted against the Bill.
Is a sinister plot involved? We have not raised the matter on this side of the House. We have been consensual in our approach to the Bill but a member of the Government parties has made an astonishing revelation to the House. I would like to know who are the outside forces and what Senator Boyle is talking about. If the matter is of concern to groups that promote human rights and the advancement of sport and it has a negative impact on the Irish charities sector then we need to park the legislation. We need honesty in this matter.
I appreciate that the Minister of State is probably none the wiser than I, but we need clarification. It is disingenuous of Government to come to the House with a vast tome of amendments when a member of the Government parties has castigated his colleagues and voted against them. That beggars belief on a Bill that is of such importance to the regulation of the charity sector. Are we justified at this eleventh hour to deny the inclusion of human rights bodies or sporting organisations in the Bill? We deserve answers. It was appalling for a member of the Government parties to make such comments in the House and then vote against the Government.

Senator David Norris: I would love to go along the line Senator Buttimer has so effectively promoted but I do not believe that is the case. I do not think that it is outside, sinister forces who are pushing a particular political agenda on behalf of the forces of reaction. This is weak Government. Senior civil servants in Departments are driving Government policy. I am sure that is the case. It is inappropriate to name the particular senior civil servant in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform but the Minister will know exactly who is involved. It is treating the House with contempt that those kind of pathetic non-answers should be read into the record, prepared by other people, and not to answer the questions that were asked.
I do not follow the conspiracy theory. I do not think all kinds of mad pro-lifers, George Bush neo-cons and doodahs are behind the Bill. I do not suggest that my balanced friend, Senator Buttimer, was suggesting that, but that might be an implication that could be taken from it by more hysterical people. I do not believe that for a minute, but it is up to Government to govern or listen to the advice of its civil servants. I emphasise the second word, because they, like the Ministers, are servants of the people, and if the Government does not listen to the advice and then makes a decision on policy, it is in difficulty.
The reason the matter that has been raised by Senator Buttimer is so important is not that these sinister agents were involved but that the door has been left open for them to walk right through it. That is the problem. That is why I put on record the vulnerability in these cases that was found by the British Charity Commission's report. Senator Bacik did the same. The danger is that one is leaving it wide open.
Turning to the specific amendment, which relates to charitable purpose and public benefit, I am interested to hear the Minister of State's reply. Since I am not the proposer of the amendment I will not be able to speak again. I am reminded of those rather innocently sectarian days when one had collections for the Catholic boy scouts or the Protestant orphans. I always thought it was rather unchristian, whatever about the skirts, I beg your pardon, the shirts. I have a slight verbal confusion - the scouts. Skirts, shirts, I eventually got scouts right. Whatever about the scouts, is the idea of public benefit intended to make sure that if any of those groups who make collections have survived, that they widen their focus so that they take in the full public within the remit of their benevolence rather than narrowly collecting for the charitable purposes of assisting, for example, the Protestant orphans.
Thinking back on it, I remember there were Protestant gentlewomen also, and even Protestant lepers in India. I thought that was a little bit discriminatory. My heart went out to the poor Catholic, Muslim or even Hindu lepers who were deprived of that munificence. I am curious about that point. What is the effect of this measure and why was it necessary technically to change it because the change is not substantial? I do not have the original wording in front of me but the Minister is now saying, "A purpose shall not be a charitable purpose unless it is of public benefit". I think there was a phrase after that saying "within the meaning of this Act". What is the point of removing that? I seek to be informed.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I am beginning to wonder if I am an innocent abroad when it comes to the operation of democracy. My understanding of democracy is that one expresses one's point of view and then accepts the will of the majority. I am not a Trappist monk when it comes to that, I am entitled to express a view and still vote with the Government.


I would be very disappointed if this process were diluted in any way. What we are trying to do is get to the essence of any given matter, be it an amendment, report or otherwise. It is through this cut-and-thrust process that we have had some of the best debates in the Seanad over the years. We do not all necessarily sing from the same hymn sheet at any given time but we all have the opportunity, as members of political parties, to attend the parliamentary party meeting and have an input. We have an opportunity to approach a Minister, etc. This is how democracy operates and I hope we do not suggest this should not be the case.
One would hope that every charity would fall into the category of having a wider public benefit. One of the difficulties associated with trying to legislate for such a diverse group of bodies is that one must be very careful that one's legislation is implementable and does not have any loopholes or inadequacies. I look forward to what the Minister of State has to say but I hope that, in our debate on amendments, we can express our views and await the Minister of State's response.

Deputy John Curran: Amendments Nos. 10 and 11 are technical. Senator Buttimer referred to the "forces" but I have no idea what forces he is referring to. In the preparation of this legislation, there has been extensive consultation with various Departments, the Office of the Revenue Commissioners, political parties and the charities sector. The reason for the substantial number of amendments on Committee and Report Stages is that we accepted amendments or redrafted amendments on advice we took, where possible.

Senator David Norris: It would be perfectly possible to accept the amendment on human rights.

An Cathaoirleach: The Minister of State should be allowed to reply.

Senator David Norris: He must be corrected when he is wrong.

An Cathaoirleach: No.

Deputy John Curran: Amendment No. 10 is just a strengthening provision. The wording "be regarded as a charitable purpose" is being changed to "be a charitable purpose". It is a technical amendment in that regard.

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 11:
In page 11, to delete lines 36 and 37 and substitute the following:
"(3) Subject to subsection (4), a gift shall not be of public benefit unless---".

Amendment agreed to.

An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 12 and 13 are related and may be discussed together.

Amendment No. 12 not moved.

Government amendment No. 13:
In page 12, between lines 25 and 26, to insert the following:
"(10) For the purposes of this section, a gift is not a gift for the advancement of religion if it is made to or for the benefit of an organisation or cult-
(a) the principal object of which is the making of profit, or
(b) that employs oppressive psychological manipulation-
(i) of its followers, or
(ii) for the purpose of gaining new followers.".

Deputy John Curran: Since the earlier debates on the Bill in both the Dáil and Seanad, I have been reflecting on the issue of those organisations that purport to be religious in nature but whose principal interest is in profit or whose methods may be harmful to their followers. As I stated last week, this issue arose from an Opposition amendment originally developed by Deputies Wall and Higgins. It was reintroduced today by the Senators. I have concluded that there is merit in the principle of the original amendment in that religious organisations that in reality have scant regard for the spiritual, psychological or financial well-being of their members or potential members should not be granted the privilege of charitable status. Accordingly, I am proposing an amendment, developed in consultation with the Office of the Attorney General, that will ensure dubious organisations that pose as religious but whose motive is making money or which use inappropriate psychological techniques in recruiting or retaining members will not attain charitable status. The Opposition amendment has not been moved but mine serves the same purpose.

Senator David Norris: It is very welcome that the Minister of State has clearly used phraseology from the original amendment of Senator Hannigan. It is very interesting that it has been considered properly by the Minister of State and carefully referred to the legal authorities. The Minister of State has come up with a very good amendment that takes the essential elements of what was proposed from the back benches of the Seanad. It is very good that he has done so. Praise is due where it is merited but, unfortunately, such instances are becoming scarcer.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I concur with Senator Norris. In this amendment we are taking cognisance of the role of the church and religion, yet the Broadcasting Commission of Ireland, by banning the Veritas advertisement, has done the exact opposite. There is no joined-up thinking by the Government and its agencies. In praising this amendment, one must seek consistency in terms of Government policy. I ask the Minister of State to raise the banning of the Veritas advertisement with the Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources. The ban was a completely crazy decision.

An Cathaoirleach: That does not have much to do with the amendment.

Amendment agreed to.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 14:
In page 12, line 36, after "advancement of" to insert "human rights,".
I must indicate I have Senator Bacik's authority to press this amendment. She stated she would be at a professional consultation and might not be back.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I second the amendment.

Amendment put and declared lost.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 15:
In page 12, line 36, after "reconciliation" to insert the following:
", the promotion and protection of human rights as one of the purposes beneficial to the community".

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I second the amendment.

An Cathaoirleach: Is the amendment being pressed?

Senator David Norris: It most certainly is. It is one last grim opportunity for the Government to find its conscience.

Amendment put.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 17:
In page 14, to delete lines 22 to 29 and substitute the following:
"(2) Any default in the relationship/agreement between the Charity and the State Agency/Public body whereby the Charity would be at a loss, would not be counted as such where the Charity has little or no option but to comply with standards/practices set out by the particular body. In such a case, the individual trustees/Directors of the Charity cannot be held liable.".
This is a question of liability. On Second Stage, I put on the record of the House extensive information on the brief I received, particularly from the Respond Housing Association, and it would be tedious for me to repeat that now. The Minister of State understands the points that were made. As I recall, he said he would reconsider the matter to see if there was room for movement on it.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I second the amendment. I echo the words of Senator Norris. This is an issue of great importance for voluntary directors of charities. I have also received communications from the Respond Housing Association, which has been very supportive of this amendment. It is supportive of the Bill as whole, as we all are, and believes that it is important to regulate the charities sector. However, the association is concerned about the problem of liability for individual voluntary directors and trustees of charities. It is concerned that it will be difficult to get indemnity insurance without an amendment such as this. It is also concerned the Minister of State may have misunderstood the purpose behind the amendment. I look forward to hearing the Minister of State's response.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I too support the amendment and compliment Respond Housing Association on its representation on this matter. It is important that we protect voluntary directors, especially in the current economic situation where commitments made have been pared back, frozen or cancelled. It is incumbent on the Government to protect voluntary directors. Sometimes, in the rush to legislate and regulate, we forget voluntary directors. Therefore, it is important to protect them. I look forward to hearing the Minister of State's reply on this issue.

Senator Feargal Quinn: I will just add a few words because the issue was debated on Committee Stage. Some years ago a Bill went through the House with regard to directors of private and public companies. The point was made very clearly that sometimes there is great difficulty in getting someone to become a director of a company because of the inherent liability he or she could suffer. Whatever about commercial companies, in the case of charitable organisations this should never inhibit a person from becoming a director or becoming involved in a charitable organisation. This amendment seems logical. On Committee Stage, the Minister of State undertook to give serious attention to this issue and I look forward to hearing he has found a solution in this regard.

Deputy John Curran: It is clear from the amendments tabled that there is a great appreciation throughout this House of the vital role trustees play in the operation of charities. I am aware of the need to protect the interests of trustees of charities and I wish to ensure they are not made unfairly liable for commitments into which they enter on behalf of charities in all good faith. I wish to ensure that those engaged in charity work can undertake the role of trustee without being worried that such a role might have negative financial implications for them.
I already have amended the Bill to enable charities to use charitable funds to indemnify trustees against personal losses arising where they have acted in good faith. Even though Opposition Members welcomed the insurance provision, it was considered that there may be a high cost involved in taking out such a policy, particularly when potential liabilities might be considerable. Accordingly, Opposition Members have tabled amendments on Report Stage, as they did last week, in respect of trustee liability. I agreed to reflect on this matter and have done so in consultation with the Office of the Attorney General. My advice is that a trustee could be liable only where there is a breach of fiduciary relationship by the trustee with the content of the trust deed. Where a trustee acts in good faith in carrying out its business with a body such as a statutory body, I understand there is no way the trustee would be personally liable. Nonetheless, for the removal of doubt, Government amendment No. 62 will introduce a new section 89 to deal with the issue raised by the Opposition amendments. By allowing the court to grant relief to charity trustees from personal liability for a breach of trust where the trustee has acted honestly, reasonably and in good faith, I am confident that this will offer reassurance to those who act as trustees to charities or who are contemplating such a role. Although I cannot accept the Opposition's amendments as worded, I thank Members for raising the issue. I hope the Government amendment, which has been tabled on the advice of the Attorney General, will address the issue.

Senator David Norris: First, I thank the Minister of State for his clear statement. I will pass on a copy of the Official Report to Respond!, because it would assuage its problems and anxieties to an extent. The Minister of State has stated clearly that in situations in which trustees were acting in good faith and in concert with the intentions of the trust and so on, they would not be held liable. Moreover, he has tabled an amendment to this effect. As he has honoured his commitment to reconsider this issue and to introduce an amendment, I am happy to withdraw my amendment. It would be foolish to put this to a vote in any case as it would be just another lost vote. The Minister of State has moved on this issue and I will revert to those who briefed me on this matter. I thank the Minister of State for accepting the sense of the points raised in the House. While there may be further difficulties because the exact wording sought by the various organisations has not been included, significant movement has taken place, which I welcome.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 18 to 24, inclusive, are related and will be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Government amendment No. 18:
In page 26, line 16, to delete "established" and substitute "established pursuant to a direction".

Deputy John Curran: These amendments are presentational and corrective in nature. Amendments Nos. 18 and 19 are similar in that they clarify subsections 2 and 4, respectively, applying to consultative panels established on the direction of the Minister under section 37. Amendment No. 20 is a technical amendment clarifying that section 39(4) applies only to applicants under the section and not to charitable organisations so deemed under section 40. Amendment No. 21 is a presentational amendment to the provision introduced on Committee Stage allowing for the authority to exempt certain applicants from being obliged to provide each and every document listed in section 39. However, there is no substantive change to the provision. Amendments Nos. 22 and 23 both correct cross-references to other sections of the Bill that should have been made following previous amendments and amendment No. 24 simply clarifies that the subsection refers to a requirement under section 43.

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 19:
In page 26, line 27, to delete "under subsection (1)" and substitute the following:
"pursuant to a direction under subsection (1)".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 20:
In page 27, line 17, to delete "Subject to section 40, a charitable organisation" and substitute the following:
"A charitable organisation (other than a charitable organisation to which section 40 applies)".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 21:
In page 3 of the list of amendments made in Committee, to delete the text inserted by amendment no. 14 and substitute the following:
"(6) The Authority may exempt an applicant for registration under this section from such of the requirements of subsection (5) as it considers appropriate where it is of the opinion that compliance by the applicant with those requirements would be unduly onerous having regard to his or her circumstances.".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 22:
In page 29, line 14, to delete "section 40" and substitute "section 43(10)".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 23:
In page 30, to delete line 13 and substitute the following:
"(b) the entitlement under section 45(1) to appeal the decision.".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 24:
In page 31, to delete lines 28 to 30 and substitute the following:
"(5) The Authority shall, as soon as practicable after receiving information pursuant to a request under subsection (2) or a requirement under subsection (3) in respect of a charitable organisation, enter in the register---".

Amendment agreed to.

An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 25 to 28, inclusive, and 31 are related and will be discussed together. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Government amendment No. 25:
In page 32, line 14, to delete "registered" and substitute "registered or deemed to be registered".

Deputy John Curran: Amendments Nos. 25 to 28, inclusive, and 31 are similar drafting amendments which provide that charities that have registered under section 39 and charities that have been deemed to have registered under section 40 are regarded in the same way in the legislation.

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 26:
In page 32, line 17, to delete "registered" and substitute "registered or deemed to be registered".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 27:
In page 32, line 20, to delete "registered" and substitute "registered or deemed to be registered".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 28:
In page 32, line 23, to delete "registered" and substitute "registered or deemed to be registered".

Amendment agreed to.

Amendment No. 29 not moved.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: On a point of information, may Members speak on amendment No. 29?

An Cathaoirleach: No, it was not moved.

Government amendment No. 30:
In page 34, to delete lines 7 to 48 and in page 35, to delete lines 1 to 23 and substitute the following:
43.---(1) Where the Authority, after consultation with the Garda Síochána, is of opinion that a body registered in the register is or has become an excluded body by virtue of its promoting purposes that are---
(a) unlawful,
(b) contrary to public morality,
(c) contrary to public policy,
(d) in support of terrorism or terrorist activities, or
(e) for the benefit of an organisation, membership of which is unlawful,
it shall remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that body and the body shall thereupon cease to be registered.
(2) Where the name of a charitable organisation is changed in contravention of section 42(2), the Authority shall remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation and the organisation shall thereupon cease to be registered.
(3) If a registered charitable organisation that is a body corporate is convicted on indictment of an offence, the Authority may remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation, and that organisation shall, thereupon, cease to be registered.
(4) Where, in relation to a charitable organisation, the Authority is satisfied that there has been a contravention of---
(a) section 47, 48, 50 or 52, or
(b) a direction under section 50 or 51,
the Authority may remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation, and that organisation shall, thereupon, cease to be registered.
(5) If a registered charitable organisation fails to comply with a direction of the Authority under section 53, the Authority may remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation, and that organisation shall, thereupon, cease to be registered.
(6) Where the Authority is of opinion that a body registered in the register is not a charitable organisation, it shall apply to the High Court for a declaration that the body is not a charitable organisation.
(7) If the High Court, upon an application under subsection (6), grants a declaration that the body in respect of which the application is made is not a charitable organisation, the body shall thereupon cease to be a registered charitable organisation and the Authority shall remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that body.
(8) If a charity trustee of a registered charitable organisation ceases to be qualified for the position of charity trustee by virtue of section 55, the Authority may apply to the High Court for an order authorising the Authority to remove the charitable organisation from the register, and, upon such an application, the High Court may make such an order if it considers it appropriate in all of the circumstances.
(9) If the High Court makes an order under subsection (8), the Authority shall forthwith remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation, and that organisation shall thereupon cease to be registered.
(10) A body that, in accordance with this section, has ceased to be registered for the purposes of section 39 shall not, before the expiration of one year, or such shorter period as the Minister may determine, from the date of its ceasing to be so registered, be eligible to apply to be registered, and the Authority shall not, before such expiration, perform any functions in relation to that organisation under section 39(6).
(11) Where, in accordance with this section, a body ceases to be registered, the Authority shall enter in the register a statement that the body has ceased to be registered and a statement of the reasons therefor.".

Deputy John Curran: Although at face value this amendment, which replaces the original section 43, is substantial, essentially it is a presentational amendment proposed on the basis of legal advice. It provides for the circumstances under which a charitable organisation, which had applied successfully for entry onto the register of charities may be removed from the register by the authority. It ensures that the circumstances reflect those applicable to those charities deemed to be registered under section 40. This underlines the principle that charities that are deemed to be registered and charities that actually applied for registration should be regarded equally under the legislation.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I am grateful to the Minister of State for clarifying the purpose of the amendment. I apologise that I did not have an opportunity to speak on this matter on Committee Stage because I wish to express a concern about the wide-ranging powers that are given to the authority after consultation with the Garda Síochána. What causes me alarm is the exclusion of any reference to the advancement of human rights as a recognised charitable purpose, despite the numerous Opposition amendments tabled to that effect. Given such an exclusion, an organisation that is deemed to be a charity because it currently exists, although its primary purpose is the advancement of human rights, may be deregistered under the new section 43. It may be deregistered where the authority, after consulting with the Garda, considers that its promoting purposes are contrary to public morality or contrary to public policy.
My general concern about both the existing section 43 and the Government amendment under discussion is that the powers bestowed are too broad and the criteria too vague. In particular the reference to public morality and public policy could easily be used effectively to deregister a charitable organisation that is in existence at present and is deemed registered but the primary purpose of which is the advancement or protection of human rights. If such an organisation in such a capacity is critical of the Government in some way, it could at some point be deemed, therefore, to be acting contrary to public policy or public morality.

Charities Bill 2007 - Report Stage - 11th December 2008
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Before we commence, I remind Senators that they may speak only once on Report Stage, except the proposer of the amendment who may reply to the discussion on the amendment. Each amendment must be seconded.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On a point of order, is a briefing note on the new amendments available? Will the Minister of State have a script?
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Minister of State will deal with each amendment as it arises. Amendments Nos. 1 and 2 are related and may be discussed together by agreement.
Government amendment No. 1:
In page 1 of the list of amendments made in Committee, to delete the text inserted by amendment no. 3, and to substitute the following:
"(iii) none of the property of which is payable to the members of the body other than in accordance with section 88,".
Minister of State at the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs (Deputy John Curran): Amendments Nos. 1 and 2 are technical amendments.
Senator David Norris: Is the amendment being seconded?
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Senator beat me to it.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Under Standing Orders Government amendments do not need a seconder.
Deputy John Curran: They provide for the necessary redefinition of charitable organisations and trusts arising from section 88 which allows for charitable organisations to enter into certain agreements with charity trustees or connected persons that would have been contrary to the previous definition.
Senator David Norris: Some of the amendments are welcome but there is an astonishing number of them. Will the Minister of State provide an explanation for why no less than 65 of the 80 amendments, that is, well in excess of 70% or three quarters of them, are Government amendments? I accept it is the function of the House to amend but it is astonishing that 65 amendments out of 80 are Government amendments given that the Bill was already before the Houses and lapsed prior to the previous general election and there has been plenty of time to consider it. Since there is such a plethora of amendments, it encourages one to hope the debate we had earlier will lead the Minister of State to address the most significant omissions. I will continue to press the human rights amendment with strong support from academic and other organisations involved, especially given that it is so close to international Human Rights Day.

Deputy John Curran: Senator Norris is correct that there are a number of Government amendments. Report and Final Stages of the Bill were concluded in the Dáil recently. I am anxious that before the Bill is finalised it would be reviewed by the Attorney General's office. I think that is an appropriate exercise. Accordingly, some amendments are drafting ones for the sake of clarity. I have no problem accepting suitable amendments. The amendments have been introduced on purely technical and drafting grounds in recognition of previous amendments and to tidy up the Bill in that regard.

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 2:
In page 1 of the list of amendments made in Committee, to delete the text inserted by amendment no. 4 and substitute the following:
" "charitable trust" means a trust-
(a) established for a charitable purpose only,
(b) established under a deed of trust that requires the trustees of the trust to apply all of the property (both real and personal) of the trust in furtherance of that purpose except for moneys expended in the management of the trust, and
(c) none of the property of which is payable to the trustees of the trust other than in accordance with section 88;".

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is amendment No. 2 agreed?

Senator David Norris: It is welcomed.

Amendment agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 3 and 40 are related and will be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Government amendment No. 3:
In page 1 of the list of amendments made in Committee, to delete the text inserted by amendment no. 5 and substitute the following:
" "education body" means-
(a) a vocational education committee established by section 7 of the Vocational Education Act 1930,
(b) a recognised school within the meaning of the Act of 1998,
(c) a management committee established for the purposes of section 37 of the Act of 1998,
(d) a parents' association established in accordance with section 26 of the Act of 1998,
(e) a student council established in accordance with section 27 of the Act of 1998,
(f) an institution of higher education within the meaning of the Higher Education Authority Act 1971 (amended by section 52 of the Institutes of Technology Act 2006), or
(g) a body established solely for the purpose of funding not more than one such institution of higher education;".

Deputy John Curran: Last week I introduced an amendment that excluded certain educational organisations from particular provisions of the Bill. Having reflected further on the matter and following consultation with the Office of the Attorney General, I table these two amendments today to have the following effect. Having consulted the Department of Education and Science, I am adding third level educational fund-raising foundations to the definition of education body. In the amendment I introduced last week, inter alia, I exempted education bodies from the requirement to keep books of accounts under section 47. On further consideration, having taken advice on the matter, I believe it is essential that the financial position of a charity should be verifiable at any given time and in this regard I am removing the previous exemption under section 47. It is not unreasonable to expect an organisation to maintain financial records, especially where it enjoys an exemption from having to file a statement of accounts.

Senator David Norris: This is a welcome amendment. I have had an opportunity to work, for example, with vocational education committees and they provide a very good service. I note the wording of the final part of the amendment, "a body established solely for the purpose of funding not more than one such institution of higher education". A number of bodies, especially VECs, receive central funding, in other words, funding from citizens. They are not necessarily just voluntary contributions. They receive also voluntary contributions through their charitable status and the public is entitled to an account for those. We have had a number of recent scandals that were rather surprising and regrettable. They occurred in institutions that the majority of people in this country respect, admire, and which many have used. The same is true of VECs. This is a question of accountability and I welcome it. The Minister of State has done a good job by introducing these paired amendments.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I, too, welcome the amendment. By removing the exemption, one removes also a question mark over a particular body. In any case, such a body would keep proper accounts, and it is vital it would do so. Educational bodies should have the same status as any other charity in that regard.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I welcome the amendment. This is a welcome removal. I hope it will augment the work already being done in the keeping of accounts. However, it is important we do not place an unnecessary burden on educational establishments in particular in respect to audited accounts. I am concerned we may be allowing a level of carelessness to creep in here. The amendment is welcome. In revoking reference to education we are making a positive statement. There is a growth of educational trusts in the third level area and fund-raising is an important part of the primary and second level education sectors.

Deputy John Curran: I thank the Senators for their comments.

Amendment agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 4, 9 and 61 are related and can be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Government amendment No. 4:
In page 9, between lines 39 and 40, to insert the following:
"(c) an approved body of persons within the meaning of section 235 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997,".

Deputy John Curran: The amendment seeks to reinsert the provision excluding an approved body of persons within the meaning of section 235 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997, which was removed last week on Committee Stage. The Bill seeks to retain the status quo as regards charitable purposes. Sport is not regarded as a charitable purpose. Therefore bodies of persons under section 235 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997 cannot become charitable organisations. I do not believe that considering the inclusion of sporting bodies as charities on the principled basis that a particular advantage might accrue to them under the taxation system is a sound approach. Revenue will still retain the absolute right to make its own determination on eligibility for tax exemptions for any body on or not on the register of charities. Therefore, I cannot accept the Opposition amendments before the House on this matter as they are directly contrary to the intent of the Bill and they also involve amendments to tax law, which is not within my remit.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: It is a pity the Minister of State intends to reverse the excellent decision we took in this House last week. I commend the House on its support of the amendments we tabled. There is broad consensus on the Bill. The Minister of State has support across the board for the main rubrics of the Bill. I cannot comprehend why the Government has introduced amendments that do not allow for the advancement of sport or the promotion of human rights. We need to address the concerns of many sporting organisations and of the umbrella organisation, the Federation of Irish Sports. The Government amendment does not address those concerns.
I appeal to Senator Ó Murchú and his colleagues to recognise the importance of sport and the importance of the promotion of human rights as a positive benefit to the advancement of communities. I appeal also to the Minister of State not to reverse the decision of last week. The purpose of the previous amendment was to broaden the scope of the definition of charitable purpose outlined in the legislation. As it stands, the purpose and the goals of some worthwhile organisations that contribute great benefits to the community are not recognised in the section of the Bill outlining charitable purposes.

I thank the Minister of State's officials for their briefing. They have been very upfront and honourable and I pay tribute to them. However, I do not see the logic of the restrictions the Minister of State is putting in place. He has not convinced me, nor has he convinced other Senators.
At this eleventh hour, the scope of the definition should be broadened to ensure sports organisations qualify automatically under the definition of "charitable purpose". There can be no doubt that sports organisations contribute greatly to communities. They benefit them and people prosper. If one considers the society in which we live, one will note that a young boy is before the courts this morning. There is, therefore, a gaping hole in the Government's policy for providing sports, community and recreational facilities. Sports clubs and organisations are filling that void. Government policy should be to deliver what is required to tackle problems associated with health, education and all other sectors of society. This side of the House will oppose amendment No. 4.
It is true the majority of sports organisations would qualify under the definition of "charitable purpose" based on the criteria outlined in that they are of benefit to the community. However, it makes no sense to refer to their purpose within the relevant section of the Bill to ensure there is no ambiguity involved. I am at pains to understand why the definition of "charitable purpose" should not be broadened, especially given that sports organisations have contributed to communities' well-being. The Government talks about the promotion of health but the most important vehicle for doing so is sport. It promotes social inclusion and enhances the community spirit among all strata of society. Sport transcends gender and all age groups. Surely the legislation should reflect sport's charitable contribution to society. We will oppose the amendment.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: There is no doubt the decision Senator Buttimer referred to last week has certainly become part of the folklore of Seanad Éireann. It will probably be debated and discussed for a long time to come. We will not make any progress in that regard this morning and we will deal, therefore, with the actual amendments before us.
Senator Buttimer is quite right that sport is vital to the well-being of a community. Of this there is no doubt. "Sport" is a very broad term and many of us realise that it is very much a commercial business. I sometimes regret this because I am often very dissatisfied that, if a team at a certain level does not do well, we call for the head of the manager straight away. This is a side to sport that unfortunately has come to the fore. There is also pressure put on those who represent us in the Olympic Games.
At Oireachtas committees, I have often stated there is much to be said for the old-fashioned approach to sport, which involves doing one's very best, for the honour of the little village if that is what one is representing. I genuinely hope we will return to this approach because I have seen people who have been made absolute wrecks as a result of the pressure put on them by the media and others.
The Minister of State has made it quite clear that a tax law has an implication in respect of these amendments. That is ultimately a matter for the Revenue Commissioners. If there is a tax law implication and we proceed along the lines proposed, we will have to revisit the legislation. The Minster of State said from day one that it was not a matter of expanding out of all recognition what is already in place regarding charities but that it was a matter of copperfastening the legislation already in place. Organisations with charitable status will continue to have such status under the new regulatory authority. We all welcome this because it immediately does away with a whole line of applicants. It also takes the pressure off the many existing charities in terms of their having to comply with whatever is necessary in the application process.
The advice the Minister of State has given on tax law implications is important. It would be wrong of us to detract and distract from existing charities by including large commercial bodies as if they, too, were charities.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I am somewhat disappointed that the Minister of State is not taking on board the amendment that was considered in the House last week. Amendment No. 9, which concerns the advancement of sport, was suggested by the Federation of Irish Sports, which represents 60 different sports organisations. The amendment seeks to ensure that bodies whose primary purpose is the advancement of sport will be included in the legislation.
Last week we had a very full debate on this issue and I do not want to rehash the same arguments. Suffice it to say the amendment was supported by Members on the other side of the House. Independent Members, such as Senator Mullen, voted in favour of it, the Green Party decided not to oppose it and Fine Gael and the Labour Party voted in favour of it. I am a little disappointed that Fianna Fáil will not take it on board. The opinion of the House was clear and, if the amendment is pressed, I will vote in favour of it again today.

Senator David Norris: I agree with much of what Senator Ó Murchú said. The amateur element in sport is very important. When sport becomes a business, it loses many of its values, which, tragically, has happened in the United States.
I remember saying quite a number of years ago in the Houses of the Oireachtas that I used to watch wrestling from Manchester with Kent Walton.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Giant Haystacks.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Big Daddy.

Senator David Norris: Big Daddy, Giant Haystacks and the wonderful Mick McManus, who was a savage in the ring but who collected Ming porcelain. He could be very delicate in his aesthetic appreciation. The interesting thing about wrestling then was that it was fun, theatre and sport. Then it moved to the World Wrestling Federation and it became utterly unscrupulous. The values were different and it was a matter of winning at all costs by cheating, smashing and using outlawed weaponry, the very values that led the United States, tragically, into the Gulf War.
Whatever about the Battle of Waterloo being won on the playing fields of Eton, I believe a moral is to be learned from sport. We certainly learned one during the Special Olympics World Games. When one participant fell, that person's colleagues, instead of saying, "Great, this is my opportunity, I will really rub their nose in it.", actually went back to help the fallen participant and all crossed the line together. Everyone felt this was heartening. I therefore agree with Senator Ó Murchú on the amateur element in sport.
I do not agree, however, that the proposed provision will facilitate just, or even principally, the large organisations such as the IRFU and the GAA. These organisations already receive enormous sums of money and seem to be able to tap into any fund. One need only consider the dispersal of lottery funding. The IRFU and the GAA receive enormous and disproportionate sums of lottery funding. The bodies being excluded from benefit by the legislation are the very amateur bodies about which Senator Ó Murchú is so passionate. They are the ones that will suffer because one can only obtain tax relief on money spent on capital projects. One cannot claim tax back for hiring boxing instructors or coaches of various kinds. These are very necessary, particularly for the amateur groups.
On the business of copperfastening, to which Senator Ó Murchú referred, the Minister of State made the point that the legislation is really a tidying up exercise and that it is intended to confirm the status quo. Confirming the status quo is not terribly adventurous government. If it was a question of copperfastening and tidying up, a better job could have been done.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Hear, hear.

Senator David Norris: That is why I asked my initial question about the number of amendments.

I accept that many of these amendments may well strengthen the Bill. This is not the first time the Bill has made the rounds because it was proposed before the last election so there was that period to look at it. There was the period between the two Administrations and the period when the Bill was being prepared before it was presented to this House, yet 75% of the amendments are Government amendments.
That leads me to the Minister of State's argument that it is all about technical difficulties with tax. It is an argument I can understand, that in order for this amendment to be sustained, it would necessitate changes in tax law, which is not under the remit of the Minister of State, but rather that of his colleague, the Minister for Finance. That should have been explored with the Minister for Finance and the appropriate assurances should have been given by the two Departments.
It is very welcome that this House is absolutely pulsating at present with young blood, in the corridors and in the Public Gallery. While I am not inviting our guests to make a contribution, I wonder what they think of a Government that is turning its face against allowing sport to be considered, particularly the type of amateur sport that many of them may be engaged in, and preventing that from being recognised as a legitimate charitable purpose. I would not like to shock them too much, but I reveal at this point that later we will be looking at the question of excluding human rights. What a celebration of Human Rights Day, which was yesterday.
We very often look to our United Kingdom colleagues for models of legislation. Very often this is a form of legislative laziness. We just take down the UK Bill and stick it in here with a few harps and things around it to make it Irish. However, in the Northern Ireland legislation, this matter is addressed. The proposed definition of "charitable purpose", to be found in clause 2 of the Northern Ireland Bill follows closely the broad definition of the English Charities Act 2006, with new references included to the advancement of amateur sport. That, I believe, addresses all the matters raised by Senator Ó Murchú and should assuage his doubts because it clearly points in the direction of amateur sport. If they can do it 90 miles up the road, I do not see why we cannot do so, particularly given that we are so anxious to have a united Ireland.
I notice that every day we are widening the gap in legislation between the two jurisdictions in Ireland. I wonder when I hear people talking about boycotting Newry whether they are committed to a Thirty-two County Ireland. It does not sound to me like an all-Ireland republic, unless they propose to isolate Newry as some type of curious principality, such as Andora or, indeed, that oddest of all states, the Vatican. I am sorry, but I could not resist the dig.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 5 is a Government amendment which arises out of Committee Stage and is in the names of Senators Hannigan, Alex White, McCarthy, Ryan, Prendergast and Kelly.

Government amendment No. 5:
In page 10, line 4, to delete "activities, or" and substitute the following:
"activities, whether in the State or outside the State, or".

Deputy John Curran: One of my basic aims in respect of this legislation is to make charities secure against takeover or against being undermined or misused by criminal or terrorist groups. It is vital this does not happen. Members may remember that during my opening remarks on Committee Stage last week, I signalled that I was examining the references to terrorism in the Bill. In this regard, I have consulted the Office of the Attorney General in respect of a possible concern that the existing wording in the Bill relating to terrorism might be interpreted as referring only to terrorism in this jurisdiction. While my advice is that the existing wording applies to terrorism in any jurisdiction, I am introducing an amendment for the avoidance of doubt in this regard. I thank Members for their input on this matter.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I thank the Minister of State for so doing. He gave that undertaking last week and I appreciate that the Bill will be changed to reflect it.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I support this amendment. All Members are aware that terrorism is extraterritorial and I am pleased this has been included.

Senator David Norris: While it is reasonable to include the amendment, I do not feel as threatened by terrorism as do some others. However, I take this opportunity to compliment Senator Hannigan, who has enjoyed a series of unusual successes for someone in his first term in the Seanad. It is refreshing when one puts in such energy and is rewarded by having a direct impact on legislation, even in a small way, by having one's amendments accepted. This is a good day.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Like other speakers, I compliment Senator Hannigan on highlighting this issue and I thank the Minister of State. Like Senator Norris, I do not feel so threatened by terrorism but it is important to have protection and I welcome the amendment.

Deputy John Curran: During the debate on Committee Stage, Senator Hannigan mentioned the Supreme Court D case, which related to the Criminal Assets Bureau and which stated that unless legislation specifically mentioned the rest of the world, it applied only to Ireland. Based on the legal advice, the proposed amendment removes any doubt that any organisation involved in terrorism in any jurisdiction would be excluded.

Amendment agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 6 in the names of Senators Hannigan, Alex White, McCarthy, Ryan, Prendergast and Kelly arises from Committee Stage.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I move amendment No. 6:
In page 10, after line 40, to insert the following:
"(2) This Act applies to humanism as it applies to religion.".
While the Labour Party tabled this amendment on Committee Stage, it withdrew it because there also was a reference to cults. I have resubmitted it to state "This Act applies to humanism as it applies to religion." The Minister of State will be aware that the US Supreme Court has recognised that humanism is a religion for the purposes of the religious charitable exemption there. Consequently, this exemption is in line with what has been done elsewhere. The Humanist Association of Ireland met the Taoiseach and other Ministers to discuss humanism in Ireland and at the time its representatives were assured there would be parity of esteem between humanists and religious groups. This is the first opportunity for the Government to deliver on that commitment and, unfortunately, by excluding humanism, it has flunked it. It has not met the commitment it gave to the Humanist Association of Ireland. I ask the Minister of State to reconsider this new amendment and I hope he will see fit to include it.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is the amendment formally seconded?

Senator David Norris: If Senator Hannigan needs a seconder, I would be honoured to second the amendment.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I also would be happy to second it.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I appreciate that.

Senator David Norris: While Members have rehearsed this issue on a previous Stage of the Bill, I wish to introduce a new element. I received a very brilliant paper by Dr. Oonagh B. Breen of the school of law at University College Dublin, Belfield, in which she comments on the manner in which this matter is addressed in Northern Ireland legislation. My eyesight is not great and I am prepared to be corrected by the Minister of State, but I have looked without success for a definition of religion in the Bill. The Minister should inform me whether it contains such a definition.

Deputy John Curran: No.

Senator David Norris: That is an extraordinary omission that the Minister of State should consider because practically everything else has been defined, down to the hairpins. For example, it defines "church" as the Holy Roman Catholic and Apostolic Church, albeit not, I am glad to say, exclusively, as there is permission for other churches to survive. However, there is no definition of religion although there are definitions of all kinds of other matters. If one is dealing with religion and if one intends to exclude humanism, the least one should do is to provide a definition of religion.
I do not know whether the Minister of State, as a good sportsman, can take an amendment on the hop as he would a ball, but to be helpful, the Northern Ireland Bill provides for a statutory definition of religion that includes express references to faiths that do not profess belief in a god, as well as to polytheistic religions. This statutory definition, which was first seen in the English Charities Act 2006, is cognisant of the multicultural make-up of Northern Irish society. This recognition of religious difference goes beyond the law in Ireland, where the definition of religion remains a matter of common law interpretation based primarily on belief in, and worship of, a supreme being. The proposed statutory definition in Northern Ireland should facilitate the registration of nontheistic organisations, including, for example, humanist, Confucian and even Buddhist organisations as religious charities if they otherwise satisfy the public benefit test in Northern Ireland.
While I am unsure whether it is possible to take this on board, this Bill deals with a matter in which religion is central to at least one section. However, no definition has been provided. I do not make this point with an intention to carp or to water down the beliefs of any particular church. I am a regular churchgoer, but I do not approve of the current practice whereby everyone, when reciting the Nicene Creed, is obliged to say "We believe". I know what I believe but I have not the slightest idea of what the people in the next pew believe and I will not say anything on their behalf. Their religious views and values probably alter in respect of the state of their digestion, the time of day and so on. Moreover, there are certain things I simply do not say. As I do not believe in the resurrection of the body, I will not say it. I am happy to believe in the resurrection of the dead.
Members should try to provide a definition of religion and, in its absence, they must go in the direction of Senator Hannigan's amendment. I am neither a humanist nor an atheist, but people of very high ethical standards who promote values such as this should be afforded a space within Ireland's charities legislation.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: The amendment is an interesting one from the point of view of the definition of humanism. What is the meaning humanism in modern 21st century Ireland? My party is not opposed to the amendment, but we would like to see a definition of humanism.
Like Senator Norris, I am a regular church-goer and I believe in the resurrection of the body and the soul.

Senator David Norris: I do not believe in Senator Buttimer's either, or Senator Mullen's. I find that a great relief. It is a comfort.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: The growth of humanism needs to be looked at in the context of the Bill. We have not included a definition of religion, which, I suppose, is an omission that perhaps should be looked at.
In the context of where we are at in this Bill, we need to recognise the importance of people who, as Senator Norris stated, are of high ethical standards and who do promote values. Therefore, we would not have any difficulty with the amendment before us. However, I would like to hear a definition of humanism.

Senator Rónán Mullen: This is turning out to be an interesting debate. I am sorry that Senator Norris does not believe in the resurrection of the body.

Senator David Norris: The dead, yes; the body, no.

Senator Rónán Mullen: I am looking forward to my new glorified body in the next scheme of things.

Senator David Norris: He could do with the glorification.

Senator Rónán Mullen: I could certainly do with a make-over. I am very much inclined to support Senator Hannigan's amendment. I like the look of it. It proceeds from a generosity of spirit in including groups who have ethical values in our society. The way it is worded, that it would apply to humanism as it applies to religion, does not proceed from any intention to water down religion or the value society places on religion.
It might be worth saying at this point that what Senator Norris is proposing would not pass constitutional muster. We are in a different constitutional set-up south of the Border. It is interesting to note that Article 44 of the Constitution, for example, pledges the State specifically to acknowledge the importance of "the homage ... due to Almighty God." It is not often reflected on, but the State is not neutral on the issue of religion. The Constitution values the religious experience very highly. It refers in explicit terms to the value of acknowledging the role of religious faith in society. However, that need not necessarily have negative implications for people who do not have religious faith. That is why I say I would be inclined to support what Senator Hannigan has proposed.
I would not go with the approach of the US Supreme Court which would try, as I think Senator Norris is suggesting in the Northern Irish context, to lump in humanism as a form of religion. That would be to deprive what I like to call authentic religion of its unique and positive character in society.
In the spirit of the new era, which I hope we are approaching, which is one where we take a generous approach to the different convictions of others and also to the absence of conviction on the part of certain people on the meaning of life or the origin of our existence and, indeed, our ultimate destiny as persons, it is good that there are people in society who, while not professing religious faith, express a desire to be associated with strong ethical values that are communitarian in nature.
I certainly hear that from time to time from people who do not share my faith or any religious faith. I have come across it recently, for example, on the pro-life issue in the context of my Stem-Cell Research (Protection of Human Embryos) Bill where several people told me they did not really share what they thought were my religious convictions but they were with me on the issue covered by the legislation. I do not wish to single out that issue unduly. There may well be other humanists who would not be with me on that but who would none the less walk the road in terms of a vision of society that is inclusive, communitarian, etc.
For that reason, it would be good if we were to find a way to include the aspirations of groups who come together, do not profess religious faith but, like religious faith communities, none the less seek to advance values in our society which, as I have stated, are communitarian and promote altruistic behaviour, if one wants to call it that, in various ways.
It surprises me that one point on which I agree with Senator Norris, and on which he is absolutely right, is "We believe", because in Latin it is "Credo", in the first person singular. That is probably the more correct approach to take in the Profession of Faith.

Senator David Norris: We will have to get back to the Latin mass and the Cranbrook prayer book.

Senator Rónán Mullen: As I do not want to alarm Senator Norris by agreeing with him on too many matters, I will conclude my comments with that.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: We could have an animated discussion on religion but my better judgment tells me to stay clear of the theological minefield presented by Senator Norris. Perhaps some other day we can have a full debate on that.
I must admit I am fairly ignorant about humanism. I always thought it was an antidote to religion. Perhaps that is misinformed in its own way.

Senator David Norris: It places the human, rather than God, at the centre.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I cannot speak for the Holy Spirit, obviously,-----

Senator Jerry Buttimer: But Senator Ó Murchú is imbued with it.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: -----but I would be surprised if the Holy Spirit is not in there among humanists as well, in their own way.
Religion in many ways is community and in other ways it is individual. We need to be very careful when it is community and when it is individual. I will focus on individual for the moment. There is a slight danger here - I do not attribute this to anyone who has promoted the idea here or elsewhere - that often when someone wants to become part of someone else's party, so to speak, it is intended to distract or dilute from that. I would be a little worried that to put humanism in the same context as religious is precisely what it could do. In fairness, it is not prescriptive enough when it comes to legislation. I do not know what will be the Minister of State's response to it, but my first reaction is that it is not the category for humanism.

Deputy John Curran: As Senators will be aware, the Charities Bill 2007 provides that the advancement of religion shall have a charitable purpose with a rebuttable provision to deal with those organisations whose religious credentials are doubtful or whose methods are suspect. The Bill does not attempt to define religion, nor would it be wise to do so as religion has a much wider context than merely charity law. The other principal charitable purposes such as poverty and education have similarly not been defined in the Bill. It will be a matter then for the charities regulatory authority to determine, in a case-by-case basis utilising common law and precedent as well as its own expertise, whether an applicant body has a charitable purpose and serves a public benefit. In addition, it will be open to all applicants for charitable status to appeal decisions to the authority, to the charity appeals board and, in turn, to the High Court. In that regard, I am afraid I cannot accept the amendment.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I appreciate the comments of my colleagues from both sides of the House. I am disappointed that the Minister of State will not accept this but I will not press it.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Government amendment No. 7:
In page 11, line 29, to delete "regarded as being".

Deputy John Curran: Amendment No. 7 is a drafting amendment removing text considered to be superfluous.

Amendment agreed to.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 8, 14, 15 and 16 are related and may be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I move amendment No. 8:
In page 11, between lines 30 and 31, to insert the following:
"(b) the promotion of human rights,".
This relates to the promotion of human rights. It is a slightly different wording than that of my party's amendment last week. This would give the same definition that is included in other jurisdiction such as England and Wales where, in both cases, the protection and promotion of human rights is included within their Acts. That is all we seek to do. We are concerned the consequences of excluding them mean some organisations may lose their charitable status because of some of the sections in the Act. We encourage the Minister of State to include the amendment in the Bill.

Senator David Norris: I have indicated that I very much regret this Government clearly has committed itself to a policy that is deeply antagonistic to the entire area of human rights.

There cannot be any doubt about that. I know from speaking to my Fianna Fáil and Green Party colleagues that Members on the opposite side of the House have equally little doubt about the matter. I commend the Green Party and Deputy Cuffe in particular, for bravely standing up to oppose the Government's swingeing attacks on human rights. This Bill comprises a small part of an attack being made across all Departments. This is a shameful campaign and it renders valueless the speeches made by Government Members on human rights day.
I will not rehearse the comments I made earlier but will, if the House permits me, quote from a learned paper by Dr. Oonagh Breen because it is important to flesh out the political views of people such as me with the opinion of somebody with an extensive academic acquaintance of this area. Dr. Breen states: "No reasons have been publicly offered for the subsequent deletion of the advancement of human rights from the published Bill." This comes on foot of the fact that the initial consultation paper on charity law reform did not originally include human rights in the proposed list of charitable purposes but the public's disagreement with this policy decision led the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht affairs to remedy this omission in its 2006 general scheme of the bill with express reference to the charitable nature of the advancement of human rights. Human rights were specifically removed, therefore. Nobody can tell me that is not sinister. Dr. Breen continues:
The Minister of State for Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs, although promising to return to the issue at report stage, declined to speculate on the possibility ultimately making the list other than to say the matter was being considered by the relevant departments and the Attorney General.
I want the Minister of State to specifically state whether he has received advice from the Attorney General on this issue and, if so, whether it was negative and what it contained. Is this a political decision rather than one with a firm legal basis?
Dr. Breen states:
It is trite but true to say that the issue will turn upon politics or, at least, a conception of what is "political" and whether political acts, even if not for political purposes, should qualify as charitable. In the absence of an express charitable purpose in favour of human rights, human rights organisations may find no natural home for themselves in the statute other than the broad heading of organisations supportive of "political causes". From a legal perspective, given the existence of so many human rights organisations that pursue charitable purposes, this default labelling - or even the potential for such default classification - is an altogether insufficient categorisation of the promotion of human rights in the context of charity law.
These comments do not come from the alliance of charities, which could be said to have an axe to grind. This is the dispassionate view of a professional whose legal expertise has been brought to bear on the problem. Dr. Breen further states:
The problem with s. 2, as it stands, is twofold. First, it offers no insight into what is meant by the phrase "political cause" that, if found to be a body's principal object, results in its non-eligibility for charitable status. Ultimately, human rights organisations stand to lose the most from this. There is no direct judicial authority on the meaning or scope of the phrase "political cause" to assist the regulator in applying this concept. In a non-charity context, the High Court has interpreted the phrase "political end", drawing upon English charity case law in its exegesis, but it is unclear whether the terms are synonymous. If promotion of human rights is ultimately excluded from the statutory list of charitable purposes (putting the Irish definition at odds with that of its neighbours, all of which expressly recognise the charitable status of human rights bodies), organisations in this field would be well advised to set out their objects as precisely as possible in the governing instrument, relating them back to the other established heads of charity and demonstrating the non-political ways in which human rights will be promoted.
A second problem with s. 2 relates to its limits. As discussed above, s. 2 is concerned solely with the purposes for which an organisation is established. It is silent on the extent to which legitimate charities may employ political means to achieve their ends.
I apologise for quoting more extensively than I normally do. I usually speak off the cuff rather than refer to documents but these points are so convincing and irrefutable from an independent and dispassionate perspective that if the Government refuses to address them, it will be clear that the Bill represents another attack on human rights. Particularly due to its actions over the past year, this hypocritical Government has the worst human rights record of any I can recall in my 21 years in this House. It is mounting a sustained attack on the Combat Poverty Agency, the Human Rights Commission and the Equality Authority. They are irritants but that is the reason they should be supported. Otherwise, we might as well abolish the Opposition, pestilent Independent Members and turbulent priests of a non-Roman Catholic variety.
I received correspondence from FLAC, Amnesty, Frontline and ICCL which referred to a report by the Charities Commission for England and Wales entitled Charities Working in the Field of Human Rights. This report points out that human rights charities are more likely to have complaints made against them because of the high profile of their work. It states:
Broadly speaking we found that these charities' performance and governance arrangements were in line with other charities. We did, though, find evidence of more complaints about their work than other types of charities. This is perhaps unsurprising
given the generally high profile and contentious nature of the fields in which they work.
With human rights consistently under the media spotlight, and the recent recognition of the promotion of human rights as a description of a charitable purpose in its own right in the Charities Act 2006, we hope this short overview illustrates some of the diverse ways charities seek to promote and safeguard human rights...
Human rights are seen as fundamental to the healthy functioning of society and respect for human rights is generally seen as a moral imperative. In [Britain], the implementation in 2000 of the Human Rights Act 1998 reinforces the legal imperative.
In 2002, the Government's Strategy Unit report Private Action, Public Benefit recommended the inclusion, in the proposed new Charities Act, of the promotion of human rights as a charitable purpose in its own right. Its reasoning was that this would "allow charities to play their full part in the vital tasks of protecting human rights both in the UK and overseas" In the same year, the Charity Commission recognised the promotion of human rights as a charitable purpose in its own right...
Our findings were that human rights charities are broadly very similar to other charities on the Register in terms of their structure and governance. They have very similar concerns and issues to other types of charity. However, in some areas, while the concerns are similar, they are magnified for human rights charities.
That is an unanswerable case and the Minister of State will commit an act of moral cowardice if he evades it. All the charities have made this case. Why are they being spurned? I understand that independent reports submitted to the Government on this area made similar recommendations. It will be a black day for this House and for the Minister of State if he refuses, even at this late stage, to include human rights as part of the definition. It puts into context the public statements yesterday from members of the Government parties. I honour the Green Party and its representatives for taking a strong line on this issue and I urge them to continue to do so.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is the Senator seconding the amendment?

Senator David Norris: I second the amendment, if that is all right with Senator Hannigan. I would also like to move my own amendment.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Senator cannot move his amendment at this stage.

Senator David Norris: When the time is appropriate, I will do so. I see my distinguished friend and colleague, Senator Boyle, sitting on the Government benches. I do not deplore the fact that the Green Party is in government with Fianna Fáil. That gives a certain degree of leverage in this matter and whatever happens today with this issue, I hope Senator Boyle and his colleagues, both in this and`in the other House, will use that leverage to try to bring some moral value to the views taken in these areas so disgracefully by the Fianna Fáil element of the Government.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: What is before us is, to say the least, bizarre. We are talking about the advancement of the promotion of human rights in this section of the Bill. I do not agree with Senator Norris on the leverage held by the Green Party.

Senator David Norris: I did not think the Senator would.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: If the Green Party is in government and is supposed to be an equal partner, why are we at this point? We will, no doubt, get a long lecture from Senator Boyle about Fine Gael and Labour opposing Bills and our record on human rights.

Senator Dan Boyle: I do not need to give it, the Senator has done it for me.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I am pre-empting the Senator's comments as I can read him like a book.

Senator Dan Boyle: I am glad I am so easy to read.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Why are we in the current position if the social conscience of the Government is Senator Boyle and his cabal?
All this week we are, rightly, celebrating the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Today in Ireland we are restricting the inclusion of the promotion of human rights in consensus-oriented legislation for no apparent reason. Senator Norris is right in that we have received extensive consultation with human rights organisations, all of which are united in their views.
We have not heard a cogent explanation as to why this measure is being rejected, especially when it was contained in the original heads of the Bill. Why has it been removed? There is a need to look at the model in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, where the legislation Senator Norris read to the House has been effectively introduced. Why can it not be introduced here and what is the issue? What are we afraid of?
The concept of this amendment is to promote human rights. Yesterday, Amnesty International published a document outlining ten actions for every Deputy and Senator. If we are to be serious about the advancement and promotion of human rights, the amendments put forward by us on this side of the House should be accepted. Unfortunately, the Government has ignored, in every step of the legislative process so far, attempts to include them and that is regrettable.
I will not go back over the debate we had last week on Committee Stage. The joint correspondence we got from Amnesty International, FLAC, the ICCL and Frontline asks a number of questions which should be answered by the Minister of State today. Is it purely about tax and revenue in the Department of Finance? Perhaps in his reply the Minister of State will address some of the concerns of the organisations, the representatives of which I know the Minister of State has spoken to. We must get an answer.
It is regrettable that we will again divide the House today on important legislation dealing with the promotion and advancement of human rights when we have not had a cogent message from Government as to why it has acted in such a way and the thinking behind this exclusion from the Bill. The Minister of State may indicate there is a five-year review but why not start today and include the bodies, as I argued last week? If the Department finds the practice is not working in five years, it could be reviewed then. Why are they being excluded today? We have not had answers from Government and we need them.

Senator Dan Boyle: Yesterday I attended an event hosted by Amnesty International to mark the 60th anniversary of the publication of the agreement of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I spoke candidly at that event, probably too candidly, but I would like to use the opportunity of Report Stage to repeat much of what I said there because I stand by it.
I cannot understand why the original reference to human rights in the scheme of the Bill has been removed. I do not agree with that, although I am involved in a Government process that obliges me to accept it because it has gone through Government procedures. I already stated in my speech on Second Stage that I believe this is good legislation which is flawed as a result of that omission. This has not come about through the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs. As a result of general Government processes, concerns have been raised, not specifically political concerns, in other Departments.
There is a view that human rights in their widest aspect are not considered with unanimity as they should be. Human rights exist in different contexts as there are civic and political human rights, on which there is a broad degree of consensus. These include democratic principles and the involvement of people in civic life. There are other human rights, such as social and economic, which engender ongoing political debate.
As far as I and my party are concerned, these are also inalienable human rights, and seeking to afford those rights is part of the democratic role of any citizen. No political process should stand aside, whether informed by administrators or elective political representatives, from seeking that such rights be attained.
If the Minister is not prepared to address the issue, the existing operations under a human rights banner could find themselves with spurious and political challenges for existing or being seen to affect charitable operations in their status. One of the major bodies in the form of Amnesty International has special tax status only because of a particular Irish solution to the Irish problem of failing to recognise human rights in the widest sense. A former Minister for Finance, Richie Ryan, chose to grant the body that status in a Finance Bill. We should no longer have such machinations.

Senator David Norris: Yes.

Senator Dan Boyle: We should not have the validity of well recognised organisations being questioned and uncertainty over their future because of a Bill that is 90% excellent in what it proposes to achieve. The Bill aimed to achieve that at its inception, when it was presented as a scheme by the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs. The fact that it cannot do so now means that either spurious challenges will be made against these organisations or bodies will be formed that will have their validity questioned in future. There will be a need for future legislation to amend this prior to the review mentioned in this legislation.

I am stating that while acknowledging that I will be voting for the Government and against the amendments. The least the Minister can do is bring out regulations, at the earliest opportunity, to define and protect the role of organisations that currently find themselves in this position. The regulations should also define how other organisations, that may come into being under similar circumstances, can be afforded similar protection. If our legislation is not complete, we could find ourselves in difficulties in future because the valuable work of well recognised and publicly accepted organisations is being challenged by someone who disagrees with them politically. The political system should not adopt that approach.
I reluctantly accept that because unelected influences may have had an effect on the Bill and they have been given a weight that is disproportionate to what their individual concerns should be, it will result in a Bill that is missing an important element. How does the Minister of State intend to allay the concerns that will remain until the legislation is eventually completed under the five-year review or, hopefully, though amending legislation? We may feel obliged to propose such amendments because others have been successful in arguing against the issue.
Coalition Government is about give and take, and winning and losing arguments. The most important argument that has been won concerning this Bill, given what was absent from the original draft legislation, is the issue of advocacy. Advocacy is essential in civic society, including all voluntary and charitable organisations, in order to hold a mirror up to the type of society in which we live. The fact that advocacy is now very much part of the Bill will allay some of the ongoing concerns about human rights organisations. It is more important to have a Bill that recognises the charitable intent and purpose of organisations, whatever their historical background. In that way we can hold up a mirror to reflect society and force Governments and the political system generally to account for that. The inclusion of advocacy in the Bill makes it somewhat easier for me to support it, but it will not totally allay my unhappiness that there is a lacuna in the legislation that will eventually have to be filled.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: On Second Stage we all had an opportunity to express our views on human rights issues. I put my position on the record at that time because I felt uncomfortable. I must also put on the record that Senator Norris in particular has been one of the foremost advocates for human rights in this House. On many occasions, particularly on the Order of Business, I have been on the same wavelength as him. There is no doubt but that the organisations which have been mentioned here have done exemplary work. At times, many of us have felt particularly comfortable that such organisations exist, including Amnesty International in particular. On many occasions throughout the world, it has been necessary for Amnesty to put its head above the parapet. When it comes to what we might almost regard as state violence and terrorism, we are lucky to have Amnesty International's reports. The organisation has suffered for its views. It has gone into areas to investigate state terrorism, thus putting the lives of its representatives on the line. For that reason, in the debate on Second Stage, we all expressed our feelings and emotions on that issue.
It is important to send a message to those organisations that their work should be acknowledged with the stand they have taken. Obviously, I do not agree with Senator Norris when he says we have the worst record on human rights. I do not know whether he meant in Europe or in the world generally.

Senator David Norris: If I could explain, I meant in comparison to other governments, in terms of the interference with every single human rights organisation.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I genuinely feel it would be wrong to see Ireland in that regard.

Senator David Norris: No, I would not say that, but I meant compared to other governments, including Fianna Fáil governments.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Ó Murchú, without interruption.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: When opportunities arise, we often ask the Government to take an independent stand. Just because one is a member of a particular forum, whether it is the European Union or the United Nations, one does not have to toe the line completely. We saw that during the invasion of Iraq. I can still recall watching that invasion on television as if we were watching a movie, forgetting that people on the receiving end of that indiscriminate bombing were being killed in their thousands. From day one, I made the point on the Order of Business that, first, I did not accept that the invasion of Iraq was justified because certain countries went against the will and procedure of the United Nations and, second, there was absolutely no respect whatsoever for human life. We were able to see the embedded journalists in Iraq telling us what suited the powers that be, but we were never told about the suffering of men, women and children. The number of people who have been indiscriminately killed has run into hundreds of thousands.

Senator David Norris: Yes.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: We have also seen what some of the major powers did in laying their mines in countries they invaded. When they withdraw, however, they leave the mines and it is left to private organisations and spirited people to engage in clearing them. We also saw what mines do to people, not just killing them but also maiming them by blowing off limbs and destroying their lives. There is so much of that going on that an independent voice is needed.
Ireland was the only Government in Europe that took an individual stand against the invasion of the Malvinas or the Falklands war. People said we would suffer for doing so but we did not and, subsequently, our stature improved because we were prepared to stand up. We were not prepared to accept the soccer lingo concerning what they did to the Belgrano.

Senator David Norris: Disgraceful.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: It was totally against all the existing conventions on war. We should bear in mind that there are thousands of examples where we must stand up. On the other hand, while it may not be the strongest argument, I do not contribute to the notion that the organisations I have mentioned are the only custodians of human rights. I would regard that as a weakness in the protection of human rights, which are a matter for each individual and every organisation also. I am a member of several organisations for which human rights are high on the agenda. For that reason, I am making the case for the charities listed in this Bill.
I have always been a supporter of Amnesty International and contribute fairly generously each year. I was unhappy, however, with the position taken by Amnesty on abortion.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: I think the Senator may be straying from the amendment.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: The point I am making is part of the amendment.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: It is not.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: The work done by these organisations has been mentioned, therefore we are entitled to put the other side of the argument. I do not agree with the position taken by Amnesty International on abortion. If one supports human rights, one must support them in all forms, including for the born and the unborn. We cannot genuinely say that Amnesty should have taken that position.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Senator is straying a little from the amendment.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I look forward to the Minister of State's response. Obviously I will be voting with the Government.

I have stated what position individual organisations should take on human rights. If there is a further discussion, we might also respond.

Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate on human rights. Our human rights aspirations should be reflected in legislation. In recent months, organisations that promote human rights in Ireland have been attacked. This is clear from the reduced funding and budgetary changes in respect of the Irish Human Rights Commission, IHRC, which falls under the Good Friday Agreement, the Equality Authority and the abandonment of the Combat Poverty Agency. Given that people experiencing poverty is a human rights issue, any body that voices the concerns of the most vulnerable is a human rights organisation.
I welcome the Green Party's comments, but Senator Boyle's view of coalition government is questionable, given his support for the Bill and despite his statement to the effect that it is empty of an important element. Would a coalition partner not want to express its values? The Senator has spoken strongly on the value of human rights and his wish to change the legislation, but he is accepting a Bill devoid of an important element, namely, human rights.
Why is there such intransigence? Senator Ó Murchú has referred to his discomfort and the Green Party has asked the Government to change the Bill. The Minister of State has been contacted by a range of credible organisations with a long record of quality work in the protection of human rights in Ireland, including the Free Legal Advice Centres, FLAC, Amnesty International, Front Line and others. Why will the Government not accept their comments on including human rights in the Bill?
This week is the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. After recent actions, the Government is missing a critical opportunity to restore the credibility of its approach to human rights. The arguments are spelled out by those working in this area. Why did the Government remove the advancement of human rights from the Bill? If it had to do with tax concerns or Front Line's arguments, they can be addressed easily. Its exclusion and the consequential impact on the work of human rights organisations give rise to a range of concerns. They will be undermined and presented with further difficulties. They are concerned that they will be excluded if human rights are not included in the Bill.
I wish to place on record some of the concerns of Front Line, Amnesty International, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties, ICCL, and FLAC. If the advancement of human rights is not reinstated in the Bill, problems may arise. Since human rights will not constitute a charitable objective, organisations engaging in its advancement will find accessing funding more difficult, given that foundations and donors require clarity regarding charitable status. Will the Minister of State inform the House about how organisations will be able to address this matter?
Like my colleague, Senator Buttimer, the organisations pointed out that the advancement of human rights is a recognised charitable objective in the UK, including Northern Ireland. According to them, the Bill will undermine the principle of equivalence in the Good Friday Agreement. Will the Minister of State respond to this serious issue? United Kingdom organisations that advance human rights will be able to promote their aims in Ireland, but Irish organisations will not be able to benefit from such promotion. That they will be placed at a disadvantage is immediately evident.
Many Senators will have received the organisations' document which states that organisations have a charitable exemption for education, religious or humanitarian work. However, were they to frame their work in human rights terms, the regulator would be able to remove their charitable status. If non-governmental organisations are to retain their status, they will be in the bizarre position of trying to deny that their work includes the advancement of human rights. This is a serious problem. The organisations also claim that they could be subject to malicious complaints to the charities regulator to the effect that they are not working to advance human rights. While I am sure the Minister of State is familiar with these concerns, will he explain how the organisations will deal with them if changes to the Bill are not made?
The organisations estimate that an amazing array of Irish charities, 60 to 200 in total, may have their work with the vulnerable affected by the exclusion of human rights as a charitable purpose. Reviewing the legislation in five years is not good enough as damage could be done in the meantime. Given the week that is in it, the Government has an opportunity to begin making amends for the damage it has done to human rights in recent weeks, as eloquently referred to by Senator Norris. Will the Minister of State review the decision?

Senator Ivana Bacik: I welcome the opportunity to speak on my amendment No. 14 and related amendments, which seek to include the protection of human rights as a charitable purpose. I am disappointed because, when we debated the matter on Committee Stage, a number of points were strongly made. I look forward to the Minister of State's reply.
As others have stated, the Bill in its original form as the 2006 charities regulation Bill included the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose. We do not know what has changed since then that would lead to that goal's removal. From our Committee Stage debate, it appears that no legal objection was made by the Attorney General.
As I stated then, it is the opinion of the human rights committee of the Law Society that the advancement of human rights should be included as a charitable purpose. Subsequently, I provided a copy of that submission to the Minister of State's office, as requested. Given these facts, that the opportunity to reinsert the provision was not taken is disappointing. I hope the Minister of State might accept one of the amendments.
As Senators have stated, this week is the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Given this, including the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose would be fitting. It is unfortunate the Government has seen fit to attack human rights bodies by undermining the Irish Human Rights Commission and the Equality Authority and underfunding them next year. As pointed out by the charities that have briefed us - Front Line, the Irish Council for Civil Liberties, Amnesty International and FLAC - the charitable status of between 60 and 200 organisations could come under threat unless the protection of human rights is included as a charitable purpose.
While others have referred to this, it is important to note some of the difficulties those organisations will face. According to the Minister of State, current charities will retain their status, but this is subject to change and potential challenge. This is of concern to many groups that view their primary purpose as the advancement or protection of human rights.

Even if they have charitable status, they may find it difficult to access funding because the advancement of human rights is not explicitly recognised in our legislation on charities. They may also find themselves open to malicious complaints to the charities regulator. Previous speakers referred to certain charities and took issue with particular views they expressed. I do not believe it is appropriate, in this debate, to take issue with different charities and stances they may have adopted. However, this shows the dangers involved and highlights that human rights-based charities may be the subject of complaints.
I thank the free legal advice centres, FLAC, for recommending to me the 2007 annual report of the Charities Commission for England and Wales which makes the point that human rights charities are more likely to have complaints made against them because of the high profile nature of their work. The commission also pointed out that human rights are seen as fundamental to the healthy functioning of society and that respect for such rights is generally seen as a moral imperative. That is a strong statement. It is also a strong premise on which one could base a list of charitable purposes.
The Minister of State did not provide an adequate explanation in respect of this matter on Committee Stage. He must indicate why he does not propose to reinsert a provision relating to the advancement of human rights in the Bill. He must also indicate why he is not following the legislative models adopted in other jurisdictions to which reference was made on Committee Stage. It is clear that we will be out of line with neighbouring jurisdictions when the legislation is passed. The principle of equivalence of protection of human rights under the British-Irish Agreement will be undermined if we do not include the advancement of human rights as a recognised charitable objective, particularly as it is so recognised in the UK and Northern Ireland.
The charities have pointed out that resources, including funds and volunteers, for human rights objectives may be diverted to neighbouring jurisdictions, particularly as they see those as having stronger protection for the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose.
A great deal more could be said in respect of this matter. However, I do not propose to belabour the point. As a result of the Committee Stage debate, we know of no legal obstacle to the inclusion of the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose. There is no indication that the Attorney General has objected in any way. We are aware that the advancement of human rights is included as a charitable purpose in neighbouring jurisdictions and that difficulties will arise under the British-Irish Agreement if it is excluded. The charities - those most affected - have pointed out the many problems they will encounter if the advancement of human rights is not included as a charitable purpose.
I urge the Minister of State to take on board the sentiments we have expressed, and those put forward so strongly by the Incorporated Law Society's human rights committee and others, and include the advancement of human rights as a charitable purpose.

Deputy John Curran: This issue was debated at length on Committee Stage and I accept that Senators have particularly strong views in respect of it. The Bill does not effect any diminution in the status of human rights organisations operating in Ireland.

Senator David Norris: Of course it does.

Deputy John Curran: It has been framed to safeguard their status through the deeming process relating to the register of charities.

Senator David Norris: Rubbish. The Minister of State should not insult the House.

Deputy John Curran: I will refer to that point in a moment.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The Minister of State, without interruption.

Senator David Norris: The Minister of State deserves to be interrupted. What he is saying is a disgrace.

Deputy John Curran: Many of the charitable purposes in the Bill are very closely linked with human rights. My understanding is that no charity has been granted a CHY number by Revenue on the basis that it is a human rights organisation per se.
The Bill does not change the charitable purposes that have developed in common law, nor is it within its gift to do so. As I made clear to the House, it is not the intention of the Bill to widen or to narrow the range of purposes that have become accepted as charitable over time.
The Bill before the House is substantially different in many respects from the general scheme that was originally published. Much of what was contained in the general scheme was based on examples from other common law jurisdictions. Much of the legal guidance received during the drafting reflected that it is not always possible to transfer into Irish law what was in other legislative codes.
As regards human rights and social justice, during the drafting of the Bill and the detailed consultations that were undertaken at that time with other Departments and statutory agencies it emerged that the advancement of human rights and social justice was not a charitable purpose in Ireland. That is why it was removed. As stated on many occasions, the purpose of the Bill is to maintain the status quo and regulate the current system.

Senator David Norris: A very noble ambition.

Deputy John Curran: Senator Boyle referred to charities and advocacy. The general scheme was quite restrictive in respect of political advocacy on the part of charities. When drafting the Bill, however, in the context of addressing the question of advocacy towards a political objective by charitable organisations, practical issues arose concerning the protection of charitable status for certain bodies which do good work on the ground, such as those dealing with families of victims of homicide, abuse etc. It has been argued that many charitable organisations legitimately engage in advocacy as a means to achieve their charitable purpose, although advocacy in itself is not their principal objective. Accordingly, it was decided not to include a specific provision in the Bill restricting advocacy by charities.
The question of deemed versus non-deemed charities has arisen on a couple of occasions. There seems to be some misinterpretation to the effect that charities which are deemed under section 40 are to be perceived differently from those which apply for registration under section 39. I wish to put the record straight in respect of this matter. I received legal advice to the effect that deemed and non-deemed charities are exactly the same for the purposes of the Bill. The most critical provision in the Bill in this context is the definition of "registered charitable organisation" in section 2. Deeming is not to be regarded as a temporary measure pending registration proper. Deemed organisations will have had their charitable credentials assessed to the satisfaction of Revenue in the first instance. In addition, they will be no more likely to be removed from the register than their section 39 counterparts.
I reiterate that while human rights and social justice are not specifically mentioned in the legislation, the acts to which they relate, namely, the prevention and relief of poverty, the advancement of education and the prevention of human suffering, are so specifically mentioned. As stated previously, my purpose has always been to maintain the status quo and draw up legislation that is in line with established practices. On those grounds, I cannot accept the amendments.

Senator David Norris: On a point of order, will the Chair provide a ruling as to whether it is appropriate for the Minister of State to merely read a typescript that was prepared in advance when replying to a detailed debate?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: That is not a point of order.

Senator David Norris: Will he be kind enough to indicate whether he obtained advice from the Attorney General?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Norris is being disorderly.

Senator David Norris: If there is nothing in his typescript in respect of the matter, then he could not have obtained such advice. The Minister of State could not have known the questions I intended to pose before that rubbish was prepared.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Has the Minister of State concluded his reply?

Deputy John Curran: Yes.

Senator David Norris: The Minister of State is not going to answer my question.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: I call Senator Hannigan.

Senator David Norris: The Minister of State does not have much courage.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: Members feel strongly about the failure to accept these amendments. Those on the Opposition benches have been approached by organisations such as FLAC, Amnesty International and the Irish Council for Civil Liberties in respect of this matter. Senators on this side have posed questions, as has Senator Boyle on the Government side. I agree with the latter in that there is a large hole in the Bill. Senator Buttimer suggested a way to circumvent difficulties in this regard by the inclusion of this measure for a period of five years. That is a sensible proposal and I do not know why such an approach could not be taken.
The Minister of State indicated that there is no specific reference to human rights in the Bill. However, such reference is made to "the prevention or relief of suffering of animals". I fail to understand why human rights have not been referred to in this way. I encourage the Minister of State to reconsider the position in this regard because nothing he has stated will dissuade us from pressing the amendment.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: Prior to the sos Senator Boyle referred to "outside forces" and I am concerned by those remarks. I seek clarification on what he said. Prior to the sos we took a vote to exclude sporting and human rights organisations from being considered as charitable organisations. A member of a Government party has referred to "outside forces". The section with which we are dealing refers to "a public benefit". Are the outside forces at work of public benefit to the wider community and the organisations we represent? I seek clarification from Government on what are the outside forces. Who are these mystical people?
Is pressure being put in regard to human rights, as so eloquently outlined by Senator Norris, and is Fianna Fáil wielding a big axe and a big stick? If that is the case, we deserve to know. Let us have the debate now. If the Green Party is not happy to support the Bill, let us park it. We have already seen a major tome of amendments, which shows that the Bill is a work in progress, a bit like the Government budgetary policies. A member of the Government parties came to the House and made a speech like a Member of the Opposition and then voted against the Bill.
Is a sinister plot involved? We have not raised the matter on this side of the House. We have been consensual in our approach to the Bill but a member of the Government parties has made an astonishing revelation to the House. I would like to know who are the outside forces and what Senator Boyle is talking about. If the matter is of concern to groups that promote human rights and the advancement of sport and it has a negative impact on the Irish charities sector then we need to park the legislation. We need honesty in this matter.
I appreciate that the Minister of State is probably none the wiser than I, but we need clarification. It is disingenuous of Government to come to the House with a vast tome of amendments when a member of the Government parties has castigated his colleagues and voted against them. That beggars belief on a Bill that is of such importance to the regulation of the charity sector. Are we justified at this eleventh hour to deny the inclusion of human rights bodies or sporting organisations in the Bill? We deserve answers. It was appalling for a member of the Government parties to make such comments in the House and then vote against the Government.

Senator David Norris: I would love to go along the line Senator Buttimer has so effectively promoted but I do not believe that is the case. I do not think that it is outside, sinister forces who are pushing a particular political agenda on behalf of the forces of reaction. This is weak Government. Senior civil servants in Departments are driving Government policy. I am sure that is the case. It is inappropriate to name the particular senior civil servant in the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform but the Minister will know exactly who is involved. It is treating the House with contempt that those kind of pathetic non-answers should be read into the record, prepared by other people, and not to answer the questions that were asked.
I do not follow the conspiracy theory. I do not think all kinds of mad pro-lifers, George Bush neo-cons and doodahs are behind the Bill. I do not suggest that my balanced friend, Senator Buttimer, was suggesting that, but that might be an implication that could be taken from it by more hysterical people. I do not believe that for a minute, but it is up to Government to govern or listen to the advice of its civil servants. I emphasise the second word, because they, like the Ministers, are servants of the people, and if the Government does not listen to the advice and then makes a decision on policy, it is in difficulty.
The reason the matter that has been raised by Senator Buttimer is so important is not that these sinister agents were involved but that the door has been left open for them to walk right through it. That is the problem. That is why I put on record the vulnerability in these cases that was found by the British Charity Commission's report. Senator Bacik did the same. The danger is that one is leaving it wide open.
Turning to the specific amendment, which relates to charitable purpose and public benefit, I am interested to hear the Minister of State's reply. Since I am not the proposer of the amendment I will not be able to speak again. I am reminded of those rather innocently sectarian days when one had collections for the Catholic boy scouts or the Protestant orphans. I always thought it was rather unchristian, whatever about the skirts, I beg your pardon, the shirts. I have a slight verbal confusion - the scouts. Skirts, shirts, I eventually got scouts right. Whatever about the scouts, is the idea of public benefit intended to make sure that if any of those groups who make collections have survived, that they widen their focus so that they take in the full public within the remit of their benevolence rather than narrowly collecting for the charitable purposes of assisting, for example, the Protestant orphans.
Thinking back on it, I remember there were Protestant gentlewomen also, and even Protestant lepers in India. I thought that was a little bit discriminatory. My heart went out to the poor Catholic, Muslim or even Hindu lepers who were deprived of that munificence. I am curious about that point. What is the effect of this measure and why was it necessary technically to change it because the change is not substantial? I do not have the original wording in front of me but the Minister is now saying, "A purpose shall not be a charitable purpose unless it is of public benefit". I think there was a phrase after that saying "within the meaning of this Act". What is the point of removing that? I seek to be informed.

Senator Labhrás Ó Murchú: I am beginning to wonder if I am an innocent abroad when it comes to the operation of democracy. My understanding of democracy is that one expresses one's point of view and then accepts the will of the majority. I am not a Trappist monk when it comes to that, I am entitled to express a view and still vote with the Government.


I would be very disappointed if this process were diluted in any way. What we are trying to do is get to the essence of any given matter, be it an amendment, report or otherwise. It is through this cut-and-thrust process that we have had some of the best debates in the Seanad over the years. We do not all necessarily sing from the same hymn sheet at any given time but we all have the opportunity, as members of political parties, to attend the parliamentary party meeting and have an input. We have an opportunity to approach a Minister, etc. This is how democracy operates and I hope we do not suggest this should not be the case.
One would hope that every charity would fall into the category of having a wider public benefit. One of the difficulties associated with trying to legislate for such a diverse group of bodies is that one must be very careful that one's legislation is implementable and does not have any loopholes or inadequacies. I look forward to what the Minister of State has to say but I hope that, in our debate on amendments, we can express our views and await the Minister of State's response.

Deputy John Curran: Amendments Nos. 10 and 11 are technical. Senator Buttimer referred to the "forces" but I have no idea what forces he is referring to. In the preparation of this legislation, there has been extensive consultation with various Departments, the Office of the Revenue Commissioners, political parties and the charities sector. The reason for the substantial number of amendments on Committee and Report Stages is that we accepted amendments or redrafted amendments on advice we took, where possible.

Senator David Norris: It would be perfectly possible to accept the amendment on human rights.

An Cathaoirleach: The Minister of State should be allowed to reply.

Senator David Norris: He must be corrected when he is wrong.

An Cathaoirleach: No.

Deputy John Curran: Amendment No. 10 is just a strengthening provision. The wording "be regarded as a charitable purpose" is being changed to "be a charitable purpose". It is a technical amendment in that regard.

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 11:
In page 11, to delete lines 36 and 37 and substitute the following:
"(3) Subject to subsection (4), a gift shall not be of public benefit unless---".

Amendment agreed to.

An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 12 and 13 are related and may be discussed together.

Amendment No. 12 not moved.

Government amendment No. 13:
In page 12, between lines 25 and 26, to insert the following:
"(10) For the purposes of this section, a gift is not a gift for the advancement of religion if it is made to or for the benefit of an organisation or cult-
(a) the principal object of which is the making of profit, or
(b) that employs oppressive psychological manipulation-
(i) of its followers, or
(ii) for the purpose of gaining new followers.".

Deputy John Curran: Since the earlier debates on the Bill in both the Dáil and Seanad, I have been reflecting on the issue of those organisations that purport to be religious in nature but whose principal interest is in profit or whose methods may be harmful to their followers. As I stated last week, this issue arose from an Opposition amendment originally developed by Deputies Wall and Higgins. It was reintroduced today by the Senators. I have concluded that there is merit in the principle of the original amendment in that religious organisations that in reality have scant regard for the spiritual, psychological or financial well-being of their members or potential members should not be granted the privilege of charitable status. Accordingly, I am proposing an amendment, developed in consultation with the Office of the Attorney General, that will ensure dubious organisations that pose as religious but whose motive is making money or which use inappropriate psychological techniques in recruiting or retaining members will not attain charitable status. The Opposition amendment has not been moved but mine serves the same purpose.

Senator David Norris: It is very welcome that the Minister of State has clearly used phraseology from the original amendment of Senator Hannigan. It is very interesting that it has been considered properly by the Minister of State and carefully referred to the legal authorities. The Minister of State has come up with a very good amendment that takes the essential elements of what was proposed from the back benches of the Seanad. It is very good that he has done so. Praise is due where it is merited but, unfortunately, such instances are becoming scarcer.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I concur with Senator Norris. In this amendment we are taking cognisance of the role of the church and religion, yet the Broadcasting Commission of Ireland, by banning the Veritas advertisement, has done the exact opposite. There is no joined-up thinking by the Government and its agencies. In praising this amendment, one must seek consistency in terms of Government policy. I ask the Minister of State to raise the banning of the Veritas advertisement with the Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources. The ban was a completely crazy decision.

An Cathaoirleach: That does not have much to do with the amendment.

Amendment agreed to.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 14:
In page 12, line 36, after "advancement of" to insert "human rights,".
I must indicate I have Senator Bacik's authority to press this amendment. She stated she would be at a professional consultation and might not be back.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I second the amendment.

Amendment put and declared lost.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 15:
In page 12, line 36, after "reconciliation" to insert the following:
", the promotion and protection of human rights as one of the purposes beneficial to the community".

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I second the amendment.

An Cathaoirleach: Is the amendment being pressed?

Senator David Norris: It most certainly is. It is one last grim opportunity for the Government to find its conscience.

Amendment put.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 17:
In page 14, to delete lines 22 to 29 and substitute the following:
"(2) Any default in the relationship/agreement between the Charity and the State Agency/Public body whereby the Charity would be at a loss, would not be counted as such where the Charity has little or no option but to comply with standards/practices set out by the particular body. In such a case, the individual trustees/Directors of the Charity cannot be held liable.".
This is a question of liability. On Second Stage, I put on the record of the House extensive information on the brief I received, particularly from the Respond Housing Association, and it would be tedious for me to repeat that now. The Minister of State understands the points that were made. As I recall, he said he would reconsider the matter to see if there was room for movement on it.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I second the amendment. I echo the words of Senator Norris. This is an issue of great importance for voluntary directors of charities. I have also received communications from the Respond Housing Association, which has been very supportive of this amendment. It is supportive of the Bill as whole, as we all are, and believes that it is important to regulate the charities sector. However, the association is concerned about the problem of liability for individual voluntary directors and trustees of charities. It is concerned that it will be difficult to get indemnity insurance without an amendment such as this. It is also concerned the Minister of State may have misunderstood the purpose behind the amendment. I look forward to hearing the Minister of State's response.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I too support the amendment and compliment Respond Housing Association on its representation on this matter. It is important that we protect voluntary directors, especially in the current economic situation where commitments made have been pared back, frozen or cancelled. It is incumbent on the Government to protect voluntary directors. Sometimes, in the rush to legislate and regulate, we forget voluntary directors. Therefore, it is important to protect them. I look forward to hearing the Minister of State's reply on this issue.

Senator Feargal Quinn: I will just add a few words because the issue was debated on Committee Stage. Some years ago a Bill went through the House with regard to directors of private and public companies. The point was made very clearly that sometimes there is great difficulty in getting someone to become a director of a company because of the inherent liability he or she could suffer. Whatever about commercial companies, in the case of charitable organisations this should never inhibit a person from becoming a director or becoming involved in a charitable organisation. This amendment seems logical. On Committee Stage, the Minister of State undertook to give serious attention to this issue and I look forward to hearing he has found a solution in this regard.

Deputy John Curran: It is clear from the amendments tabled that there is a great appreciation throughout this House of the vital role trustees play in the operation of charities. I am aware of the need to protect the interests of trustees of charities and I wish to ensure they are not made unfairly liable for commitments into which they enter on behalf of charities in all good faith. I wish to ensure that those engaged in charity work can undertake the role of trustee without being worried that such a role might have negative financial implications for them.
I already have amended the Bill to enable charities to use charitable funds to indemnify trustees against personal losses arising where they have acted in good faith. Even though Opposition Members welcomed the insurance provision, it was considered that there may be a high cost involved in taking out such a policy, particularly when potential liabilities might be considerable. Accordingly, Opposition Members have tabled amendments on Report Stage, as they did last week, in respect of trustee liability. I agreed to reflect on this matter and have done so in consultation with the Office of the Attorney General. My advice is that a trustee could be liable only where there is a breach of fiduciary relationship by the trustee with the content of the trust deed. Where a trustee acts in good faith in carrying out its business with a body such as a statutory body, I understand there is no way the trustee would be personally liable. Nonetheless, for the removal of doubt, Government amendment No. 62 will introduce a new section 89 to deal with the issue raised by the Opposition amendments. By allowing the court to grant relief to charity trustees from personal liability for a breach of trust where the trustee has acted honestly, reasonably and in good faith, I am confident that this will offer reassurance to those who act as trustees to charities or who are contemplating such a role. Although I cannot accept the Opposition's amendments as worded, I thank Members for raising the issue. I hope the Government amendment, which has been tabled on the advice of the Attorney General, will address the issue.

Senator David Norris: First, I thank the Minister of State for his clear statement. I will pass on a copy of the Official Report to Respond!, because it would assuage its problems and anxieties to an extent. The Minister of State has stated clearly that in situations in which trustees were acting in good faith and in concert with the intentions of the trust and so on, they would not be held liable. Moreover, he has tabled an amendment to this effect. As he has honoured his commitment to reconsider this issue and to introduce an amendment, I am happy to withdraw my amendment. It would be foolish to put this to a vote in any case as it would be just another lost vote. The Minister of State has moved on this issue and I will revert to those who briefed me on this matter. I thank the Minister of State for accepting the sense of the points raised in the House. While there may be further difficulties because the exact wording sought by the various organisations has not been included, significant movement has taken place, which I welcome.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 18 to 24, inclusive, are related and will be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Government amendment No. 18:
In page 26, line 16, to delete "established" and substitute "established pursuant to a direction".

Deputy John Curran: These amendments are presentational and corrective in nature. Amendments Nos. 18 and 19 are similar in that they clarify subsections 2 and 4, respectively, applying to consultative panels established on the direction of the Minister under section 37. Amendment No. 20 is a technical amendment clarifying that section 39(4) applies only to applicants under the section and not to charitable organisations so deemed under section 40. Amendment No. 21 is a presentational amendment to the provision introduced on Committee Stage allowing for the authority to exempt certain applicants from being obliged to provide each and every document listed in section 39. However, there is no substantive change to the provision. Amendments Nos. 22 and 23 both correct cross-references to other sections of the Bill that should have been made following previous amendments and amendment No. 24 simply clarifies that the subsection refers to a requirement under section 43.

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 19:
In page 26, line 27, to delete "under subsection (1)" and substitute the following:
"pursuant to a direction under subsection (1)".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 20:
In page 27, line 17, to delete "Subject to section 40, a charitable organisation" and substitute the following:
"A charitable organisation (other than a charitable organisation to which section 40 applies)".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 21:
In page 3 of the list of amendments made in Committee, to delete the text inserted by amendment no. 14 and substitute the following:
"(6) The Authority may exempt an applicant for registration under this section from such of the requirements of subsection (5) as it considers appropriate where it is of the opinion that compliance by the applicant with those requirements would be unduly onerous having regard to his or her circumstances.".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 22:
In page 29, line 14, to delete "section 40" and substitute "section 43(10)".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 23:
In page 30, to delete line 13 and substitute the following:
"(b) the entitlement under section 45(1) to appeal the decision.".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 24:
In page 31, to delete lines 28 to 30 and substitute the following:
"(5) The Authority shall, as soon as practicable after receiving information pursuant to a request under subsection (2) or a requirement under subsection (3) in respect of a charitable organisation, enter in the register---".

Amendment agreed to.

An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 25 to 28, inclusive, and 31 are related and will be discussed together. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Government amendment No. 25:
In page 32, line 14, to delete "registered" and substitute "registered or deemed to be registered".

Deputy John Curran: Amendments Nos. 25 to 28, inclusive, and 31 are similar drafting amendments which provide that charities that have registered under section 39 and charities that have been deemed to have registered under section 40 are regarded in the same way in the legislation.

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 26:
In page 32, line 17, to delete "registered" and substitute "registered or deemed to be registered".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 27:
In page 32, line 20, to delete "registered" and substitute "registered or deemed to be registered".

Amendment agreed to.

Government amendment No. 28:
In page 32, line 23, to delete "registered" and substitute "registered or deemed to be registered".

Amendment agreed to.

Amendment No. 29 not moved.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: On a point of information, may Members speak on amendment No. 29?

An Cathaoirleach: No, it was not moved.

Government amendment No. 30:
In page 34, to delete lines 7 to 48 and in page 35, to delete lines 1 to 23 and substitute the following:
43.---(1) Where the Authority, after consultation with the Garda Síochána, is of opinion that a body registered in the register is or has become an excluded body by virtue of its promoting purposes that are---
(a) unlawful,
(b) contrary to public morality,
(c) contrary to public policy,
(d) in support of terrorism or terrorist activities, or
(e) for the benefit of an organisation, membership of which is unlawful,
it shall remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that body and the body shall thereupon cease to be registered.
(2) Where the name of a charitable organisation is changed in contravention of section 42(2), the Authority shall remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation and the organisation shall thereupon cease to be registered.
(3) If a registered charitable organisation that is a body corporate is convicted on indictment of an offence, the Authority may remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation, and that organisation shall, thereupon, cease to be registered.
(4) Where, in relation to a charitable organisation, the Authority is satisfied that there has been a contravention of---
(a) section 47, 48, 50 or 52, or
(b) a direction under section 50 or 51,
the Authority may remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation, and that organisation shall, thereupon, cease to be registered.
(5) If a registered charitable organisation fails to comply with a direction of the Authority under section 53, the Authority may remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation, and that organisation shall, thereupon, cease to be registered.
(6) Where the Authority is of opinion that a body registered in the register is not a charitable organisation, it shall apply to the High Court for a declaration that the body is not a charitable organisation.
(7) If the High Court, upon an application under subsection (6), grants a declaration that the body in respect of which the application is made is not a charitable organisation, the body shall thereupon cease to be a registered charitable organisation and the Authority shall remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that body.
(8) If a charity trustee of a registered charitable organisation ceases to be qualified for the position of charity trustee by virtue of section 55, the Authority may apply to the High Court for an order authorising the Authority to remove the charitable organisation from the register, and, upon such an application, the High Court may make such an order if it considers it appropriate in all of the circumstances.
(9) If the High Court makes an order under subsection (8), the Authority shall forthwith remove from the register all of the information entered in relation to that organisation, and that organisation shall thereupon cease to be registered.
(10) A body that, in accordance with this section, has ceased to be registered for the purposes of section 39 shall not, before the expiration of one year, or such shorter period as the Minister may determine, from the date of its ceasing to be so registered, be eligible to apply to be registered, and the Authority shall not, before such expiration, perform any functions in relation to that organisation under section 39(6).
(11) Where, in accordance with this section, a body ceases to be registered, the Authority shall enter in the register a statement that the body has ceased to be registered and a statement of the reasons therefor.".

Deputy John Curran: Although at face value this amendment, which replaces the original section 43, is substantial, essentially it is a presentational amendment proposed on the basis of legal advice. It provides for the circumstances under which a charitable organisation, which had applied successfully for entry onto the register of charities may be removed from the register by the authority. It ensures that the circumstances reflect those applicable to those charities deemed to be registered under section 40. This underlines the principle that charities that are deemed to be registered and charities that actually applied for registration should be regarded equally under the legislation.

Senator Ivana Bacik: I am grateful to the Minister of State for clarifying the purpose of the amendment. I apologise that I did not have an opportunity to speak on this matter on Committee Stage because I wish to express a concern about the wide-ranging powers that are given to the authority after consultation with the Garda Síochána. What causes me alarm is the exclusion of any reference to the advancement of human rights as a recognised charitable purpose, despite the numerous Opposition amendments tabled to that effect. Given such an exclusion, an organisation that is deemed to be a charity because it currently exists, although its primary purpose is the advancement of human rights, may be deregistered under the new section 43. It may be deregistered where the authority, after consulting with the Garda, considers that its promoting purposes are contrary to public morality or contrary to public policy.
My general concern about both the existing section 43 and the Government amendment under discussion is that the powers bestowed are too broad and the criteria too vague. In particular the reference to public morality and public policy could easily be used effectively to deregister a charitable organisation that is in existence at present and is deemed registered but the primary purpose of which is the advancement or protection of human rights. If such an organisation in such a capacity is critical of the Government in some way, it could at some point be deemed, therefore, to be acting contrary to public policy or public morality.

Order of Business - 11th December 2008

Order of Business - 11th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I have already spoken extensively on the Lisbon treaty issue and I do not intend to rehash the arguments as it would be inappropriate to do so. However, the reason I will oppose the second referendum is the inclusion for the first time in the architecture of the Union of the European armaments group, which is committed to the development of a massive munitions industry in Europe, centralised and for export. If people wonder why Mr. Ganley is interested, they might look at his apparent links to the American military-industrial complex. I was unaware of this before the matter arose. Of course these manufacturers of bombs, tanks and war planes in the United States do not want us to go into competition with them. I would have thought that was perfectly obvious. A disengagement from the European defence agency could be secured by being included in the treaty incorporating Croatia, which would be legally binding.
Yesterday, I spoke to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform about the case of Ms Pamela Izevbekhai. I was accompanied by Senator Leyden who initiated that meeting. I have placed a motion about this matter on the Order Paper and some weeks ago I offered to substitute an agreed motion for the Leader. I would be happy if this could be done, and I think it should be.
I congratulate the Government on acting quickly, effectively and decisively on the pigmeat issue. Had it not done so, the critical Opposition voices would be slaughtering the Government for not acting appropriately. I commend the Government on having done so.
Earlier this week, Senator Hannigan sought a debate on planning, which I strongly support. We should examine planning issues. One matter has been drawn to my attention concerning the Frawley site at 32-36, Thomas Street in central Dublin. The developers of the site, which contains one of only five remaining twin Dutch Billy houses - an early 18th century architectural phenomenon - have been granted planning permission for a completely unsympathetic development.
To return to Europe, I am delighted that the Government was robust there yesterday. Its proposals on changing the question of freedom of movement were firmly rejected by the Union. The Government wanted to amend a key part of the directive that gives non-EU spouses of European citizens the right to live in Ireland. What an extraordinarily inhumane attitude. I am glad the Government was quashed on that.
An article in The Irish Times reports that Ireland is one of 14 European states that restricts the rights of gay partners, so the Government is pretty inflexible in that regard. Another article in that newspaper is the most regrettable item of all.
An Cathaoirleach: We do not want to have "What it says in the papers" every day.
Senator David Norris: I do. I want to refer to what is important in the papers and I always do so in context, although it may not be popular.
An Cathaoirleach: I understand that.
Senator David Norris: I want to quote directly from the article and ask people to reflect on this as an appropriate Christmas message. It states that "the Vatican attacked an EU proposal for the UN formally to condemn discrimination against gay people". So the Vatican is openly advocating discrimination and is frustrating attempts by the European Union to resolve situations of discrimination and condemn them. The largest Christian church wants to discriminate against some of their fellow human beings. What a Christmas message from the Vatican.

Adjournment Debate - 10th December 2008- Pharmaceutical Sector

Adjournment Matters - 10th December 2008 - Pharmaceutical Sector.
Senator David Norris: This matter relates to the registration fee being imposed on the pharmaceutical sector. Three elements in the new regulation cause concern. The first is the extraordinarily high level at which the fee is being set. The second is the bureaucracy and duplication involved, which is wasteful, especially in the registration process itself. The third is the concern about what the Pharmaceutical Society of Ireland intends to do with its enormously increased revenues.
The whole system of registration of pharmacies is a new development that was provided for in the Pharmacy Act 2007 that we passed last year. The case made for it was that the Pharmaceutical Society of Ireland needed to be able to hold pharmacy owners who are not pharmacists, principally the groups of pharmacies owned by large companies, accountable to it. That was reasonable. However, both the PSNI, the Pharmaceutical Society of Northern Ireland and the RPSGB, the Royal Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain, have been maintaining a register of pharmacy premises for a number of years. I wish to draw some comparisons between them to show how absurdly high and penal is the registration fee.
The fee of €2,500 is excessive and it has not been justified by any demonstrated need to expend this kind of money. It is 15 times the fee charged in Northern Ireland. I wonder sometimes when I see all this stuff about uniting Ireland, yet we magnify the gaps between the two parts of the island in every possible way. I found it ironic during the week that some republican source called for a boycott of Newry. That says a lot for the Thirty-two County republic.
The fee in Britain is three times less at £162 sterling. Let us compare that with €2,500. There is no transparency in how the fee was set. The fee was recommended to the Minister for Health and Children by the council of the Pharmaceutical Society of Ireland, which now has a majority of lay members, all appointed by the Minister. It was inevitable that the would Minister accept the recommendation even though the amount indicated in a submission by the Irish Pharmaceutical Union, which represents the majority of pharmacy owners in the State, was €500 or one fifth of the amount. It is extraordinary that the fee suggested by the professional body representing pharmacists was multiplied by five and the Minister got advice from her own plants to say that is what was necessary. That is just extraordinary behaviour.
We have moved away from professional self-regulation of the pharmacy sector but we seem to have no clear idea of how to replace it, what to replace it with, or how it should be funded. One can ask whether it is appropriate that the new regulator for pharmacies should be funded by those it regulates. Again, it is a question of principle. I raised the issue in regard to the Press Council of Ireland where the newspapers, who are the interested party, pay the fees. As far as I am concerned that corrupts the process. We have a large sum of money but we have no indication of how it will be spent or for what uses it will be appropriated.

[Senator Norris continuing]
However, it has been reported that it is to appoint 12 new inspectors to monitor the 1,600 pharmacies in the State so that there will be a ratio of one inspector to every 135 pharmacies. Is this comparable with what happens in neighbouring jurisdictions? The relevant British institution employs 26 inspectors for its 13,000 pharmacies, which is a ratio of 1:500. There is duplication and waste in this country. The HSE is already responsible for enuring the suitability of pharmacy premises and staff in all 1,600 pharmacies with medical card contracts. Therefore, the expenditure of the money in question is not necessary.
The provision of pharmacy services to the public is covered by the Health Information and Quality Authority. It is a very responsible body and I am extremely impressed by it. It was the authority that produced an audit on the cost efficiency of addressing the issue of human papillomavirus. Tragically, the Minister for Health and Children ignored its advice. This was another missed opportunity.
The bureaucracy is extraordinary. Thank God I do not have to experience this hell. For somebody who hates forms - a fairly human characteristic - to be asked to fill a 25-page form complete with maps, plans of the buildings, solicitors' letters, affidavits and the whole works during the busiest three weeks of the pharmaceutical year is appalling. Evidence of insurance and sworn certificates signed by solicitors are also required, which is dreadful.
Another correspondent of mine stated, "I will have been practising pharmacy for 20 years next year and I have never had a complaint about my professional behaviour." He states from the heart, "I do not need to pay some blood-sucking, jobs-for-the-boys quango €2,500 to regulate and inspect me into alcoholism or an early grave." I understand from where that fellow is coming. How much more unemployment do we want to create? This is a very severe burden given that there are already cutbacks.
The Pharmaceutical Society of Ireland has introduced a fee of €1,500, to be paid by pharmacy graduates for the privilege of completing their pre-registration vocational training. There have been endless problems with this and I raised it a while ago. As a result of a blockage in negotiations, a full annual intake of final-year pharmacy students was to be blocked.
Why is the Pharmaceutical Society of Ireland, a statutory body with some degree of accountability to the Oireachtas, benefiting from a 200% increase in its fee income in an extraordinarily straitened time economically for pharmacists and everybody else? The society currently has an annual fee income of approximately €2 million from pharmacists' membership fees, while the fee of €2,500 per pharmacy will generate an additional €4 million. Why? For what will the money be used and how can it be justified in these difficult times?

Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister of State for his reply. There is a clear conflict of evidence between what the Minister of State and I, as advised, put on the record regarding the sums involved in this jurisdiction and in Great Britain. With regard to PricewaterhouseCoopers, it did not exactly help us when we were tumbling into the financial abyss. It is a classic practice to commission reports all over the place. Why would PricewaterhouseCoopers object? It will be paid. However, I am not sure about the validity of the report in question. Will the Minister of State ask the Minister for Health and Children to accept my request, made on behalf of a considerable number of pharmacists, to postpone the deadline of 22 December? It is practically Christmas Eve. It is inhuman and stupid; it is a classic example of idiotic bureaucracy. Will she postpone the date for three months to allow for reconsideration and an examination of what I describe, with a view to removing the awful burden imposed on pharmacists at Christmas? Will the Minister of State pass on this message? I do not want him to seek a commitment to reconsider the deadline but to ensure that it will be postponed.
Deputy Barry Andrews: I will certainly undertake to do so. If there is a conflict of evidence, as the Senator pointed out, I will raise it with the Minister. There would be great criticism of the Pharmaceutical Society of Ireland if it tried to set its own fees. Bearing in mind the society's use of an outside body to produce a report, it is difficult to see how it could have avoided criticism in one way or another. I will certainly undertake to raise the need for postponement of the deadline with the Minister.
Senator David Norris: There is no great record of people being poisoned and given all kinds of inappropriate drugs and, therefore, I do not know what the hysteria is about. I thank the Minister of State.

Wednesday, December 10, 2008

Statements on the Report of the Sub-Committee on Ireland's Future in the EU - 9th December 2008

Statements on the Report of the Sub-Committee on Ireland's Future in the EU - 9th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Roche, back to the Chamber where he was once so comfortable and happy as a member of our little group here. There is no point in re-running the Lisbon Treaty referendum campaign and I do not think the Minister of State did that. Once or twice he wobbled a bit because his tenses got a little confused or because of the way in which he expressed himself. He seemed to state on one occasion "if" the Lisbon Treaty is ratified. Then once or twice he actually stated "when" the Lisbon Treaty is ratified. He hovered between optimism and anxiety, as we all have.
Anybody who is concerned with the future of this country must be concerned about our place at the centre of Europe. We have played a distinguished role over the years. It is remarkable that we have a woman at the head of the European bureaucracy in Brussels. We have had very significant Commissioners. We really punched above our weight in Europe, and I have always welcomed that.
I have been increasingly anxious. Although I have supported ultimately all the treaties we signed, I have been concerned about the incremental militarisation of the Union and that is the point at which I stuck. That is why I came out and opposed the Lisbon Treaty.
I was one of the first, if not the first, in this House to do so. My voice did not carry very far, although I am glad to say that some of my colleagues, who hovered nervously on the brink to see if I would be demolished by friendly or other fire, and who, when they found that I had survived, took a jump themselves, may have had more persuasive voices from different angles.
I will review a couple of the issues, and then get down to neutrality. First, there is the question of abortion. I am sure this will raise its head again. There was in the past a rather sly manoeuvre whereby the Irish people were out manoeuvred by those who, when it suits them, talk about democracy, and a secret protocol was inserted into a previous treaty.
At this point I am not arguing the merits of abortion, one way or the other. I am just as pro-life as anyone. I resent the colonisation of language that is represented by the takeover of these kinds of phrases. I am very much pro-life and my record will show that. As a tutor in Trinity College approximately one girl per year used come to me, probably because she thought I would not be judgmental. That meant about ten during the ten years I was tutor. I gave them information about non-directive counselling agencies. Nine of them did not have an abortion; one of them did. I think if that information had not been available, they all would have had an abortion. In fact, mine was very much a pro-life stance but it has been misinterpreted.
It is a very complex area. I do not intend to get into it, except to say this. I would very much hope if some such protocol is written in that it does not narrow or seek to narrow the already quite narrow judgments of the Supreme Court. It is important that we do not seek further to constrict. I will leave it at that.
Then there is the question of the Commissioner. There have been statements recently that we would get our own Commissioner. Why, out of all the 27 countries, should Ireland be the one to get a Commissioner?
Senator Terry Leyden: Everyone gets one.
Senator David Norris: That will mean 27 of them.
Senator Terry Leyden: Yes.
Senator David Norris: The Commission will be quite big. That reverses all the arguments. They are now stood on their head. That is fine. However, if we were the only one, then ours would be put in charge of the tea-making committee.
Then there is the matter of the tax regime. The international financial system is now very volatile. Certainly, I could not predict what will happen with regard to that particular protection but I would point to the views expressed by Dr. Antoin Murphy of Trinity College Dublin - I referred to them in this House some time ago - that inevitably we would have to face what he described as a kind of blackhole in the Irish economy. I hope that the present regime can be sustained. I will leave it at that.
With regard to neutrality, I have been concerned for a long time about the European armaments group. It has now coyly been renamed the European defence association. I wrote, but at a fairly late stage, to the committee asking that this should be considered, and giving some outline arguments about it. I am not sure that this matter was addressed in any great detail.
In that regard, people have questioned the participation of Mr. Declan Ganley. He is a person of whose illustrious reputation I was completely unaware until the Lisbon Treaty referendum campaign, in which he certainly took a spectacular part.

People wondered why this was the case. My suspicions about the European armaments group were confirmed when Mr. Ganley got involved in the campaign. Why would somebody with apparent connections to the American munitions industry seek to undermine the European Union's attempt to pass the Lisbon treaty? I believe there was a conflict of interest between the American munitions industry and the growth of a centralised munitions industry within the European Union which had the intention of manufacturing arms not only to equip our own forces but also to compete with the powerful military-industrial complex in the United States. For the first time, this group is being incorporated into the architecture of the EU. That is a step too far for me.
In the way it constantly changes its name and elements of its structure, the European armaments group reminds me of the AIDS virus. Our triple lock strategy plays the same role as the triple therapy. The disease remains but it is becoming chronic instead of fatal. It is a cancer at the heart of Europe.
I wish to refer to an excellent series of articles by Dr. Karen Devine, who is a post-doctoral fellow in Dublin City University. She outlined a history of neutrality dating back to Thucydides's account of the Peloponnesian war, which was not a very happy example from our point of view. The island of Melos declared neutrality between Athens and Sparta but the Athenians invaded and massacred the populace of the island. That is a primitive example but for the sake of honesty I have to record facts that are uncomfortable for my case. In 1408, a French king declared neutrality in the disputes between the various popes who sat in Avignon and elsewhere. This was followed in America in the neutrality Act of 1794.
While we have been interested in neutrality for a long time, ours has never been a principled neutrality. Mr. de Valera's neutrality was not at all principled. We all know that he would have sold out if he was given the Six Counties. It happened to be a wise choice but who knows whether it was deliberate given that his mind was opaque? However, the Irish people have a real commitment to neutrality and many of us were offended by the use of Shannon Airport not only for the transport of massive numbers of American troops, which the Government claimed was purely for monetary reasons, but also for the purpose of extraordinary rendition. Neutrality has been the most consistent reason given for voting against the Maastricht, Amsterdam, Nice and Lisbon treaties. I could stomach the earlier treaties but this one has gone too far, particularly when I note the attempt to rebuff this argument by the distinguished Institute of European Affairs and Patrick Keatinge. I am amazed these people have the gall to claim that we bought the concept of common defence when it was first included in the Maastricht treaty in 1992. We raised the issue at the time but were told that our neutrality would not be compromised. Now we are told that we have already signed up to common defence. That is what I mean by incremental militarism.
The best survey, the social and political attitudes survey, found that Irish people understand the term "neutrality" to mean non-involvement in wars, independence, impartiality, non-aggression, the primacy of the UN and UN peacekeeping and not supporting big powers. This is an active concept of neutrality.
Acting Chairman: Senator Norris has one minute remaining.
Senator David Norris: I hope it will be an expansive minute.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: So do we.
Senator David Norris: Fianna Fáil decided to be neutral in the Falklands war in order to get up Margaret Thatcher's nose. That is a policy with which I am in complete sympathy.
The final article by this splendid woman, Dr. Devine, states:
The primacy of the UN and its peacekeeping is eliminated under article 28A(1), as EU missions do not require a UN mandate. The neutrals' proposals for EU missions to require a UN mandate were rejected...
Article 28A(6) provides for permanent, structured co-operation in defence matters, and designates larger states to execute the "most demanding" military acts. Neutral state representatives argued that large state missions going ahead in the name of the EU in the face of objections from smaller states will have little credibility, as they would clearly show that there is no genuine common foreign policy.
These provisions, combined with article 15B/201a on Constructive Abstention, make unanimity as a decision-making rule a non sequitur, while articles 280B, 11(2-3) and 16b, also objected to by neutral states' representatives, eliminate abstaining states' independence in action.
The "anti-militarism" value is affected by article 28A(3) which commits member states to increased military spending and a common arms policy within the article 28D-supported European Defence Agency.
Finally, the military neutrality concept of non-membership of a military alliance is eliminated under the article 49c(7) mutual defence clause that effectively constitutes a new EU military alliance, and the article 188R solidarity clause.
Acting Chairman: I ask Senator Norris to conclude.
Senator David Norris: I will leave the final word to Henry Kissinger, who said: "No foreign policy - no matter how ingenious - has any chance of success if it is born in the minds of a few and carried in the hearts of none." Our position is not quite so extreme. However, my distinguished colleagues, Patrick Keatinge, Peadar Ó Bhroin and Ben Tonra, are anxious about the prospect of achieving Danish status. They claim that as an opt-out country, we will be left on the sidelines and that while we will be able to participate in discussions, will not be able to vote. Their comments echo a French general who came here tell us what to do. The Irish Times of Saturday, 29 November reported General Bentégeat as saying exactly the same thing. That tells us where they are coming from. I will campaign as vigorously as I can against this treaty unless we get an opt-out from participation in the military objectives of the European armaments group, rechristened the European Defence Agency.

Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2008 - Second Stage Debate - 9th December 2008

Social Welfare (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2008 - Second Stage Debate - 9th December 2008
Senator David Norris: How does the Minister feel about her statement? It appears that she is ashamed of it. I have known her for a long time and she is a decent person but she is being used as an instrument in a nasty and cynical way. The reason I think she is ashamed is the extraordinary way in which copies of her statement was circulated to Members. Can she tell me what typeface was used and whether she has seen the copies with which we were supplied? Perhaps I can have the indulgence of the House to show her my copy.
Acting Chairman (Senator John Paul Phelan): That is not appropriate.
Senator David Norris: Is it not? I think she should look at it, however, and compare it with the copy she was given.
Deputy Mary Hanafin: I accept that.
Senator David Norris: I have macular degeneration of the retina, so I find it virtually impossible to read the script. It was not printed in this form to save money because the rear of the pages are blank. The intention was that we would not be able to follow her as she made her statement. It is a deliberate disincentive. I have no doubt it was Government policy.
Deputy Mary Hanafin: If it is helpful, I am happy to give the Senator my own copy, which uses a much larger font. I accept that his copy is written in very small type.
Senator David Norris: I appreciate that. The Minister is very courteous, as always. However, while I pay tribute to her courtesy and decency, I continue to assert that she should be ashamed of her statement not only because of the way in which it was printed but also because of the underhand practice throughout this Government of swingeing the most defenceless.
I will not begin my criticisms of the Bill with the Combat Poverty Agency because questions also arise in regard to the definition of "spouse". Several years ago, a similar Bill was introduced in this House by the Minister's predecessor, the Tánaiste, on foot of a decision by the Equality Authority which held that serious discrimination against partners in a same sex relationship with regard to travel rights was a violation of their human rights and unsustainable in Irish law. The Government responded not by addressing the injustice and discrimination involved but by ramming legislation through this House to redefine "spouse" in order to deprive vulnerable people of their entitlements. For that reason, I have proposed a new definition and I will not be assuaged by being told the matter is before the courts because that is rubbish. The matter has been considered by the Colley commission, the Law Reform Commission and every other commission. I am tired of it. It is clear we have to address this issue.
The Equality Authority is being gotten rid of in a parallel measure because it was inconvenient. It is suffering a 43% cut and its staff are being decentralised to Roscrea. The people who know anything about legislation in this area are for the most part unwilling to transfer, which means they will be replaced by pen pushers from other Departments. In other words, the voice of anybody who speaks out is being muzzled.
This is an extraordinary time to introduce a Bill to destroy the Combat Poverty Agency. New financial calamities, some of which are of the Government's making, are occurring on a daily basis. Banks and stock markets have collapsed, the sub-prime scandal has erupted and now our agriculture industry is threatened with job losses and a potentially massive bill of up to €1 billion. The beef industry also appears to be affected, with further job losses threatened. What are we going to do and how will we address these issues? In a period of increasing poverty, we are destroying the agencies that protect the poor, the disadvantaged and the powerless. These are not the actions of a party of the people; they are the actions of an arrogant shambles of a Government that instead of listening to people, humbles them and muffles their voice. It is dreadful. I feel sorry for this Minister because I do not think she should have been used as an instrument in this regard.
I note the discomfort that exists on the Government side, about which Senator McFadden so eloquently spoke earlier. I intend to table amendments to redefine "spouse" and to delete the section of the Bill which abolishes the Combat Poverty Agency. Decent people on the opposite benches will be forced through the lobbies to vote in favour of the abolition of the agency despite recognising the damage they will be doing.
In an example of squalid dishonesty, the Government's decision to abolish the Combat Poverty Agency was made before the commission's report was received. How else did I receive knowledge of the decision in advance of the report? People knew about it because it was in the woodwork. I do not believe any savings will be made by the abolition of the agency. If the Minister wants to make savings, why does she not abolish the jobs for the boys and girls which were so flagrantly created alongside the establishment of unnecessary committees all over the place simply to give positions, remuneration and, perhaps, cars? What an example to show to the people. We treat ourselves with luxury and create new positions even as we humiliate the poor.
This is not the kind of behaviour I associate with the Minister. I do not intend to embarrass her personally because I am aware of her sterling qualities. I have long regarded her as a friend and she proved this by her generous gesture to me this evening. However, I would like her to take the message to the Government that those who support the Combat Poverty Agency, the Human Rights Commission, the Equality Authority and the other agencies will not be silenced.
I heard a person associated with the Government, a press spokeswoman, deriding those who tried to support the Combat Poverty Agency.
What will be the result of this? What was the point of the Combat Poverty Agency? It reported from areas of our life that are often not illuminated. Once again, it published a very fine report on the special impact of poverty on the gay community. That body is gone too. The new body is supposed to be independent, but can the Minister honestly tell the House that a combat poverty element that is subsumed into a Department will be in a position to provide independent material that could potentially be embarrassing to Government? Of course it could not, and that is why it is being introduced in such a way. The new body will be neutered.
This is all of a piece. I raised this matter on the Adjournment and was able to demonstrate that many of these organs established by Government became critical - I do not mean this in a negative fashion but rather that they exposed areas that needed to be exposed - and the Government then struck them down. One cannot escape the conclusion that this has happened because they may cause embarrassment. It is the political equivalent of the Denning judgment. Apparently the Government feels there are some vistas that are too appalling to be honestly confronted and for which it has no moral stomach.
In the very difficult times in which we find ourselves, this is not the approach that a decent Government would take. In a sense I am using the Minister - I hope not abusing her - to ask her to take this very strong message from this House and note the embarrassment of decent members of her party, which they will continue to show during this debate. I ask her to reconsider the matter.

Order of Business - 9th December 2008

Order of Business - 9th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I am afraid it seems to be one economic calamity after another and there will be a considerable bill for this. It is not just a case of disappointment because there will be no ham on the Christmas table; our exports will be badly affected. Although I am on the Opposition side, I compliment the Government on the fact that the Minister of State, Deputy Sargent, responded quickly, clearly and effectively. There were attempts to question the fact that he acted too rapidly, but had he not done so he would have been criticised for that as well.
There are other questions to be raised about farming practices, although I know that farmers are completely guiltless in this case. In St. Patrick's Cathedral on Sunday we prayed for farmers who are going through anxious times, but what about these anxious times for pigs? I mean that quite seriously. We have a habit in the West of treating our cousin animals with contempt, having them basically in animal concentration farms. I would like to raise this issue on another occasion as this is not the moment to do so. My sympathy is with the farmers now. I support the point so ably made by my Labour Party colleague that the one exempted item is organically grown pork, which is all right. The same applies to genetically modified food. We need to re-establish brand Ireland.
I am seeking a debate on foreign affairs and the Middle East in particular. It is time that we congratulated the Israeli Government, and in particular the Prime Minister, Ehud Barak, on the rapid and effective action he took in coping with a difficult and delicate situation in the city of Hebron by quickly and effectively removing the settler invasion of Arab houses. However, there is an equal responsibility on the Israeli Government to protect the rights of the Palestinians, which it signally failed to do. I was talking at the weekend to Israeli Jewish sources there and the phone was interrupted when they were attacked by a mob of stone-throwing settlers. While I spoke, the humble tent of an elderly Palestinian woman was burned to the ground by ignorant louts and thugs. The Israelis have responsibility there.
I did not speak on the cribs issue last week because I raised it last year. I do not want to make a big meal out of my church-going activities or my religious affiliations because I do not think it is anyone's business. One's religious beliefs are a personal matter, but there is also a cultural element in this. I am astonished that our broadcasting authorities would ban an advertisement from Veritas, the Catholic communications group. It has a very good bookshop and I often go into it. With the Cathaoirleach's indulgence, I will place on the record the text that was found to be offensive:
Cake and crackers, Santa and stockings, turkey and tinsel, mistletoe and mince pies, and presents and puddings. Christmas. Aren't we forgetting something? This Christmas, why not give a gift that means more? Veritas has a range of different and thoughtful gifts.
The advertisement goes on to list them, including books for children and so on. What in the name of God is offensive about that, unless one is forced to remove the essential religious principle of Christmas, which is being done? That silly, but at night-time elegant, Christmas tree in O'Connell Street with the wrapping around it saying "Come in and spend your money" is crassly commercial. Thank God the crib is open a little bit further down the street. There is a lovely crib inside the GPO also, but I think the advertising ban is nonsense.
People in Saudi Arabia are not as delicate about appreciating the sensitivities of Christians.
Senator Joe O'Toole: Hear, hear.
Senator David Norris: However, I have not heard any demands from Muslims or members of immigrant groups. Our own boyos have gone off with a kick of their own. They are Christmas crackers.
I agree with Senator O'Toole on how ridiculous it is that we will not be allowed to have an Order of Business. It cannot be a question of time because we never start before ten minutes have passed on the clock. We are not busily saving time.
An Cathaoirleach: Point made.
Senator David Norris: Since we should discuss matters of interest, I propose an amendment to the Order of Business to take first non-Government motion No. 23 on the Government's appalling Christmas effort to savage and destroy the Combat Poverty Agency.
The Seanad divided by electronic means.
Senator David Norris: Under Standing Order 61, I would like to have the luxury of an ambulatory vote.
An Cathaoirleach: Agreed.

Amendment again put.
The Seanad divided: Tá, 19; Níl, 28.

Bacik, Ivana.
Bradford, Paul.
Burke, Paddy.
Coffey, Paudie.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Donohoe, Paschal.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
Hannigan, Dominic.
Healy Eames, Fidelma.
McFadden, Nicky.
Norris, David.
O'Reilly, Joe.
O'Toole, Joe.
Phelan, John Paul.
Prendergast, Phil.
Regan, Eugene.
Ross, Shane.
White, Alex.
Níl
Boyle, Dan.
Brady, Martin.
Butler, Larry.
Callely, Ivor.
Cannon, Ciaran.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Daly, Mark.
de Búrca, Déirdre.
Ellis, John.
Feeney, Geraldine.
Glynn, Camillus.
Hanafin, John.
Leyden, Terry.
MacSharry, Marc.
McDonald, Lisa.
Ó Domhnaill, Brian.
Ó Murchú, Labhrás.
O'Brien, Francis.
O'Donovan, Denis.
O'Malley, Fiona.
O'Sullivan, Ned.
Ormonde, Ann.
Phelan, Kieran.
Walsh, Jim.
White, Mary M.
Wilson, Diarmuid.
Tellers: Tá, Senators David Norris and Joe O'Toole; Níl, Senators Déirdre de Búrca and Diarmuid Wilson.
Amendment declared lost.
Order of Business agreed to.

Charities Bill 2007 - Committee Stage - 4th December 2008

Charities Bill 2007: Committee Stage - 4th December 2008
Section 1 agreed to.
SECTION 2.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 5, 30, 32 and 33 are related to amendment No.
1. Is it agreed that amendments Nos. 1, 5, 30, 32 and 33 be discussed together? Agreed.
Government amendment No. 1:
In page 8, subsection (1), between lines 3 and 4, to insert the following:
“ “Act of 1998” means the Education Act 1998;”.
Minister of State at the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs (Deputy
John Curran): Before discussing the amendments, in an effort to be helpful I wish to make
some opening comments. The Second Stage debate took place in the House recently and a
number of points were raised. Some of them will be addressed in the amendments before the
House today. However, a couple of other items were raised, either in this House or in the Da´ il,
and I wish to inform Members of my intentions in regard to them.
The first is an approach to addressing the issue of pre-signed mass cards.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Is there a copy of the Minister’s speech available?
Deputy John Curran: It is not a speech. I am making it up as I go along.
Senator David Norris: As long as it is positive news.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: It is a little like the Government in general at present.
Deputy John Curran: Pre-signed mass cards have been an issue for some time. We are in
consultation with the Attorney General and I hope I can bring forward an amendment in
that regard on Report Stage. There is an Opposition amendment on the same issue down for
debate today.
Following the Second Stage contributions regarding public representatives being precluded
from membership of the new authority, I expect to make recommendations and changes in that
regard on Report Stage. On foot of legal advice I will propose an increase in the maximum
permitted membership of the new authority to enable it to fulfil its wide range of statutory
functions. I also propose to tighten up some of the references to terrorism and terrorist activities.
Those amendments will be brought forward on Report Stage. I mention this in order that
Members will know our intentions regarding some of the key issues that have been raised in
the House.
Amendments Nos. 1, 5, 30, 32 and 33 are proposed on foot of discussions with the Department
of Education and Science and the Office of the Attorney General. At present, educational
bodies such as schools, students’ councils, parents’ associations and vocational education committees
are subject to oversight by the Department of Education and Science and, on occasion,
by other bodies, such as the Committee of Public Accounts. The ethos of the Charities Bill is
not to impose a significant additional administrative burden on any organisation. I propose
that educational bodies be required to register and provide an annual report to the charity
regulatory authority every year but that they be exempt from the audit and accounting provisions
of the Bill. Many of these educational bodies are already required to keep and submit
accounts to other bodies and it will be within the remit of the authority under section 53 to
request these and any other information it requires from these bodies where the need arises.
In keeping with the graduated approach to regulation, I recognise that many charities are
extremely small, with limited resources to enable them to comply with the requirements of the
Bill. In the case of such charities with an income or expenditure of less than \10,000 per annum,
I am providing that they be exempted from the accounts and audit or examination provisions
of the Bill. It would be unreasonable to expect a charity of that size to produce examined
accounts although, as with the educational bodies, they will be required to produce an annual
report, which may also contain financial information. Bear in mind that the authority is empow-
720
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
ered under section 53 to request information from any charity, even small charities, where it
considers it appropriate.
I believe these amendments strike an appropriate balance and provide fair and equitable
oversight, while minimising the compliance burden for the organisations concerned.
Senator David Norris: I have no difficulty with these amendments, but I wish to comment
briefly on something the Minister of State, Deputy Curran, said. He referred to the fact that
he had addressed the most significant matters raised in the House. However, he did not deal
with what most people would agree is by far the most significant matter, that is, the exclusion
of human rights under the legislation. Most people who spoke on this issue hold passionate
views. The Minister of State consulted various groups and listened to the views of the
Parliamentary Counsel. This morning I received notification from the Law Society of Ireland
that it is now seriously concerned. The wording it suggested for an amendment, upon which I
was briefed by virtually all national organisations dealing with human rights, is identical to the
wording of the amendment I tabled. The Law Society of Ireland has strongly supported this. I
am very disappointed this did not occur to the Minister of State when he referred to discussing
the most significant issues and preparing amendments along those lines with an indication he
would agree to them. Perhaps it is simply an oversight, but I very much hope the human rights
provision will be agreed to in light of the forthcoming argument.
Deputy John Curran: The issues to which I specifically referred are not dealt with by way of
amendment today. I was signalling my intention that they would be presented later. I am
conscious there are issues and amendments related to human rights and it is my intention to
deal with those at that stage. I was signalling some of the issues raised, for which we do not
have amendments today, to indicate to people these issues were not being ignored. I put this
on record to be helpful to the Senator.
Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister of State and I appreciate his comments. Other
amendments will, I am sure, come to the House and I certainly will move an amendment in a
later section.
Senator Brian O´ Domhnaill: I call for a suspension as a vote has been called in the Da´ il.
Sitting suspended at 12.20 p.m. and resumed at 12.40 p.m.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: We will resume Committee Stage debate on the Charities Bill 2007.
We were dealing with amendment No.1 before the suspension of the House
Senator David Norris: On a point of order, I understand that the Minister of State had to go
to the Da´ il Chamber for a vote, but that is outrageous. The Da´ il is dealing with a Bill upon
which there are likely to be a considerable number of votes today and it is not acceptable that
we should have to suspend business each time. I understand this has arisen because of a refusal
to pair on the part of the Opposition. As far as I am concerned, it is very bad political behaviour
for an Opposition to refuse to pair a Minister of State in those circumstances. In that context,
I do not propose to agree to any further suspensions of this House and I will call a vote
if necessary.
When the Minister of State is in the Da´ il casting his vote, we can vote here as well. I am fed
up with this kind of nonsense which is causing unnecessary delays. We had rubbish on the
Order of Business which delayed the Minister of State’s arrival in the House and now we face
the prospect of him having to leave the Chamber several times. I find this to be a very imprac-
721
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator David Norris.]
tical and regrettable way of doing business, although I am not blaming the Minister of State
for that. I know that he must vote——
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: This is something which the Senator can take up with the Committee
on Procedure and Privileges.
Senator David Norris: I most certainly will and I will call votes throughout the day.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I indicated earlier that I wished to respond to the Minister’s opening
remarks. I welcome the Minister of State and assure him that Fine Gael will not be opposing
the Bill in principle. Indeed, my party has worked with the Minister of State on this legislation.
I pay tribute to the officials in the Department of Community, Rural and Gaeltacht Affairs for
their courtesy and briefing.
In light of what the Minister of State said in his opening remarks regarding his intention to
introduce extensive amendments on Report Stage and that thinking on the Bill is ongoing, will
he consider deferring the Report Stage debate until after the Christmas recess?
Deputy John Curran: No, because the amendments on Report Stage to which I referred have
already been clearly identified. There is nothing in them which we have not already dealt with,
for example, the mass card issue. The amendments do not contain anything of a substantial
nature that has not already been addressed. They have been scrutinised by legal advisers in the
Attorney General’s office and I am confident they will be ready and circulated in good time.
With a view to being helpful to Senators, when those amendments are finalised my officials
will be available to meet any Members who wish to discuss them or clarify any issues.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I would prefer not to divide the House on the substantive issue of
human rights and sport, upon which there does not seem to be a consensus. This is a good Bill
and Members on this side of the House recognise its importance and the need for regulation
in this area. However, it would be wrong to divide the House on the absence of human rights
in the Bill, which I still cannot comprehend.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: We are not dividing the House at this stage.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I appreciate that but I am pre-empting a division that will occur
later on the fundamental principles of the advancement of sport and of human rights. It would
be wrong to divide the House on such matters.
Amendment agreed to.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 2, 12, 22, 23, 26, 34, 36 and 52 are related and
may be discussed together.
Government amendment No. 2:
In page 8, subsection (1), to delete line 7 and substitute the following:
“ “body” includes, in relation to a trust in respect of which there is only one trustee,
that trustee;”.
Deputy John Curran: While it is unlikely that there are many, if any, single trustee charities,
on the basis of legal advice, amendment No. 2 amends the definition of “body” to cater for
such a scenario. Amendment No.12 is purely technical. The text to be removed is not considered
necessary, based on legal advice. Amendments Nos. 22, 23 and 34 are very similar and
722
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
propose the use of the word “enactment” which has a broader legal meaning than the current
word “statute”. Amendment No. 26 is a drafting amendment to insert the word “and” after
“1977” to link paragraphs (a) and (b). Amendment No. 36 changes the reference in section
70(1)(b) from the “Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment” to the “Director of Corporate
Enforcement” as section 14 of the Company Law Enforcement Act 2001 transferred
responsibility from the Minister to the director.
I commend amendments Nos. 2, 12, 22, 23, 26, 34 and 36, but I cannot accept amendment
No. 52. Section 94 provides a reserve power for the Minister to regulate the manner and the
conduct of fundraising. My Department has been working in partnership with the sector over
the past two years to develop non-statutory codes of practice for charitable fundraising. The
principles for these codes of good practice have been published and discussions are taking place
at present regarding the implementation and monitoring of the codes. It is intended that the
reserve powers of the Minister to bring in a statutory regulation would only be invoked if the
non-statutory codes of practice prove ineffective. It would be totally contrary to this consultative
approach to compel the Minister to introduce statutory codes of practice which would be
the effect of accepting amendment No. 52. In that context, I cannot accept the amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 3, 4 and 42 are related and may be discussed
together.
Government amendment No. 3:
In page 8, subsection (1), to delete lines 24 to 28 and substitute the following:
“(iii) none of the property of which is payable to the members of the body,”.
Deputy John Curran: Amendments Nos. 4 and 42 have emerged from interdepartmental
consultation relating to how a charity might act on dissolution. A fundamental principle of the
Bill as currently drafted is that a charity should apply all its property for the stated charitable
purpose, even when the charity is dissolved. In the course of the consultation, the possibility
emerged that some charities might not be bound under their constitutions, on dissolution, to
distribute the remaining property towards the charitable purpose. Under these two amendments,
which address the potential loophole, any such charity would have to obtain the consent
of the authority to pay any of the property to the members of the charity on dissolution of
the charity.
Amendment No. 3 is a technical amendment which is being inserted on legal advice to
ensure the definition of “charitable trust” in section 2 matches the definition of “charitable
organisation” in the same section. Under the existing wording, there is a variance that needs
to be addressed to ensure consistency.
Amendment agreed to.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No.4 has already been discussed with amendment
No. 3.
Government amendment No. 4:
In page 8, subsection (1), to delete lines 31 and 32 and substitute the following:
“ “charitable trust” means a trust—
(a) established for a charitable purpose only,
723
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
(b) established under a deed of trust that requires the trustees of the trust to apply all
of the property (both real and personal) of the trust in furtherance of that purpose except
for moneys expended in the management of the trust, and
(c) none of the property of which is payable to the trustees of the trust;”.
Amendment agreed to.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 5 has already been discussed with amendment
No. 1.
Government amendment No. 5:
In page 9, subsection (1), between lines 22 and 23, to insert the following:
“ “education body” means—
(a) a vocational education committee established by section 7 of the Vocational Education
Act 1930,
(b) a recognised school within the meaning of the Act of 1998,
(c) a management committee established for the purposes of section 37 of the Act of
1998,
(d) a parents’ association established in accordance with section 26 of the Act of 1998,
(e) a student council established in accordance with section 27 of the Act of 1998,
(f) an institution of higher education within the meaning of the Higher Education Authority
Act 1971 (amended by section 52 of the Institutes of Technology Act 2006);”.
Amendment agreed to.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos, 6, 10 and 41 are related and may be discussed
together.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I move amendment No.6:
In page 9, to delete lines 38 and 39.
Amendment No. 6 proposes to delete “(c) an approved body of persons within the meaning of
section 235 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997,”. This section of the Taxes Consolidation Act
refers to bodies established for and existing for the sole purpose of promoting athletic or
amateur games or sports and therefore prevents them from obtaining charitable status. The
rationale behind the amendment is to ensure that amateur sporting bodies are not prevented
from applying for charitable status under this legislation. In my meetings with sporting organisations
I have found that there is some concern that the current exclusion of sporting bodies
under the legislation will place the future of amateur sports in Ireland in jeopardy, particularly
given the current economic circumstances. There is uncertainty about statutory Government
funding, on which many organisations depend, along with charitable support and bequests.
Sporting bodies should be allowed to apply for charitable status on the basis that they fulfil
the legal criteria for charitable purpose under the legislation, which includes any purpose that
is of benefit to the community. As the Minister knows and as I know, sporting organisations
of all hues, particularly small, community-based organisations, play a key role in the advancement
of communities and in health promotion, including disease prevention and the tackling
of obesity, which has become part of our culture. They also play a part in tackling social
724
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
exclusion, promoting volunteerism and generally advancing community welfare. I pay tribute
to the Federation of Irish Sports, the sporting umbrella body, which does a lot of great work.
Let us boil down the case for this amendment. We have precedent for such a provision in
UK law, from which much of our law is taken. The charities legislation in England, Wales and
Scotland include such a provision, as does the Bill currently going through the Northern Ireland
Assembly. I am concerned that if sporting organisations are precluded from having charitable
status, they may be prevented from accessing philanthropic fund-raising streams. The argument
will be made that it can be dealt with by reliefs provided under other legislation but, as the
Minister knows, tax relief is only available on donations made to certain sporting bodies for
the funding of capital projects which have ministerial approval.
Of particular concern is the current economic climate, as there is pressure on Exchequer
funding and we have not yet had an announcement about the sports capital programme. We
cannot expect sporting bodies to exist solely on funding from the Department of Arts, Sport
and Tourism or from some county and city councils. In my own city of Cork, Cork City Council,
of which I am a former member, established a sports capital grant for clubs. However, that is
now under pressure due to the current economic circumstances. Clubs must have the capacity
to raise funds by other means.
The Minister of State, on Second Stage, made the point that it was not his intention to
expand or dilute the current charities regime. If I understood him correctly, he asserted that
the primary purpose of this Bill was to encapsulate and codify existing laws in the area of
charities. Why are we now excluding sport from the scope of this Bill? We are bringing in new
legislation which represents a clean slate and a new beginning for all. The legal position as of
today is that sports clubs, which are doing valuable work and are of benefit to the community,
are not precluded from seeking charitable status. Under this legislation, that will change significantly.
The amendments before us are intended to provide a level playing field for all organisations.
On one level we have a focus on bricks and mortar, while on the human level the focus
is gone or diluted.
I accept the argument that there are different taxation regimes available under the Finance
Acts and so on. However, the majority of sporting bodies around Ireland cannot avail of any
tax reliefs to assist their organisations. If we are to strive for consistency in the Bill we should
include, in the interest of equity, sports clubs as bodies that can have charitable status. We are
not doing that, and I do not know why.
We hear from Government about the importance of community involvement, social cohesion
and healthy lifestyles. Those things are promoted by sport. Last weekend we had the provincial
semi-finals and finals. The Minister of State is involved with his GAA club. Senator O´ Murchu´
is involved in sport, as are other Senators here. I do not mean to be inflammatory by saying
this, but we are discriminating against sport, which is of major importance to the fabric of Irish
society. As I said, bricks and mortar are being looked after, but people are not. That is a flaw
in the legislation. A sports body can obtain tax relief on the construction of a hall but not on
the employment of a coach or philanthropic donations.
I understand the Minister has received advice from the Office of the Attorney General and
that the Revenue Commissioners and the Department of Finance have issues with the loss of
revenue to the Exchequer if sports bodies are permitted to come within the scope of this
legislation. However, if we include sport under the legislation, it will allow sporting bodies to
attract money which is at present going to other charitable organisations and which will have
an ongoing beneficial effect for the Exchequer. I hope the Minister will reconsider this. I made
it clear in my remarks that we do not want to divide on this Bill, because it is a good Bill.
725
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Jerry Buttimer.]
However, there is an issue with sporting bodies. I hope what I have said here will move us
forward in this regard.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: The problem with the clause as currently drafted is that it codifies
the exclusion, for ever, of any sports club from the possibility of claiming charitable status.
As Senator Buttimer said, that is not really the spirit the Minister of State expressed on Second
Stage last week when he said he did not intend to dilute or expand the current charities regime.
The provision seems to codify into law the exclusion of sports on a permanent basis. We ask
him to reconsider this clause.
With regard to amendment No. 10, we would like to see the extension of tax reliefs to include
not just capital donations but also non-capital donations.
1 o’clock
Senator Ro´ na´n Mullen: I rise to support what Senators Buttimer and Hannigan have already
said. I do not intend to repeat their points but instead to note that I was in this House when
the Broadcasting Bill was debated and I remember clearly that much was made by the Government
of the fact that there would be measures to prevent the advertising of junk
food at certain times. There was a very obvious reason for the Government’s
seeking to highlight that issue. It showed a degree of practicality. We in this
country are rightly concerned about the health of our citizens, particularly our younger people.
I cannot understand, therefore, why we are proposing to specifically exclude sporting bodies
from being able to enjoy charitable status. At the very least one would hope we could include,
as per amendment No. 10, the advancement of sport in the definition of “charitable purpose”.
At the very least, we should remove the exclusion of sporting bodies. It is important to note
that this is not specifically or exclusively about tax. A certain amount of these matters can be
dealt with in the tax legislation. A relatively small number of sporting bodies are engaged in
capital projects and therefore able to enjoy charitable status in respect of donations for such
projects. Many sporting bodies great and small undertake another kind of activity. It could be
small things like being able to avail of computers for schools. These may not sound like big
undertakings when they are being discussed in this Chamber but in practice they make a big
difference. The proposed legislation will deny sporting organisations the legitimacy that would
derive from an improved regulatory regime and this is folly. Statistics show that people who
practise sports are said to be 14 years younger in health terms. I wish I qualified for that kind
of designation.
We need to treat this issue seriously and we need to be serious about sport. We often
complain that we do not do as well as we would like to in major sporting events such as the
Olympic Games and we rightly celebrate the achievements of people like Pa´draig Harrington
but it is at the basic, practical level that we really show our attitude towards sport and towards
the health of our nation’s citizens. We constantly communicate platitudes about how great our
sports people are and how much they contribute to social capital but where is the beef? The
beef has to be here in this Bill.
I am co-sponsor of one of the amendments dealing with the exclusion of sport because that
needs to change at the very least. As per the other recommendation, we should specifically
name sporting bodies as coming within the scope of the legislation, as qualifying for charitable
status.
I am broadly in support of people’s concerns about human rights although we might need to
qualify that a little. I refer to organisations purporting to promote human rights but which
would not promote a vision of human rights consistent with the Constitution. We need to be
clear on that point but otherwise I would have no problem with it. I make that point to empha-
726
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
sise that there can be no doubt about sport because sport unites everybody, not just in terms
of our ability to celebrate but in terms of our health. I ask the Minister of State to take a
generous view in that context. I do not know whether the Minister of State has commented
on amendment No. 41 as I was not in the Chamber so I will hold my fire on that one for
the moment.
Senator David Norris: I support my colleagues. I spoke at some little length on this matter
on Second Stage. Senator Hannigan had it absolutely right, particularly with regard to the fact
that the Minister of State said it was not his intention to expand or dilute. However, he has
done so because sport previously had a capacity to raise funds. It was not precluded but now
it is specifically precluded so there is a limitation process going on.
All my colleagues raised the issue of capital expenditure and I made the point on Second
Stage with regard to sports instructors. I am not sure if my colleagues have made the point
while I was out of the Chamber but this seems to be discriminatory in terms of tax relief
because only the larger bodies such as the GAA and the IRFU will be in a position to attract
this tax relief because they will be the ones that are involved in large capital expenditure such
as for new stadia and they have already benefited considerably. However, I would be concerned
about the smaller, local organisations because they will be completely whacked. They will be
deprived on both fronts. The Minister of State’s party used to talk a good deal about the plain
people of Ireland but it is the plain people, the ordinary people, the people in the little local
areas who will be damaged by this legislation and that is very regrettable.
I strongly support this amendment. I refer to the briefing document about which I have a
reservation. It deals with the stinginess of the Department of Finance which is legendary and
trying to reassure the Department of Finance by saying that by including sports within this Bill,
it would be a means of attracting money which is currently going to other charitable organisations.
This is the weakest argument I have ever heard. I do not want charities poaching from
each other and I do not think we should seek to reassure the Department of Finance that, for
example, a local hurling, football, camogie, hockey or rugby team or any other kind of team
sport can get money that would otherwise go to Concern, Hope, Tro´ caire or such groups. That
is a very weak argument and I do not like it. The argument may appeal to the Department of
Finance but it sure as hell does not appeal to me.
Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ : I look forward to the Minister of State’s response to these
amendments because I know he is keenly conscious of the importance of the sports organisations,
their value within and the contribution they make to communities. One could go so far
as to say that without many of these sports organisations, communities would certainly be very
impoverished. They also play a very distinctive social role because it is through those organisations
that young people are gainfully occupied and they learn team spirit which often spills
over into other aspects of community activity. Anti-social behaviour exists on the periphery of
life and sport helps to ensure that this behaviour does not expand. The focus on sporting fitness
can help keep young minds from thinking about alcohol and drugs. A person who wants to be
supremely fit will not succumb to abuse of alcohol or other types of drugs. All the points made
regarding the unifying effects of sport are important. Anybody who has seen their local club
advancing in a championship and sees a whole village or town following that team will know
that the team becomes the focus of the community and the focus of the very essence of community.
This is an important value to have and if this value is removed, there is less cohesion
within the community. Sports make a contribution to the economy because hurleys and sports
gear must be produced and sold.
It is a different issue in the case where sport has become a commercial pursuit. They are
then charging for their services and are able to provide themselves with whatever finances are
727
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ .]
necessary. It is important to make that distinction. I hope the Minister of State in his reply will
be able to point to sections of the Bill which show there is accommodation for some of the
points raised.
Deputy John Curran: Prior to the publication of the Bill there was an extensive consultation
period. The question of sporting bodies attracting charitable status did not emerge at that stage
as a matter of any concern. The issue of sporting bodies being eligible for charitable status only
emerged in recent weeks and this is surprising in some respects. I have a great appreciation of
and involvement in sport. I am not disputing the positive impact it can have. There are many
local sporting organisations which I personally support and know their impact. Whether it
should be regarded as a charitable purpose is another matter.
Approved bodies within the meaning of section 235 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997
are not to be regarded as charitable organisations for the purposes of the Charities Bill. The
advancement of sport is not included as a charitable purpose. The Bill seeks to retain the
charitable purposes that have developed in common law over many years which form the basis
for decisions made by the Revenue Commissioners on eligibility for charitable tax exemptions.
The advancement of sport is not currently a charitable purpose in this context. The Bill does
not seek to expand or narrow charitable purposes, which adding the advancement of sport
would do, but to maintain the status quo.
As I stated on Second Stage, I do not believe considering the inclusion of sporting bodies as
charities on the principle basis that a particular advantage might accrue to them under the
taxation system is a sound rationale. This is especially the case when, under section 7, the
Revenue Commissioners alone have, and will continue to have, responsibility for granting tax
exemptions independently of any decision of the proposed charities regulatory authority.
Amendment No. 41 proposes an amendment to tax legislation. The Minister for Finance is
responsible for tax law and I could not accept that amendment in this House.
In recent days I have had significant contact from various sporting organisations on this
matter. Many of them felt the reason they wanted charitable status was because their tax
situation would be somewhat different. That is not the case. From a practical point of view, if
this amendment were accepted, sporting organisations which would fall under this regulation
would have to comply and submit reports and returns in a way they traditionally might not
have done.
Senator Hannigan claimed this was going to be the way for all and ever. That will not be the
case. This legislation does not aim to broaden or narrow the boundaries. There will be a
mandatory review of the legislation in five years in acknowledgement that what we are trying
to do is quite complex. If this amendment were accepted, the next step would be to define
what is a sports organisations with a public benefit. Is it, say, the darts team or the GAA club?
Having spoken to numerous sporting organisations, their primary concern is that the benefit
would be in tax law which this legislation will not address. As this legislation beds in over the
next five years before the mandatory review, there may well be substantial changes. Most
sporting organisations I have spoken to, including some of the larger ones, realise it is not
necessary for the tax benefit provision to be included in the charities legislation.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: We are embarking on a legislative process so the consultative process
is not binding on anyone. It would be unfair to cast the aspersion that some of the sporting
organisations came to this legislation late. Given that there is a mandatory review in five years,
what is wrong with inserting the amendments concerning the advancement of sport on the basis
that we are broadening the definition to include amateur sporting organisations and the smaller
728
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
groups to which Senator Norris referred? I have a fundamental concern for these groups. I am
not speaking for the umbrella organisations such as the FAI, the IRFU or the GAA because
the reports from Croke Park Teoranta last week made great reading. I am concerned about
amateur sporting organisations which are amateur in name only but professional in their output
and contribution to society.
The Minister of State must accept there is a chasm between what the Government, in the
general sense, provides and what these organisations take on. If one were to wait for the
Government to provide funding or facilities for sporting organisations to fill this chasm, it
would never be filled and we would have social disintegration. I say that as someone involved
in one of my local sporting organisations. Rather than divide the House on a good Bill, why
can we not provide for this now and review it after five years?
Senator Dominic Hannigan: I am glad to learn the Minister of State has been in contact with
many sports bodies. Some of them are coming quite late to the party and have just realised
this legislation is imminent. I have been receiving e-mails on this subject from sports bodies
over recent weeks. The most recent was three hours ago from the Federation of Irish Sports
which represents 60 bodies. It is still pushing for tax relief for non-capital schemes. I accept the
Minister of State and his officials have probably spoken to more sports organisations than I
have. However, I will reserve the right to table another amendment on Report Stage.
Senator Buttimer’s suggestion seems sensible. If this legislation is to be reviewed in five
years, we can remove this exclusion of sports bodies and see what way the land lies in five
years. If there is evidence it is not working, then it can be removed. It should be inserted now
and meet all our needs.
Senator Ro´ na´n Mullen: I agree with Senator Hannigan. The mere fact that organisations
have raised their concerns late in the day is hardly worth mentioning. The issues they have
raised must be addressed on their merits. Is the Minister of State assuring us this proposed
exclusion of sports bodies will not impact in any way on the current situation? This was the
reason for my tabling amendment No. 41. I anticipated what the Minister of State would say
on it, given that it relates to tax matters. Article 21 of the Constitution provides that Seanad

ireann can merely make recommendations on money Bills. It seems we have gone a little too
far in excluding the possibility that we might make amendments that have financial
implications.
The Minister of State claims he cannot accept amendment No. 41 because it is matter for
tax legislation. The purpose of the amendment is to amend section 847A of the Taxes Consolidation
Act 1997 which provides relief in respect of donations which are made towards approved
capital projects for sports bodies. This amendment would amend the section to ensure
donations which are made in respect of non-capital projects can avail of the same tax relief as
those which are made for capital projects, while also being subject to the same conditions. The
Minister of State may take the view that there is a separate regime provided for sports and
that it is operating effectively. The reality is that section 847A of the Taxes Consolidated Act
1997 is a restrictive form of tax relief for sports organisations. One has the absurdity that tax
relief on donations is available in respect of a sports club which secures ministerial approval
or designation regarding the planned construction of a sports hall but that tax relief would
not be available in respect of donations towards the engagement of a sports coach. That is
clearly anomalous.
It is a matter concerning tax legislation but also concerning the question of whether and how
sports bodies should enjoy charitable status and get tax exemptions or relief in respect of
donations. I ask the Minister of State for the assurance that the proposed exclusion of sports
729
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Ro´ na´n Mullen.]
bodies will have an impact on how decisions are taken in respect of tax relief on donations to
sports clubs, in a way that is not happening at present. We have the opportunity to set a
standard. As Senator Hannigan has pointed out, this legislation will be reviewed in five years’
time so this logic applies in support of the deletion of the exclusion of sports bodies.
It is not just a matter of tax relief, it is a matter of giving legitimacy to sporting organisations
and to the activities they have under way, and to give them a profile and cachet when they
seek support of kinds other than those involving tax relief.
Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ : The Minister of State has pointed out that the purpose of this
legislation is to update and upgrade what could be considered archaic legislation. It is evident
that all speakers appreciate what the Minister of State has done. He has listened carefully to
the many points that arose, not just in the consultative process but also in respect of points
that were parked over the years. The consultative process is an important element in the
legislative process. The consultation process for the Charities Bill was very broad and is
ongoing. It is significant that sporting bodies did not arise in this context but the five year
period gives us an opportunity, bearing in mind the number of years we have had to deal with
this situation, to bring the legislation to this point.
If we open up the possibility of seeking definition, we would have to rebuild a major part of
this Bill. Many charity organisations I spoke to are looking forward to the enactment of this as
quickly as possible. One of the great assurances given to us on Second Stage was that existing
charities will automatically transfer to the new regulatory body. This means that there will
be no backlog and existing charities will not have the same administrative requirements as
new charities.
The Minister of State makes the point that one might impose on existing sports bodies a
whole new administrative requirement to fulfil the obligations of the status. There are many
more issues involved than our idealistic one, which is the importance of sports bodies to the
community. They serve a major community purpose in this regard. The Minister of State will
consider what is proposed. I would not like to see this opening up, particularly when there has
been such cross-party support for the Bill in both Houses. I would not like to slow down the
process too much.
Deputy John Curran: I refer to amendment No. 41. It is not that, as a member of a sports
club, I would be unsympathetic to having a more favourable tax regimes but this is not the way
of doing it. It is a tax law that must be addressed. The Charities Bill makes the distinction
between the two separate functions of Revenue and the charity regulator. In this amendment
we do not have that.
Senator Hannigan referred to receiving e-mails up to recently. I received the same. I rang a
number of people to discuss this, ranging from chief executive officers and directors to development
officers on behalf of the organisations. I do not want to put down public consultation but
many organisations had not gone into this matter in depth. I spoke to people within organisations
and I tried to tease it out to see if we were missing something or if we were causing real
problems. I was concerned and I spoke to many people on this.
On the principled basis that a tax advantage might accrue under the taxation system, it is
not a sound rationale for inclusion of sporting bodies as charities. Senators have suggested that
we include them and then exclude them in five years’ time if it is not working out. If we remove
the automatic exclusion, every club in the country is obliged to register as a charity. With that
would come responsibilities that clubs do not have now. Sporting bodies would be subject to
additional regulatory scrutiny and would have reporting requirements they do not have now.
730
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
We would impose this on them according to their activity. From the range of people I have
spoken to, at the moment the primary interest in this legislation is tax.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: Could it be an opt-in measure, where clubs choose to opt in?
Deputy John Curran: The legislation is such that activities that are advanced as charitable
purposes would have additional reporting responsibilities that do not apply at the moment.
Charities have been unregulated in the broad sense for a long time. We are trying to preserve
the status quo and to recognise the situation as it is, knowing that it is evolving. That is the
reason for the mandatory review within five years.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Lest Senator O´ Murchu´ get it wrong about this side of the House,
we are fundamentally in favour of the principle of the Bill. Sport plays a key role in the
community but, under this legislation, we are precluding sport and sporting organisations from
seeking charitable status.
I have a question for the Minister of State, the answer to which I half know. I refer to the
status of Special Olympics Ireland, which organises the Special Olympics. The organisations
that come under that are charitable organisations, such as the Cope Foundation in Cork. Do
they have exemptions even though they are not capital projects? I would like the Minister of
State to clarify that.
The current legal position is that sporting bodies can apply for charitable status. By virtue
of this Bill being passed, they will be precluded. That is a form of discrimination.
Regarding the imposition of the reporting procedure, Bishopstown GAA club held its annual
general meeting last Friday night. We have a very good treasurer in Jim Collins, who is very
sincere in what he does. We sent our treasurer’s report to accountants to be regulated and
audited. Sporting clubs would not have a difficulty in being included in this in terms of
reporting. There must be regulation of all bodies in respect of handling money. That is a
spurious argument although I know where the Minister of State is coming from.
We are talking about the advancement of community. The Minister of State and Senator
Hannigan referred to the Federation of Irish Sports. That body appeared before an Oireachtas
committee this year. It is a vibrant group with great ideas, representing sporting organisations
of different types. I do not know why it would be so exercised about something if its members
were not passionate and did not have legitimate concerns. They would not waste time and
energy meeting the Minister of State and appearing before the committee if they did not have
legitimate concerns. They do, and I do, as a sports person. We are talking about the benefit of
community. We are not talking about regulation. We all accept the principle of regulation and
we all welcome the Bill, however we are precluding sporting organisations, which is wrong.
Senator Ro´ na´n Mullen: I hear the Minister of State’s arguments and there are reasonable
arguments on both sides. What mischief would result from accepting amendment No. 6 and
removing the exclusion of bodies “established and existing for the sole purpose of promoting
an athletic or amateur game or sport” from the remit of the legislation?
Deputy John Curran: As I said, if that was removed there would be an obligation on every
sporting body to register and be subject to all the regulatory control that goes with that. In
reply to Senator Buttimer on the Special Olympics, any organisation that has a charitable status
would retain that. Many sporting clubs that might have charitable status, for whatever reason,
can also have it for the activities in which they are engaged, for example if they are dealing
with disadvantage or if they establish a trust to do something. Different organisations develop
in different ways. I re-emphasis that the primary focus of the legislation was to maintain the
status quo, to regulate what has evolved through common law and which is effective, knowing
it is an evolving situation with a mandatory review.
731
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Ro´ na´n Mullen: Perhaps the Minister of State will assist me, and I hope I do not
misunderstand things too badly. Removing the exclusion would leave the Bill silent on this
issue. How can such silence require all sporting bodies to register? Surely those sporting bodies
that wish to avail of certain status would be required to register in that situation. I do not ask
the Minister of State to specifically include sporting bodies, as per the other amendment, but
to remove their exclusion. It would make the Bill silent on the question of sporting bodies. Is
the Minister of State really saying that if the Bill is silent on this, it would automatically create
an obligation on all sporting bodies? I do not mean my use of language to be pejorative. I do
not believe that is what he means.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: Following from Senator Mullen’s point, what if we return on
Report Stage with an amendment stating an included body can include a sports body if it fills
in the necessary forms and provides the necessary accounts? Would the Minister of State be
happy with that or does the issue go beyond the concept and principle of having a sports body
as a charity?
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Revenue practices exclude sport but common and statutory law does
not. We do not want to divide the House on this. If we could get a guarantee, we would be
happy not to press the amendment. I cannot comprehend the reticence and reluctance regarding
sport. It is a fundamental flaw in the Bill. We are penalising sporting organisations. That is
the fundamental point.
Senator Paddy Burke: I listened with great interest to the debate over the past hour, particularly
on those amendments. One would wonder why the Minister of State excludes sporting
bodies. There must be a reason. Is it a financial reason because of the amount of money that
may flow into sporting bodies if they availed of tax relief? The Minister of State could qualify
it. It would be a shame to divide the House on this. It is a very important issue and everybody
is at one on those amendments. The Minister of State could qualify the sporting organisations
to at least local level. He could name some of the sporting organisations. It might be unfair to
name them and perhaps that is the kernel of the problem he faces. There must be some problem,
whether with the Department of Finance or another Department. I do not know. However
the bases of the points made by the Senators are very good.
The Minister of State could quality this to say the local or lowest level of sporting organisations
could avail of charitable status. Some local sporting organisations will come under severe
financial difficulties in the next few years and will find it very difficult to survive. Something
could be done in this Bill. The Minister of State said the financial area and the finance that
could accrue to those sporting organisations from the tax relief is not the perspective from
which we should look at it, but that is the perspective from which everybody is looking at it.
Deputy John Curran: That is the point. I have spoken to many of the groups and they
genuinely believe there would be a change in their tax status and that revenues would accrue
to them that they would not otherwise get. That is not the case. As I emphasised at the beginning,
we are trying to maintain the status quo. I have a great sympathy and passion for sport,
but the Bill reflects the status quo. I am conscious that we have a mandatory review because I
suspect circumstances will change substantially over five years.
Senator Ro´ na´n Mullen: Perhaps the Minister of State would address my specific point. If the
Bill is silent and does not specifically exclude sports organisations, surely that would put us in
a situation closer to the status quo.
Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ : As there is a vote in the Da´ il, I propose that the sitting be
suspended.
732
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
An Cathaoirleach: As the bell has just started we might just——
Senator Jerry Buttimer: This is our third interruption. Senator Norris will speak on this Bill.
This started the last day and I do not know who is responsible.
Deputy John Curran: I do not know either.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: In fairness to the Members of this House and to the Minister of
State, this is important legislation and should not be interrupted for a vote in the other House.
An Cathaoirleach: The Minister of State is not paired.
Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ : We had to suspend for a vote on Second Stage, but the Minister
of State must go to the Da´ il.
An Cathaoirleach: We will suspend until 1.50 p.m. Is that agreed?
Senator David Norris: No, it is not agreed. I indicated this earlier. I do not agree to this.
Question proposed: “That the sitting be suspended until 1.50 p.m.”
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: On a point of order, there is no problem about a pair when the
Minister is doing——
An Cathaoirleach: I will not take a point of order. The question has been put. The time
allowed for voting is one minute and the time starts now.
The Seanad divided: Ta´ , 23; Nı´l,16.
Ta´
Boyle, Dan.
Brady, Martin.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Daly, Mark.
de Bu´ rca, De´ irdre.
Ellis, John.
Feeney, Geraldine.
Glynn, Camillus.
Keaveney, Cecilia.
Leyden, Terry.
Nı´l
Bacik, Ivana.
Bradford, Paul.
Burke, Paddy.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Coffey, Paudie.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
Tellers: Ta´ , Senators Diarmuid Wilson and De´ irdre de Bu´ rca; Nı´l, Senator David Norris and
Ivana Bacik.
Question declared carried.
733
MacSharry, Marc.
Mullen, Ro´ na´ n.

Domhnaill, Brian.

Murchu´ , Labhra´ s.
O’Donovan, Denis.
O’Malley, Fiona.
O’Sullivan, Ned.
Phelan, Kieran.
Ross, Shane.
Walsh, Jim.
Wilson, Diarmuid.
Hannigan, Dominic.
Healy Eames, Fidelma.
McFadden, Nicky.
Norris, David.
O’Reilly, Joe.
Phelan, John Paul.
Regan, Eugene.
Ryan, Brendan.
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
An Cathaoirleach: One Senator voted at the wrong location and that has been noted. The
numbers are unchanged and the record will be corrected.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: On a point of order, if Ministers follow the correct procedures
in requesting a pair, there is absolutely no problem with them having a pair for Seanad business.
An Cathaoirleach: That is not a point of order.
Senator Joe O’Toole: On a point of order, the suspension should continue until such time as
the Minister of State has a pair.
Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: If he requests a pair, there will be no problem. If the proper
procedures are followed, there is no problem having a pair, but he must request it.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On a point of order, this was the third suspension of the debate on
this Bill, which is important legislation.
An Cathaoirleach: That is not a point of order.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Has the Minister of State requested a pair?
An Cathaoirleach: That is a matter for the party Whips. We resume the debate on section 2,
amendment No. 6.
Deputy John Curran: Unfortunately, we are maintaining the status quo. In an effort to be
helpful, I highlighted that provision is made in the legislation for a mandatory review within
five years.
2 o’clock
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I do not want to divide the House on this amendment but the issue
is the benefit that would accrue to sporting organisations. By including them in the legislation,
it will enable them to attract money from whatever source, some of which will be given to
other charitable organisations. Such funding attracts tax relief for the charitable
organisations I mentioned. There will be no loss to the Exchequer if sports are
included in the Bill. I understand what the Minister of State said about Revenue,
the Taxes Consolidation Act and the Department of Finance, but the amendment will make
no appreciable difference to the Exchequer or the Revenue and it would enhance the participatory
work done by sporting organisations on the ground. In particular, the Federation of
Irish Sports has met every Member and its representatives would not urge us to include sports
if they felt it would not benefit them. I understand where the Minister of State is coming from
but I appeal to him not to divide the House on this.
Senator Ro´ na´n Mullen: I am not happy that I received a satisfactory answer to my question.
If the exclusion of sporting bodies was removed through the amendment and the Bill was silent
on the issue, what mischief would that cause? The Minister of State said he is protecting the
status quo but sporting bodies have applied for and enjoy charitable status. Will new organisations,
clubs and associations coming on stream be unable to avail of a recognition that is
currently available to certain bodies if the exclusion in the legislation is retained? Is the Minister
of State retaining the status quo in the sense that he proposes to exclude certain bodies from
accessing a benefit that is potentially available to organisations in existence?
Senator Paddy Burke: Senator Mullen has put his finger on the nub of this issue because the
Minister of State has given the impression that a sporting organisation that is not granted
734
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
charitable status will not be at a monetary disadvantage. Surely the excluded organisations will
be at a disadvantage because those included will have a greater opportunity to obtain funding
from people who can avail of a tax break. Is that not the reality? According to what the
Minister of State said, excluded bodies will not be at a great disadvantage.
Deputy John Curran: There is a misapprehension that by automatically being included as a
charity, one’s tax situation will change. It will not. There is a clear distinction in the legislation.
Anyone who currently enjoys tax status with Revenue automatically transfers but the majority
of sports clubs do not. Those which may do, and which would have a status with Revenue,
would have it for a specific activity. In other words, a sporting club would not be precluded
from establishing a charitable trust to do one of the things the charities can do. However, it
would be precluded for its sporting activity. The emphasis is to maintain the status quo as has
evolved through common law.
Question put: “That the words proposed to be deleted stand.”
The Committee divided: Ta´ , 18; Nı´l, 19.
Ta´
Brady, Martin.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Daly, Mark.
Ellis, John.
Feeney, Geraldine.
Glynn, Camillus.
Keaveney, Cecilia.
Nı´l
Bacik, Ivana.
Bradford, Paul.
Burke, Paddy.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Coffey, Paudie.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
Hannigan, Dominic.
Healy Eames, Fidelma.
Tellers: Ta´ , Senators Camillus Glynn and Diarmuid Wilson; Nı´l, Senators Jerry Buttimer and
Dominic Hannigan.
Question declared lost.
Amendment declared carried.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: This is an historic victory for the Opposition.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 7.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: It is a victory for sport.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I hope the Government accepts this result.
735
Leyden, Terry.
MacSharry, Marc.

Domhnaill, Brian.

Murchu´ , Labhra´ s.
O’Donovan, Denis.
O’Malley, Fiona.
O’Sullivan, Ned.
Phelan, Kieran.
Wilson, Diarmuid.
McFadden, Nicky.
Mullen, Ro´ na´ n.
Norris, David.
O’Reilly, Joe.
O’Toole, Joe.
Phelan, John Paul.
Regan, Eugene.
Ross, Shane.
Ryan, Brendan.
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 7 on section 2.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I hope the Government will accept this result and not try to
change it given the historic nature of this victory.
An Cathaoirleach: The result has been announced.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: Could I call a walk-through vote?
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Surely Senator Wilson is not trying to overturn it.
(Interruptions).
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I do not think a walk-though vote can be called at this stage.
An Cathaoirleach: Please, just hold it.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I do not think one can do so under Standing Orders.
Senator David Norris: Will it be the same Members voting?
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Greens are here at last.
(Interruptions).
Senator David Norris: This is disgraceful.
A Senator: The Greens have come to the rescue.
An Cathaoirleach: Section 2, Amendment No. 7 in the name of Senators Hannigan, White,
McCarthy, Ryan, Prendergast and Kelly.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Will the Cathaoirleach clarify what is the ruling on the request
for a walk-through vote? We understand it cannot be taken.
An Cathaoirleach: The result was announced, amendment No. 7.
Senator Donie Cassidy: On a point of information——
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On amendment No. 7.
An Cathaoirleach: I am waiting for the Minister of State.
Senator Donie Cassidy: On a point of information, in the Da´ il when a walk-through vote is
called for, it is acceded to.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: This is the Seanad.
Senator Donie Cassidy: On what grounds is the request by the Government Whip to have a
walk-through vote being rejected?
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: On a Committee Stage vote——
Senator Donie Cassidy: We are all learning.
Senator David Norris: Well the Leader asked so I will tell him.
736
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
An Cathaoirleach: I am not happy it complies with Standing Order 61(2). I announced the
result of the vote and called for the next amendment. As far as I am concerned, the system
worked effectively. That is my view.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Hear, hear.
Senator Donie Cassidy: I accept the Cathaoirleach’s ruling. However, by what procedure
should the Government Whip have requested a walk-through vote? He requested it as soon as
it was possible.
An Cathaoirleach: As soon as I made the announcement, I called for the next amendment.
It may be the case that I did not see Senator Wilson indicating but, as far as I am concerned,
nobody called for a walk-through vote.
Senator John Ellis: On a point of order, the Government Whip intimated to the Cathaoirleach
prior to the vote being called. He did rise to make the Chair aware of his intention to
call for a walk-through vote.
(Interruptions).
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Chair is impartial. Government Members should respect the
Chair.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The Chair has made a ruling in this matter. It must be respected.
An Cathaoirleach: I accept what Senator Wilson has said, but I did not see him indicating.
Members must accept that I have made my ruling.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The impartiality of the Chair should not be questioned.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The ruling of the Chair in this matter must be respected.
An Cathaoirleach: Senator Ellis should be allowed to speak without interruption.
Senator John Ellis: There is a problem here, namely, that because of where the Cathaoirleach
is situated, he does not have full view of the side of the House on which Senator Wilson
is seated.
(Interruptions).
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: My goodness, they are now questioning their own Cathaoirleach.
That is out of order.
Senator John Ellis: The Whip had intimated to the Cathaoirleach that he wished to call a
walk-through vote. Therefore, he is entitled to receive same.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The Cathaoirleach has given a ruling.
Senator John Ellis: I hate to disagree with a ruling of the Chair.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The Cathaoirleach cannot be questioned like this.
Senator John Ellis: However, the position is that the Whip intimated that he wished to call
a walk-through vote, which he is entitled to do.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: We have moved on to amendment No. 7.
737
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: It is out of order to question the Cathaoirleach in this manner.
An Cathaoirleach: I made a ruling on this matter in fairness to everyone. That was the way
I saw it. I made the announcement and called the next amendment. I was waiting for the
Minister to return.
Senator Donie Cassidy: That is not true.
(Interruptions).
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The Government has lost the vote. This is disgraceful behaviour
in the Chamber.
An Cathaoirleach: I got no indication prior to my announcement.
(Interruptions).
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The Government cannot gerrymander the vote. It is disgraceful.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Government Members are being unfair to the Cathaoirleach.
Senator Donie Cassidy: There is a precedent for this.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: It is disgraceful for Members opposite to question the Cathaoirleach
in this manner. If we were to do the same, I can imagine the response from Government
Members.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: I genuinely stood to request a walk-through vote prior to the
Cathaoirleach announcing the result of the division. I accept and understand that he did not
see me. I have no difficulty with that.
Senator John Paul Phelan: The ruling has been given.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: However, as Government Chief Whip, I have to insist——
An Cathaoirleach: I accept Senator Wilson’s word on that. However, I have ruled and I am
sticking with that ruling.
Senator Nicky McFadden: Well done.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: As Government Chief Whip and on behalf of my colleagues, I
request a walk-through vote. I must insist on that.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Surely this is unprecedented.
Senator Donie Cassidy: It is not unprecedented.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I am unaware of any previous case where Members persist in
questioning a clear ruling of the Chair. We won the vote. It is a good amendment and the
Government was right to accept it.
Senator Donie Cassidy: There is a precedent.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: You lost the game, lads.
738
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator David Norris: We have been discussing sporting matters but Members on that side
of the House are not very sporting.
An Cathaoirleach: There are many amendments to work through. I have called for debate
to begin on section 2, amendment No. 7.
Senator Donie Cassidy: A precedent exists. Newer Members may not be aware that there is
a precedent for a walk-through vote.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Leader is a bad loser.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The Leader is being disingenuous. The Government lost the vote
and the Cathaoirleach has made his ruling. We on this side of the House would not be allowed
to act in this way.
Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ : Do we deal with reality or perception? I ask this because I was
sitting behind the Whip and I can testify here and now——
(Interruptions).
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Senator O´ Murchu´ is bringing the House into disrepute.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: He is acting the bully.
Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ : Let me finish my point. We are all entitled to make a point of
order. Part of the difficulty is that perception has taken over from reality, as we see from the
type of reaction we are getting from the other side of the House.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Now the Opposition is to blame.
Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ : Both procedure and legislation are about reality, not perception.
The reality is that the Chief Whip stood up. I am prepared to testify to that. He made it clear
that he was seeking a walk-through vote.
(Interruptions).
Senator John Paul Phelan: A ruling has been given.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The vote was lost. This ongoing questioning of the Chair’s ruling
is unacceptable. Government Members must accept they lost the vote.
Senator Camillus Glynn: When we were signing the division sheets, Senator Wilson indicated
that he wished to call a lobby vote.
An Cathaoirleach: However, he did not indicate so to me, to be fair.
Senator Camillus Glynn: He made that effort.
Senator Geraldine Feeney: That was the point I wished to make. I heard Senator Wilson,
the Chief Whip, say to his two Opposition colleagues that there would be a walk-through vote.
Senator John Paul Phelan: It is not his job to make that declaration.
Senator Geraldine Feeney: They heard it and I heard it. It was none of my business but I
heard it. He indicated bright and early.
739
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
An Cathaoirleach: I was not informed. I am sorry but I have ruled. I am sticking with that.
I have announced that we will now move on to amendment No. 7.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: I have to insist on putting the matter to a walk-through vote——
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Senator Wilson cannot insist in this matter. It is a ruling of
the Chair.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: I requested a walk-through vote at the first available opportunity.
Senator John Paul Phelan: The ruling has been given.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: It is not my intention to cause the Cathaoirleach any distress or
inconvenience. However, I did request a walk-through vote at the first available opportunity.
It is my understanding that there is precedent for this.
Senator Donie Cassidy: Absolutely.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: At the first available opportunity, I requested from the Cathaoirleach
a walk-through vote.
An Cathaoirleach: There certainly is precedent, if I had been informed.
Senator John Ellis: On a point of order, Senator Wilson did rise to raise the question. It is not
the Cathaoirleach’s fault but because of where his chair is positioned, he cannot see anybody on
that side. I do not know what the mechanism is for resolving this.
Senator David Norris: The Cathaoirleach has no difficulty in seeing speakers on that side
when they indicate to speak on the Order of Business. That is arrant nonsense.
Senator Donie Cassidy: I move that business be suspended for 15 minutes.
An Cathaoirleach: I have called Senator Regan.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The Leader cannot change the rules just because the Government
lost a vote.
Senator Eugene Regan: On a point of order, it is in accordance with Standing Orders that
when a ruling is made by the Cathaoirleach, it must stand. For Members on the other side of
the House to attempt to intimidate the Chair into reversing a ruling——
Senator Dan Boyle: That is Senator Regan’s job.
An Cathaoirleach: That is not a point of order. I am not easily intimidated.
Senator Eugene Regan: I had vision of Senator Wilson and I did not see him rise. The rulings
of the Chair should be respected.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: On a point of clarification, I cannot allow——
(Interruptions).
An Cathaoirleach: I ask Members to resume their seats. Senator Wilson is speaking and I
ask that Members show respect.
740
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: I cannot sit in my seat and listen to Senator Regan state clearly
that I and my colleagues are trying to intimidate the Cathaoirleach.
Senator Eugene Regan: That is precisely what they are doing.
Senator John Paul Phelan: That is clear.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: I made it clear, with respect, that I wished to cause the Cathaoirleach
no inconvenience. I merely pointed out to him that at the first available opportunity to
me, as Government Chief Whip, I requested a walk-through vote. It is my understanding that
there is a precedent for that. I now ask him to look at the situation. If there no precedent, I
would be grateful if he would clarify that for me.
Senator John Paul Phelan: The ruling is clear.
Senator Donie Cassidy: I propose a suspension of the sitting for 15 minutes.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I have to say, a Chathaoirligh, I find this ongoing questioning
of your ruling completely unacceptable. This is a democratic House. If we were to do this
every day——
An Cathaoirleach: Standing Order 61(3) states:
On the announcement by the Cathaoirleach of the result of a division which has been
taken by electronic means, any member may demand:-
(a) that the division be taken again by electronic means; or
(b) that the division be taken again otherwise than by electronic means[.]
I had announced the result and had called amendment No. 7. I was moving on.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: With respect, a Chathaoirligh——
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: A Chathaoirligh, there cannot be this ongoing questioning of
your authority if this House is to have legitimacy. This is a democracy. Just because one does
not like the result of a vote, one cannot start questioning the Cathaoirleach.
Senator Cecilia Keaveney: The politeness of Senator Wilson was not noted.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: The Chair has made a firm ruling. Members should accept it if
they are democrats.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: A Chathaoirligh, I am asking a simple question. Is there or is
there not a precedent——
An Cathaoirleach: There is provision in Standing Orders.
Senator Diarmuid Wilson: Would you please outline to me where I was wrong?
An Cathaoirleach: I want to be 100% clear in stating that I did not see Senator Wilson. If I
did see the Whip, I would have listened to what he had to say, or to what anyone said. I must
be 100% honest about that.
741
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Jerry Buttimer: A Chathaoirligh, the ruling has been made. The fundamental point
is that we are on amendment No. 7. Members on the Government side should have the grace
to accept that they were beaten on the amendment.
Senator John Ellis: A Chathaoirligh——
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: This must be accepted. The Leader cannot continue to question
the Cathaoirleach’s authority in this House.
Senator John Ellis: One has the right to question anyone here.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: We ought to move on to the next amendment. The Leader cannot
change what happened by continually repeating it.
Senator John Ellis: On a point of order, a Chathaoirligh——
Senator David Norris: I wish to put on record that Senator Wilson did not attempt to intimidate
the Chair. Other Members on the Government side of the House did. Senator Wilson
behaved with impeccable courtesy in a very difficult circumstance and should be respected
for it.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Absolutely.
Senator David Norris: The same is not true generally on the Government side of the House.
In fairness to Senator Wilson it should be put on record that he behaved impeccably and
professionally. There was a glitch but these things happen.
Senator John Ellis: On a point of order, a Chathaoirligh——
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: I acknowledge that, but I want the Cathaoirleach’s ruling to
be accepted.
An Cathaoirleach: Senator Ellis has been standing for some time. I call Senator Ellis.
Senator John Ellis: I refer to what you said two minutes ago, a Chathaoirligh. You accepted
that if you had seen Senator Wilson rise, although you said you did not, he would have been
entitled to call for the vote, as he intimated he intended to do. Therefore, I believe he is entitled
to get the vote.
Senator Paul Coghlan: I accept what Senator Norris said about Senator Wilson. I respect the
Chair’s ruling but, unfortunately, no matter what one would wish, the doors have been opened
so we cannot redo the vote.
An Cathaoirleach: That is not the point.
Senator Paul Coghlan: The doors were opened so we cannot redo the vote.
Senator Donie Cassidy: We can.
Senator Paul Coghlan: I do not think so. Am I correct, a Chathaoirligh?
An Cathaoirleach: No.
(Interruptions).
An Cathaoirleach: We must move on.
742
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Will we deal with amendment No. 7? May I speak on amendment
No. 7?
Senator Dominic Hannigan: With respect, Senator, it is my amendment and I am ready
to speak.
An Cathaoirleach: I want the Members to accept my ruling. We are moving on to the next
amendment. There is provision in Standing Order 61(3) to allow a walk through vote on the
announcement of the result of the vote.
Senator Donie Cassidy: The result was announced and Senator Wilson rose to his feet. That
is what happened. I am prepared——
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: It is not a question of what you are prepared to do. The Cathaoirleach
has given his ruling.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The amendment is on sport and the Leader is showing very bad
sporting grace now.
An Cathaoirleach: Please, Members, if disorder continues, I will suspend the House.
Senator Donie Cassidy: A Chathaoirligh, may I make a suggestion?
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Respect the Chair.
Senator Donie Cassidy: I fully respect the Chair.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: You are not doing it at the moment.
Senator Donie Cassidy: I do not need you to tell me to do it either.
An Cathaoirleach: Senator Buttimer, please allow the Senator to continue.
Senator Donie Cassidy: The Government Chief Whip was on his feet. I will explain what
actually happened. We accept that you did not see the Government Chief Whip on his feet but
we know he was on his feet. Members on this side who have impeccably served this House are
saying as much. Can we propose an adjournment for 20 minutes to view the footage and allow
you, a Chathaoirligh, to assess the situation?
Senator John Paul Phelan: The Chair has ruled. The Leader should sit down.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Can I suggest again that the ruling of the Cathaoirleach be
accepted?
An Cathaoirleach: I have ruled and I am not changing my ruling. I wish to be fair to
everybody.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: The ruling of the Cathaoirleach must be accepted.
An Cathaoirleach: We will move on to amendment No. 7.
Senator Donie Cassidy: I propose the suspension of the House for 20 minutes to allow
Members on this side of the House to look at the footage.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: You want to undermine what the Cathaoirleach has said.
Senator Camillus Glynn: I second the proposal.
743
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: This is a democracy.
An Cathaoirleach: There is a proposal for a suspension for 20 minutes.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: No.
Senator David Norris: Half an hour, for God’s sake. We are entitled to that.
Senator Frances Fitzgerald: Why? It is because they do not like your ruling.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On a point of order, can I ask the Leader what is the purpose of the
suspension? We have had a vote. Why are we suspending the sitting?
Senator Donie Cassidy: I propose that we suspend the sitting.
An Cathaoirleach: The Leader has proposed a suspension for 20 minutes.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On what grounds?
An Cathaoirleach: The question is: “That the House be suspended for 20 minutes.”
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On what grounds is the Leader suspending the House?
Senator Dominic Hannigan: On a point of order——
An Cathaoirleach: I am putting the question.
Question put: “That the House be suspended for 20 minutes.”
The Seanad divided: Ta´ , 21; Nı´l, 19.
Ta´
Boyle, Dan.
Brady, Martin.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Daly, Mark.
de Bu´ rca, De´ irdre.
Ellis, John.
Feeney, Geraldine.
Glynn, Camillus.
Keaveney, Cecilia.
Nı´l
Bacik, Ivana.
Bradford, Paul.
Burke, Paddy.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Coffey, Paudie.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
Hannigan, Dominic.
Healy Eames, Fidelma.
Tellers: Ta´ , Senators De´ irdre de Bu´ rca and Diarmuid Wilson; Nı´l, Senators Jerry Buttimer and
Maurice Cummins.
744
Leyden, Terry.
MacSharry, Marc.

Domhnaill, Brian.

Murchu´ , Labhra´ s.
O’Donovan, Denis.
O’Malley, Fiona.
O’Sullivan, Ned.
Phelan, Kieran.
Walsh, Jim.
Wilson, Diarmuid.
McFadden, Nicky.
Mullen, Ro´ na´ n.
Norris, David.
O’Reilly, Joe.
O’Toole, Joe.
Phelan, John Paul.
Regan, Eugene.
Ross, Shane.
Ryan, Brendan.
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Question declared carried.
Sitting suspended at 2.50 p.m. and resumed at 3.00 p.m.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 9, 11, 14, and 16 are related to No. 7, and No. 15 is a
technical alternative to No. 14. Thus, we will discuss amendments Nos. 7, 9, 11, 14, 15 and 16
together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On a point of information, are we taking amendment No. 10 now?
An Cathaoirleach: No, it is coming later.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: I move amendment No. 7:
In page 10, line 4, after “activities” to insert “whether in the State or elsewhere”.
This amendment seeks to extend the definition in subparagraph (iv) which states “in support
of terrorism or terrorist activities”. We would like to add the phrase “whether in the State or
elsewhere”. The Minister of State has seen this amendment before and during discussion in
select committee the Minister of State, Deputy Pat Carey, stated:
It is already implicit in the existing wording that the offences relate to such activities
anywhere in the world. I am advised that it is not necessary to state this explicitly and
accordingly, the amendment is unnecessary.
I am seeking clarification from the Minister of State on this because I have been told that is
not the case. The Supreme Court stated during the D case, which was related to the Criminal
Assets Bureau, that unless legislation specifically mentioned the rest of the world, it applied
only to Ireland. I am willing to listen to the Minister of State’s view on this. I am not sure
whether the D case was mentioned previously — perhaps the Minister of State already covered
this point, but I ask him to clarify it.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I want to speak on this group of amendments. My amendment is No.
14, but clearly amendments Nos. 9, 11, 14, 15 and 16 all seek to do the same thing, which is to
place as one of the charitable purposes in section 3(10) the advancement or promotion of
human rights. It is an important principle that a purpose that is of benefit to the community
should include the advancement of human rights. My suggested way of doing this would be to
insert a few words into paragraph (e) of subsection (10) so that it reads “the advancement of
human rights, conflict resolution or reconciliation”. A number of charitable bodies, and indeed
the human rights committee of the Law Society, have recommended that this amendment be
made and that the advancement or promotion of human rights be included as a specified
purpose beneficial to the community. There are some very good reasons for this.
The Minister of State may say it is unnecessary or that the purposes included in the Bill are
sufficient to deal with those charities that work for the advancement of human rights, but it is
important to state that explicitly. The Minister of State may also say that section 40 already
provides for exemptions in respect of charities that were already entitled to exemptions before
the commencement of the Act and where the Revenue Commissioners have issued a number
for the exemption. However, the human rights committee of the Law Society has said that this
would not be sufficiently inclusive. The problem is that notwithstanding the fact that an existing
charity engaged in human rights activities might already be deemed registered, such an organisation
might in the future be held to be an excluded body and therefore be excluded as a
charitable organisation. The human rights committee—I am sure the Minister of State has seen
745
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Ivana Bacik.]
its recommendations — has suggested that it would be better to include a specific reference to
the advancement or promotion of human rights.
In addition, as the committee pointed out, this is a statutory purpose that is specifically
provided for in the equivalent legislation in England and Wales and indeed in Scotland, where
the description of charitable purposes includes the advancement of human rights, conflict resolution
or reconciliation. I understand there is an equivalent protection for the advancement of
human rights in Northern Ireland. Considering our obligations under the Belfast Agreement,
we should have an equivalence of protection for human rights. For all those reasons it is
important that we include a specific reference to this charitable purpose in the Bill.
If the Minister of State is not minded to at least consider the inclusion of this purpose, he
might tell us why it is being specifically excluded from the legislation. Is it that the Attorney
General, for example, has advised that it should not be included? Given that it is included in
equivalent legislation in neighbouring jurisdictions, we need a reason from the Minister of State
rather than the all-purpose line that it is unnecessary. For the reasons I have outlined, for those
given in the very considered advice of the Law Society human rights committee and for the
reasons which, I have no doubt, other colleagues will give, it is important that the Minister at
least consider inserting the words “the advancement of human rights, conflict resolution or
reconciliation” in the definition of a charitable purpose that is of benefit to the community in
section 3(10).
Senator David Norris: Senator Bacik has anticipated much of what I was going to say and
she has done so very effectively. I spoke at considerable length on this subject on Second Stage,
as the Minister may or may not recall. I am very worried by this because it seems all of a piece
with the Government’s attitude towards human rights. As someone who has been in the House
for a long time and has worked on the board of a number of the organisations that have
protested about this, it appears that it is a specific policy intention of the Government to cripple
the advancement of human rights. Every single time it comes up, there is an attempt to limit,
to obfuscate or to remove funding. Here, organisations that work for the advancement of
human rights are being defined out of an opportunity to gain charitable funds.
The Law Society is a serious professional body. If it takes the trouble to communicate to
Members of the House that this is a serious gap, the Minister of State is obliged to listen. This
is a very different matter from fiddling around with collection boxes on O’Connell Street, which
the Minister put forward as a major advance this morning. The Government will not get away
with that little bit of persiflage. The Law Society, as Senator Bacik indicated, already raised
this matter as long ago as 2002 in a report entitled Charity Law: The Case for Reform, in which
it endorsed a definition put forward by the Charities Definitional Inquiry in Australia, which
it said was an appropriate thing to include. The Minister of State has excised the human rights
provisions from this Bill.
The society makes a series of other points. The definition is not recognised. It provides scope
for the recognition of the promotion and protection of human rights as being beneficial to the
community at large. Is it not? Is the Government prepared to be quite so cavalier about the
issue of human rights that it does not regard it as beneficial? Does it regard it as beneficial? If
so, what is the difficulty with including it in this legislation?
The definition has potential to prevent the development of new charities. The Minister of
State has said that some of the old ones might squeak through but that is hardly a very enlightened
view and it certainly places any new ones in a very serious and difficult position. It could
have a detrimental effect on the charitable status of existing charities. Section 40 provides that:
746
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
A charitable organisation in respect of which-
(a) there was immediately before the commencement of section 39 an entitlement to
exemption under section 207 or section 208 of the Taxes Consolidation Act [and]
(b) the Revenue Commissioners had issued a number ... for the purposes of such
exemption,
shall, subject to section 44, be deemed to be registered in the [Register of Charities] for so
long only as there continues to be an entitlement to such exemption.
A registered charitable organisation is now being defined to be an organisation that is actually
registered in the register or that by virtue of section 40, is deemed to be entered in the register.
However, “charitable organisation” is expressly defined in the Bill and is stated not to include
an excluded body. That is fairly obvious. How could it include an excluded body? Excluded
body in turn is defined to mean among other things a body that promotes a political cause
unless the promotion of the cause relates directly to the advancement of the charitable purposes
of the body. The consequences of these provisions is that notwithstanding the deemed registration
of an existing charity engaged in human rights activity, the organisation might at some
future time be held to be an excluded body and, by definition therefore, not a charitable
organisation.
The human rights committee goes on to say it is aware that the current proposed definition
uses the word “includes” rather than “means” and that this leaves open the possibility that the
promotion and protection of human rights could be held to be of benefit to the community at
a later date, which is an argument the Minister of State made. However, the promotion and
protection of human rights is included in the statutory definitions of charitable purposes in
many other jurisdictions, including England and Wales, Scotland and Australia.
It did not at that point mention that it is also included in Northern Ireland. The exact wording
in the Northern Ireland legislation is, “a purpose that falls within this subsection if it falls within
any of the following description of purposes ... the advancement of human rights, conflict
resolution or reconciliation or the promotion of religious or racial harmony or equality and
diversity”. There is the exact parallel in the Northern part of this island over which this Government
until recently claimed jurisdiction and it is apparently its ambition to reunite the island.
It is not doing a very good job of it if it is turning its face against respect for human rights in
this part of the island at a time when in the Northern part of the island, they are clearly
doing so.
This is the most serious matter in the entire Bill. It is unlikely to be greatly covered in the
media, thanks to the triumph of Senator Hannigan here today——
Senator Dominic Hannigan: And also of Senator Norris and Senator Buttimer.
An Cathaoirleach: On the section.
Senator David Norris: ——and the misery of the Government benches. I really regard this
as fundamental and should this not be included, it will be a disgrace and a very black day for
this Government. It will be seen as all of a piece with the miserable, cynical attacks on the
Combat Poverty Agency, the Equality Authority and the Human Rights Commission. The
Human Rights Commission was established in direct parallel under the Good Friday Agreement
which Senator Bacik has so correctly invoked with regard to the human rights aspects of
this legislation. The Human Rights Commission has been neutered by this Government while,
across the Border, they are enhancing it. This is a serious matter and will send out a terrible
747
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator David Norris.]
signal. Many of us will do our very best to highlight the Government’s position on this issue in
the media if it does not include it. However, if human rights is included, we will be quite happy
to celebrate with the Minister of State.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The fundamental question is why the Government is excluding the
advancement and promotion of human rights. As on Second Stage, we have not been given a
clear meaningful answer. Is it the case that the Government is afraid of some of the organisations
that are promoting human rights? Is the Government afraid that organisations will continue
legitimately to raise concerns and advocate the promotion and advancement of human
rights? It is not acceptable that the promotion or advancement of human rights should be
denied in the Bill.
Section 3(10) refers to the advancement of community welfare, community development, the
promotion of civic responsibility, the promotion of health, advancement of conflict resolution
and reconciliation. Human rights could be included with these as an addendum. The section
includes the promotion of religious or racial harmony and harmonious community relationships,
and the protection of the natural environment. During the passage of the Bill through
the Da´ il, the Minister of State introduced the promotion of environmental sustainability. He
has also included a whole list. He has included the prevention and relief of suffering of animals.
We are now faced with the situation where human rights are being explicitly excluded from
the Bill. What happens in 20 years’ time when we are no longer Members of this House and a
new organisation wants to start up as a human rights organisation? If human rights are not the
same as they are today, what happens then? There is a need for transparency and openness.
The Minister of State when speaking on the previous amendment said that there will be a
lead-in period of five years and a review clause. Why can this provision on human rights not
be inserted now at the beginning when we have a clean sheet? We should not be saying that
the promotion of human rights is not what this Bill is about. We should be advocating the
promotion of human rights and that it should be named as a charitable purpose.
It was indicated previously that the exclusion of this section of the Bill will not deter existing
charities whose focus is the promotion of human rights from being recognised as a charity.
What about the organisations which will be established in the future for that purpose? I cannot
comprehend and I have yet to hear a clear, valid and cogent explanation why the Minister of
State is rejecting this amendment. The provision is included in the English and Scottish legislation
and I question the reason it cannot be done in this country.
From the research undertaken by me and the Fine Gael research officers, when the heads
of the Bill were originally drafted, the advancement of human rights, social inclusion and social
justice were included but then they were removed. Why are we afraid of the broader definition
and why are we preventing the inclusion of human rights? Senator Norris may be right that
Government wants to neuter human rights and wants us all to lie down and accept that the
Department of Foreign Affairs or the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform are
the primary bodies. If that is the case, we are not having promotion and advancement of human
rights but rather restrictive practices and denial.
On the Order of Business this morning, Senator Norris raised an interesting case about
human rights. Lest we lose the run of ourselves, this is about people. It is about advocating for
the good of people. I have a fundamental and core belief that if in doubt, we should leave it in.
Senator David Norris: That does not rhyme.
748
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I know that. I am not trying to rhyme. I would not have the Senator’s
literary genius.
An Cathaoirleach: On the section, please.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I am speaking on the section and I will go back to it. The Senator
is a section on his own. There is consensus on this side of the House on 85% of the Bill’s
provisions. What is the Government afraid of when it comes to human rights? A five-year
review mechanism is built into the legislation. The Law Society of Ireland and other groups
have come to us with legitimate concerns, requesting the inclusion of the promotion and protection
of civil and human rights. I do not see why this cannot be the case. Fine Gael will be
supporting this Labour Party amendment and intend to press it.
Senator David Norris: One must look at the organisations that will be excluded, such as the
Irish Council for Civil Liberties, Amnesty International. These are bodies, while supportive of
the Government in some instances, have been critical of it in the past. It appears there is an
attempt to muzzle the voice of legitimate criticism.
Among the organisations this applies to, section 3(10)(j) includes organisations involved in
“the prevention or relief of suffering of animals”. I am all in favour of that but it is a curious
Government that puts the civil rights of animals above the civil rights of human beings. That
is what this legislation does. It is absurd, unless the Minister of State is saying humans are
animals and, as animals, we could say we are looking for our animal rights. Most people would
think that a step down. I am not sure if it would be a step up because there are many instances
in which the human has proved himself or herself or itself to be the most nasty and destructive
of all the animals. It is absurd that we are prepared to protect animals but not human beings.
What is the problem with human beings?
The closest to the recommendations of the Law Society of Ireland that Senator Bacik has so
effectively quoted is amendment No. 15 because the words are almost identical: “the promotion
and protection of human rights”. It is the also the closest to the same provision in the other
jurisdiction. I urge the Minister of State to take this on board because, otherwise, I believe his
reputation will suffer.
Senator Ivana Bacik: Will the Minister of State explain why he is leaving this proposal out,
given that there is such broad support for it with five different amendments all purporting to
do the same? Will he justify why he is not accepting this amendment?
Deputy John Curran: On Second Stage and in today’s contributions, much has been read
into the fact that human rights and social justice have not been included specifically as charitable
purposes in the Bill. I want to allay the concerns that the Bill is seeking to diminish
human rights organisations operating in the State.
The charitable purposes, as set out in section 3, reflect those that have emerged in common
law in this country over many years and which form the basis for decisions by the Revenue
Commissioners in determining eligibility for charitable tax exemptions. The Bill, as I stated
earlier, is neither seeking to narrow nor to expand these charitable purposes.
The actual position is that human rights and social justice are not currently considered charitable
purposes. No organisation has been granted charitable tax exemption under section 207
or 208 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 2007 on the basis that they are human rights organisations.
Some organisations that might be commonly regarded as human rights organisations
have been granted charitable tax exemptions in the context of the charitable purposes relating
to education or poverty rather than as human rights bodies. Any such organisations that are
749
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Deputy John Curran.]
currently registered with the Revenue Commissioners would be automatically deemed to be
registered under section 40. There is no intent in the Bill to create difficulties for human rights
organisations operating on the ground.
Many of the other charitable purposes in section 3(10) are closely related to human rights
such as the prevention of human suffering — Senator Norris was quick enough to refer to the
animals — the advancement of conflict resolution and reconciliation, the integration of those
who are disadvantaged and the promotion of their full participation in society. I appreciate the
passionate contributions of Senators on this matter but the Bill simply maintains the status quo
as regards charitable purposes. It does not impact negatively on human rights or social justice
organisations. In that regard, I cannot accept the amendments.
An issue similar to that raised in amendment No. 7 arose in the Da´ il’s consideration of the
Bill. My legal advice is that such an amendment is not necessary. It is already implicit that the
clause applies to such activities in any jurisdiction. I will, however, recheck it with the Attorney
General to clarify the position.
Senator Bacik referred to organisations being deemed as charities and then losing their
status. As long as they are engaged in what are defined in the section as charitable purposes,
that will not happen. If they do, there is an appeals mechanism to the tribunal and subsequently
to the High Court. The organisations currently operating in the State will maintain their status.
The purpose of this legislation in regulating a whole sector for the first time is to maintain the
status quo.
Senator Ivana Bacik: Like so many others I have welcomed this Bill. As I pointed out on
Second Stage, it is much needed and the charitable sector does require regulation. For far too
long, there has been inadequate regulation. The Revenue had to step in and take over a role
for which it was not designed. As Senator Buttimer stated, most of the Bill’s provisions are
supported by the Opposition. This is an important section and the Minister of State’s response
is not satisfactory. There are five different amendments all seeking in one way or another to
insert the purpose of protection or advancement of human rights as a purpose beneficial to the
community in a charitable purpose. The fact that it is left out of this Bill when it is included in
the legislation in neighbouring jurisdictions requires further explanation.
The explanation given by the Minister of State, with respect, is a reference to the common
law and the tradition that this is not regarded as a charitable purpose. The current regulation
of charities is most unsatisfactory. The common law on charitable purposes is long outdated
and requires statutory change. This Bill provides for the first time a proper and adequate
statutory framework. It is not enough to refer to common law definitions of charitable purposes
as a reason we should retain the status quo. The Bill’s purpose is to ensure more adequate
regulation.
Section 40 does not cover those bodies which are already in existence advancing human
rights. The Minister of State claimed they may become deemed bodies. That will only cover
those bodies already in existence. It would not cover organisations that might be established
soon or in the future.
Regarding a body which attains the deemed status under section 40, the problem the Law
Society of Ireland identified is that a body could lose charitable status and become designated
as an excluded body if it is deemed to promote a political cause. There has been a problem in
the past for charitable organisations with the thorny definition of what constitutes a political
cause. One of the definitions of an excluded body in section 2 is a body “that promotes a
political cause, unless the promotion of that cause relates directly to the advancement of the
charitable purposes of the body”. That is a rather circular definition.
750
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
If the charitable purposes or purpose that is of benefit to the community is not broad enough
to cover the advancement of human rights, many bodies which many of us would regard as
human rights bodies, might be seen as promoting political causes which do not relate to the
advancement of charitable purposes because charitable purposes do not include human rights
advancement. There have been difficulties in the past for human rights organisations where
they have been deemed by the Revenue to be involved in political activity. There have been
difficulties with the legislation governing political donations, something that is slightly under
the radar but which is of major concern to many groups campaigning on human rights issues
in Ireland in the past and at present. The Minister of State referred to legal advice in response
to Senator Hannigan’s amendment No. 7. I ask the Minister of State to tell us if he has legal
advice on the reason for excluding advancement of human rights. Is there advice from the
Attorney General or another Government adviser that it would be inappropriate or problematic
to include this definition in section 3(10)? I do not see how it can be, given the legislation
elsewhere and the reasons I and the Law Society have advanced. I ask the Minister of State to
inform us if he has this advice.
Senator David Norris: The Minister of State gives the impression that to include this would
be to include a new body, idea or concept. I ask for clarification. The section, as proposed in
the Bill, reads:
(10) In this section “purpose that is of benefit to the community” includes—
(a) the advancement of community welfare including the relief of those in need by reason
of youth, age, ill-health, or disability,
(b) the advancement of community development, including rural or urban regeneration,
(c) the promotion of civic responsibility or voluntary work,
(d) the promotion of health, including the prevention or relief of sickness, disease or
human suffering,
(e) the advancement of conflict resolution or reconciliation,
(f) the promotion of religious or racial harmony and harmonious community relations,
(g) the protection of the natural environment,
(h) the advancement of environmental sustainability,
(i) the advancement of the efficient and effective use of the property of charitable organisations,
(j) the prevention or relief of suffering of animals,
(k) the advancement of the arts, culture, heritage or sciences, and
(l) the integration of those who are disadvantaged, and the promotion of their full participation,
in society.
I did not read this out to be tedious but to indicate the textual nature of what confronts the
House. I do not believe this precise formula has occurred in legislation before. Can the Minister
of State tell me if it has and, if so, where? For example, environmental sustainability is a
comparatively new concept. I do not believe it was included before. Will the Minister of State
be kind enough to show me in previous charitable legislation, or anywhere else, where exactly
751
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator David Norris.]
this formulation exists? If he cannot, it is obvious that the formulation has been changed,
concocted or dreamt up and there is a precise intention to exclude one for political reasons.
Another example is racial harmony. Ten years ago, this was a completely homogenous
society and we would not have been thinking about racial harmony. It is absolutely appropriate
that we should and I welcome it, but new concepts are being included in this.
The point made by Senator Bacik is a good one. I am not sure if I referred obliquely to the
political purposes but I would like to expatiate on it. Senator Buttimer referred to a case I
raised this morning. There is a direct Irish involvement in it but there is a more significant one
reported in the columns of The Irish Times today. Without being tedious, I wish to put on the
record this story about a Zimbabwean activist. This House passed a composite motion on
Zimbabwe that was ably advocated by all of us, including Members on the other side. The
article states:
Leading Zimbabwean human rights activist Jestina Mukoko was abducted from her home
at dawn yesterday by a group of armed plain-clothes men who identified themselves as police.
Her whereabouts are now unknown. Ms Mukoko, who visited Ireland in May as a guest of
Tro´ caire, is the national director of the Zimbabwe Peace Project, a local human rights organisation
that is involved in monitoring and documenting human rights violations.
She was snatched from her family in the early hours of the morning by a mob, consisting at its
core of armed Zimbabwean police officers. This is a pattern. The article continues:
Both Tro´ caire and Amnesty expressed concern for Ms Mukoko and demanded her release.
Lawyers are going from police station to police station looking for her.
“The abduction or arrest of Jestina Mukoko is part of an established pattern of harassment
and intimidation of human rights defenders by Zimbabwean authorities in an attempt to
discourage them from documenting and publicising the violations that are taking place,”
Erwin van der Borght, Amnesty International’s Africa programme director, said yesterday.
Amnesty International is in the centre of it. Will Amnesty International be in the same position
after this? Every year, I go to a remarkable breakfast function, where Frontline, which sprang
from Amnesty International, celebrates the extraordinary heroic courage of people in
extremely difficult circumstances. This includes people in the Middle East and the Congo.
There is a risk to their lives and several have gone back and disappeared. That is a political
objective and it is one that the President of this country is happy to honour with her presence.
Members of the Government, including Ministers, queue up to be photographed at this
event, yet the organisation is in serious difficulty as a result of this legislation. Does the Minister
of State purport to know more about the best interests of human rights organisations such as
ICCL, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and all those that have been listed, that
have lobbied us and that have flatly contradicted every statement of the Minister of State on
this matter? Does the Minister of State purport to know more on this subject than the human
rights committee of the Law Society? That absolutely beggars belief. From where is the pressure
for this exclusion coming?
Senator Alex White: The Minister of State does not propose to accept amendment No. 7 but
I understood him to say that he would consider it further and have regard to some of the recent
judgments of the Supreme Court, particularly the D case to which Senator Hannigan referred.
It is important that the Minister of State considers this between now and Report Stage. Perhaps
752
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
he has indicated that he will do so. It may be that he is wrong that it is not necessary to specify
in the Bill that there is an extra-territorial application.
Regarding amendment No. 9, I thought that when the Minister of State came back on Committee
Stage he would give us a reason, but he did not do so. I do not suggest the Minister of
State is behaving childishly but sometimes one asks a child why he or she did something and
the child replies “Because”, and one asks “But why did you do it?” and the child replies
“Because”. That is what the Minister of State is doing. His answer to “Why are you not doing
it?” is “I am not doing it.” It is ludicrous and absolutely no explanation has been given. It is
not as if, as Senator Bacik stated, the explanation is unsatisfactory; there is no explanation.
The explanation is that he will not do it. I respectfully say that the Minister of State must do
better than simply say “I am not doing it because I am not doing it.”
The Minister of State refers to the common law tradition and to the fact that this area of
law extends to the 17th century. I made that point on Second Stage. We are legislating here.
The whole point is that we have an opportunity to legislate and make the law. If we were to
leave it as it is, in terms of what the common law says, we would not have to legislate. That is
a self-defeating argument. We could just not bother codifying the law in legislation and rely on
authorities in the common law. That is not what the Minister of State is doing. He is legislating
and we welcome the fact that these matters are put into legislation. This is a perfect opportunity
to put down, in black and white, what the law should be. To say that we are deriving this from
the common law is close to a nonsensical argument.
The Minister of State relied on the argument that he wanted to assure us that no attempt
was being made to diminish the role of human rights or human rights organisations. We must
examine the Act and remind ourselves of the specific provisions of section 3, which deals with
the definition of a charitable purpose, which it lists under paragraphs (a) to (d). In subsection
(10) it lists the items deemed to be a “purpose that is of benefit to the community”, but this
does not include the advancement or protection of human rights. That is a deliberate exclusion
of it. It was raised on Second Stage and on Committee Stage by amendment.
The Minister of State has the opportunity to include this amendment but says he will not for
reasons that are unclear. That is worse than its absence. He is declining to include it. To
someone reading the legislation, that can only mean that the view of the Government, and the
Oireachtas if it passes this, is that the advancement and protection of human rights, which has
been proposed in various formulations in the different amendments, is not a purpose of benefit
to the community. That is the effect of the Oireachtas failing to accept the amendments proposed
by Fine Gael, the Labour Party and the Independent Senators. Whether the Minister of
State likes it or not and while he thinks he does not want to diminish the role of human rights,
it will state clearly and for all time that the Oireachtas does not believe the promotion of
human rights is a purpose of benefit to the community. If I am wrong on that, I would like to
be told how I am wrong.
The Minister of State makes a curious argument, and some of my colleagues on the Government
side also raised this on Second Stage. There is a vague suggestion that human rights can
find its way into one of the other subsections, that it is not stated clearly or manifestly but one
just has to look for it. This was not suggested by the Minister of State but by a colleague on
the Government side. This suggestion that there is another way of solving this problem than
putting it into legislation is slightly less than honest. What is that other way in which the issue
is addressed in the Act? It is not addressed in the Act but excluded, deliberately, knowingly
and, it would appear, advisedly. It is not just forgotten or dropped, but a positive decision has
been made to exclude it.
753
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Alex White.]
The Minister of State does not need me to remind him and the House that when we talk
about human rights as a purpose of benefit to the community, it has very considerable relevance
and importance internationally as well as domestically. It is not just a legal issue that there is
a body of law on human rights, although that is very important. It is an area of human activity
and pursuit which is relatively modern, certainly since the Second World War. The various
international bodies seeking to promote human rights and the UN and European Conventions
have emerged in the past 50 to 60 years. One would not expect to find human rights in whatever
dusty tomes from the 17th century the Minister of State and his advisers looked at. It was not
there then. It is a modern achievement — and I emphasise “achievement” — of human activity
and ingenuity, not just in law but in practice by people domestically and internationally.
Nowhere is it better expressed in the Irish context than in the experience that has grown from
the Good Friday Agreement. The promotion of human rights was put at the very heart of that
incredible and historic achievement. Still we say it is not a purpose of benefit to the community.
It does not add up.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Senator Alex White touched on my first point that human rights are
at the core of the Good Friday Agreement. Accepting the Minister of State’s bona fides, why
does the Minister of State have four organisations, Amnesty International, the Irish Council
for Civil Liberties, ICCL, Front Line and Free Legal Advice Centres, FLAC, here at the front
line promoting this? Why are we all on this side wrong while the Government side says only
that it must do this? There is no legitimate reason.
The Minister of State must consider what Senators Bacik and Norris said about England,
Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. In England and Wales the lines read, “A purpose falls
within this subsection if it falls within ... the advancement of human rights, conflict resolution
or reconciliation or the promotion of religious or racial harmony or equality and diversity”. In
Scotland the description of a charitable purpose includes, “the advancement of human rights,
conflict resolution or reconciliation”. In Northern Ireland the description includes, “the
advancement of human rights, conflict resolution or reconciliation or the promotion of religious
or racial harmony or equality and diversity”. I return to my earlier point on section 3(10)(e),
“the advancement of conflict resolution or reconciliation”. I cannot comprehend why we cannot
include human rights.
Ireland has former President Mary Robinson as a beacon of human rights across the world.
The Minister of State’s party colleague and former Minister, the late Niall Andrews, did so
much good work, as did people on this side of the House. What are we saying? What are we
hiding from? This year we celebrate the 60th anniversary of the declaration of human rights
and in our country, with one stroke of a pen, we say we will not include it in this legislation. If
we are serious about this, I ask the Minister of State to accept the spirit of the amendments
and include human rights on the next Stage of the legislation rather than dividing the House,
which we do not want to do.
The omission of the promotion and protection of human rights will have major consequences
for the organisations whose sole operational focus and function is to promote human rights,
not just here but abroad. Are we saying the advancement of human rights is not of benefit to
the community? In a new, modern Ireland, surely the advancement and promotion of human
rights of all our citizens has never been more needed. The other night we saw the “Prime Time
Investigates” report on the treatment of our new communities. Senator Norris raised issues in
the House today about women and men. That is why I am surprised we are not including the
reference to human rights because there is no real reason not to do so. The Minister of State
gave no reason. On the previous occasion he was in the House, he did not convince any of us,
754
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
nor has he today. Given that England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland all include such
a reference in their legislation, why can we not do so? What are we afraid of engaging in and
bringing upon ourselves?
Deputy John Curran: In case anything new has emerged and in case there is anything further
to the latest legal advice I have, I said I would refer amendment No. 7 to the Attorney General
again. The advice I have is that the amendment is not necessary, but to be specific about it, I
will check it. In section 3, the term “charitable purposes” mirrors the changes that have
developed over many years and is used by the Revenue in considering eligibility for tax exemption.
Inserting “charitable purposes” in the Bill emerged specifically from lengthy consultations
with Revenue as to the charitable purposes they use and, to the best of my knowledge, it has
not been stated previously in primary legislation.
I agree with many of the sentiments expressed but the purpose of the Bill was to reflect the
current position, and we have done that in a number of ways. We have reflected the criteria
used by Revenue. We have adopted a position whereby those organisations currently registered
with Revenue would be deemed to be charities. We have provided for an appeals mechanism
because of the concerns expressed by Senator Bacik. We know things will evolve and that this
was a complex area on which to try to introduce regulation. That is the reason we have provided
for a mandatory review.
Some of the issues raised are an attempt to try to extend the definition of “charitable purposes”.
The Bill clearly identifies those. As I said, the advancement or promotion of human
rights is not currently regarded as a charitable purpose per se. Given the activities which organisations
engage in, they have charitable status with Revenue. Organisations that have secured a
registration number with Revenue will be deemed to be a charitable organisation. The deeming
provision in section 39 ensures that organisations currently holding tax exemptions have no
need for concern under the Bill.
I acknowledge that the terms “human rights” and “social justice” are not included specifically
for the purpose of defining “charitable purpose”. The activities which organisations engage in
relating to the promotion of human rights, such as the prevention of poverty, the advancement
of education, the prevention of human suffering, integration of those who are disadvantaged
etc. will continue.
I will conclude by making a point about Amnesty International. The Revenue Commissioners
operate a separate exemption for human rights bodies but only for those that have consultative
status with the United Nations. To the best of my knowledge, the only organisation that falls
within that category is Amnesty International, which will not be adversely affected in any way
by the Bill.
Acting Chairman (Senator Kieran Phelan): The issue has got a fair hearing. We want to try
to move on.
Senator David Norris: I accept that but if the Acting Chairman checks the Official Report
he will see that every time I spoke I introduced some new material.
The Minister of State is plainly embarrassed by this. It is obvious from his uneasiness in
giving his last few answers. It is obvious to me the Minister did not make this decision. It was
made elsewhere or by other people. The Minister is attempting, by reading out a formula from
a script, to give some justification for this but there is no justification. I wonder where this
instruction came from because it is shameful that this should happen. The Minister has indicated
that this formulation is all new and therefore there is no reason he cannot give us an
755
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator David Norris.]
explanation. Was it the Department of Finance or the Revenue Commissioners that gave the
instruction?
Senator Alex White: The Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform.
Senator David Norris: Was it the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform——
Senator Ivana Bacik: Or the Attorney General, as I asked.
Senator David Norris: Yes, any of those people. This House should be given the reasons for
it and the advices given to the Minister of State, who is plainly troubled by it.
On other far less significant amendments the Minister is prepared to give a commitment to
the House that he will consider them again and take further advice. It is significant that he
made no such offer to the House on this amendment. His position was absolute from the
beginning and it is not reflective of his general humane concern for issues of human rights,
which are known to Members on both sides of the House. I can tell the Minister of State that
there are a number of people on the Government benches who are fairly embarrassed by this.
Will the Minister of State address those points?
Senator Ivana Bacik: I ask the Minister of State again for a specific response to my question.
Does he have advice from the Attorney General on this issue and if the Attorney General has
advised against including advancement of human rights in the Bill, what is the reason for that?
We deserve to know that rather than having the formulaic answer that this is how it has
always been.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Can the Minister of State give us a copy of the advice from the
Attorney General as to the reason he is now allowing it? We have not been given a cast iron
reason that this should not be included, and it is important we get that.
Senator Alex White: On more than one occasion the Minister said that the practice of the
Revenue was not to include human rights——
Senator David Norris: Exactly.
Senator Alex White: ——which I accept is true historically, but the Revenue is not the
Oireachtas. The Revenue Commissioners do not make the laws, we make the laws. The fact
that the Revenue has done this is a matter of interest but it cannot be decisive.
Senator Brian O´ Domhnaill: This is an important part of the Bill and the Minister has
explained clearly where we sit in that regard.
Senator Ivana Bacik: It does not quite sit, that is the point.
Senator Brian O´ Domhnaill: We have all been contacted by various organisations that
expressed opinions about the issue of human rights, including Amnesty International, but the
Minister has clarified that issue.
Senator David Norris: It is not clarified because——
Acting Chairman: Senator Norris, Senator O´ Domhnaill is speaking. Everybody else got a
fair chance.
756
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Brian O´ Domhnaill: The Minister has explained that the work Amnesty International
is involved in is covered under this legislation. For the first time the legislation sets out a clear
definition of “charitable status”. For example, the relief of poverty or economic hardship——
Senator David Norris: With specific——
Acting Chairman: Senator O´ Domhnaill. One speaker at a time.
Senator Brian O´ Domhnaill: ——the advancement of education, the advancement of religion
and any other purpose beneficial to the community. That includes issues like community welfare,
protection for young people, the old, the ill and the disabled, community development in
urban and rural areas, and civic work that comes under our civic responsibilities. The legislation
has a wide bearing in terms of the work of many voluntary and charitable organisations——
Senator David Norris: That makes the presence of——
Senator Brian O´ Domhnaill: ——and their work will come under the remit of this legislation.
They have nothing to fear in that regard.
Senator Alex White: The Senator is missing the point completely.
Acting Chairman: Allow Senator O´ Domhnaill to speak. He did not interrupt anybody.
Senator Brian O´ Domhnaill: The Minister has outlined his position in terms of the legislation
and I have no difficulty with it.
Deputy John Curran: We are coming at this from slightly different points. Senator White
said we are here with a clean sheet of paper and we can go anywhere we want, but the premise
behind the legislation was to reflect what is happening currently, and primarily in that regard
the Revenue Commissioners were the key people. Most of the discussion on what were deemed
to be charitable purposes occurred around what Revenue was doing because we wanted the
legislation to specifically maintain the status quo and we have always acknowledged that this
was the first step. I do not disagree with what the Senators want to achieve but that was not
the thinking behind introducing this measure. The first measure we tried to introduce was
legislation to reflect as closely as possible the current position.
The charitable purposes referred to in the Bill came about specifically through lengthy discussions
with Revenue. The Bill is to reflect what is happening and not exclude those groups
that currently have charitable status. That is dealt with by the word “deeming”. I take the point
about a group that may lose its status subsequently, but there is an appeals mechanism in place,
to the tribunal and the High Court. The Bill was drafted in such a way as to accommodate all
the organisations that are——
Senator Ivana Bacik: Did the Attorney General advise and, if so, what was the advice?
An Cathaoirleach: The Minister is speaking. The Senator will have an opportunity to come
back in.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I asked a question about that.
Deputy John Curran: To answer that specific question, my advice on the charitable purposes
did not come from the Attorney General.
Senator Ivana Bacik: In that case, could the Attorney General’s advice be sought on this
aspect? Will the Minister indicate whether he will consider that? We may not press these
757
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Ivana Bacik.]
amendments if he indicates that he will consider referring back to the Attorney General, given
that the Attorney General has not had an opportunity to give advice on this matter. It is a
matter on which he should give advice.
Deputy John Curran: Without going into the specific point, all aspects of the Bill have been
with the Attorney General. It is not as though he is not aware of this, but to go back to the
designation of charitable purposes, it came about because the purpose of the Bill was to try to
put a structure to what was happening with a view to maintaining the status quo and reviewing
within a mandatory period.
4 o’clock
Senator David Norris: The Minister of State has fundamentally misunderstood the purpose
and function of Seanad E´ ireann under the Constitution. We are here to amend and improve
legislation, not maintain the status quo, which is an absurd position. I am profoundly
shocked to discover that the instructions came from the Revenue Commissioners.
We have at last flushed it out. They are not a legislative body and
they have exceeded their capacity in this. It is appalling that the Revenue Commissioners, for
their own mean-minded reasons, can make such a decision and override the wishes of the
Oireachtas. I assure the Minister of State many members of his party would have the same idea.
Will he reserve his position on this? Senator Bacik referred to the Attorney General but I
am not sure whether it is possible for us, as Oireachtas Members or as citizens, to obtain access
to the advice given to the Minister of State under the Freedom of Information Act 1997
because, unfortunately the Government, in another of its wide-ranging human rights activities,
has limited that as well. However, we might try it. Will the Minister of State, given the considerable
passion about this issue, which he has acknowledged, give us a similar commitment to
those he gave on less significant, although important, issues that he will consider it?
After all, there was a little hiccup earlier, as a result of which the progress of this legislation
will not be as rapid as some might have anticipated, and the Minister of State will not hold
anything up by asking a few questions. We do not want to be obstructive and we will not put
the amendment to a vote if he can give an indication that the matter may be considered. It is
a bad day for the country if we can only have legislation as permitted by the Revenue Commissioners
who are determined to maintain the status quo. Seanad E´ ireann, despite its occasional
defects, is not a rubber stamp for the status quo. We are here to make improvements on behalf
of the citizen to the extent of our capacity.
Senator Alex White: The Minister of State has still not given a reason this activity is not
included. If the legislation was passed by both Houses of the Oireachtas and signed by the
President, and Senators Buttimer, Norris, Bacik or myself tabled a similar amendment in six
months, would he support that and, if not, why not? Nothing he said suggests he would not do
so. He has not given us a reason of substance for not acceding to the amendments.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: If the Minister of State gives us a guarantee he will come back on
this matter, we will reserve our position. He has not given us a clear, cogent reason. I am not
a genius, but I am baffled.
Senator David Norris: The Senator is a genius.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I am absolutely baffled. The fundamental question is, of what is the
Minister of State afraid. From what is he running? Is it, as Senator Norris rightly deduced, that
Revenue is cracking the whip. Does the Minister of State fear organisations will be too vocal?
758
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
A number of bodies were abolished or amalgamated in the budget. The amendments seek the
advancement and promotion of human rights, which will benefit the people and the community.
If the Minister of State gives us a guarantee, we will reserve our position because we do not
want to divide the House. Legislation is about regulation and our role is to improve it. While
the Minister of State has a view, we will not be rubber stamps, as Senator Norris said. We
have received copious correspondence and e-mails and we have met representatives of the
organisations concerned. A vote would be a bad decision. I appeal to the Minister of State to
give us space and time, which we will also allow him. We will not press the amendments, but
this works both ways. It would be an erroneous move to divide the House.
Senator Ivana Bacik: The Minister of State said, first, he will not accede to our request
because the Revenue does not want it and, second, he wants to preserve the status quo. I do
not accept those are valid reasons for rejecting the amendments, which are important and
which would greatly enhance this welcome legislation. We cannot accept what the Minister of
State said and I will press amendment No. 14 if the other amendments are not pressed before
then. He has not given us a satisfactory response. He received advice from the Revenue but
not from the Attorney General, which has advised that the status quo should be maintained.
That is the only reason he will not accept the amendments and that is not a good enough reply.
It does not give us a reason.
Senator David Norris: Not only is it not good enough, it is an insult to the House. If the
Minister of State wished to sustain the position that the advice comes from the Revenue Commissioners,
presumably they produced an argument. Is it a budgetary issue? Do they think
money will be saved? Will the Minister of State be kind enough to outline how much money
he will save by excluding human rights? It would be interesting to know the value the Government
puts on human rights. Oscar Wilde once said that a cynic is someone who knows the
price of everything and the value of nothing. Perhaps the Revenue Commissioners are putting
a price on human rights because they are unaware of their value. I do not wish to demonise
them because they do a great deal of extremely good and important work and the State would
have great difficulty functioning without them. It is easy to target an organisation such as this
and pillory it but I do not wish to do so.
The Revenue Commissioners may well be acting in the light of their remit as an organ of
State but it is up to politicians to stand up to them, to make their own decisions and not to be
guided by them. We are living in the 21st century, not the 17th century. The Minister of State
has acknowledged that some of the formulations are not new. Why will they not accept this
one which has a cultural ancestry but may not have been formulated previously? The Minister
of State has absolutely no case whatever and I appeal to him to take further advice on this, as
he said he would on earlier issues.
Deputy John Curran: It was a policy decision that the legislation would reflect what was
happening and try to regulate it. As the Revenue Commissioners were the only body dealing
with the registration of charities, they were consulted regarding the charitable purposes and
that is reflected in the Bill. A policy decision was made that the legislation would reflect and
maintain the status quo. Knowing it was a complex area in which to introduce regulation, the
next phase will be a mandatory review within a specified period. Senator Buttimer asked
whether I would review the amendments. I have examined this issue extensively and I would
mislead the House to say otherwise.
Senator Alex White: I have doubts about this basis for legislation. If we accept the Minister
of State’s proposition that an existing practice is being secured and codified but we want to
make a reasonable proposal to add to it, as legislators, we are entitled to know why the Govern-
759
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Alex White.]
ment will not accept it. If there is an explanation why it cannot be or is not proper for it to be
included, all these matters can be judged and the House can decide its view. However, it is
simply not acceptable to be told this is the way Revenue has always done it and that is the way
we are always going to do it. We want to add this new proposal and a subparagraph. When we
ask why the Minister of State refuses to accept it, he just says “No”.
Even if the Minister of State is not in a position to give an undertaking that he will accede
to the amendments, if he could give a real undertaking that before or during Report Stage he
would give us the rationale for not accepting this proposal, I would be prepared to let the
matter rest until then when we can have the matter addressed.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Like Senator Alex White, I would be happy to let our amendment
rest until Report Stage if the Minister of State would come back to Members with an explanation
of the rationale for this. It is an important issue. It is not about politics; it is about the
advancement and promotion of human rights. We will be happy to let it go to Report Stage if
we get the rationale for and movement on it.
Senator Ivana Bacik: As I have said, I would like to press my amendment No. 14 in particular
to a vote but I know all these amendments are similar.
An Cathaoirleach: We will come to that amendment later.
Senator Ivana Bacik: If the Minister of State would give Members some guarantees or a
rationale for this, I, like other Senators, would not press it at this stage but would reserve my
position until Report Stage.
Deputy John Curran: I have outlined that it was a policy decision to reflect the practices.
Revenue was consulted as to what the practices were. It is a policy decision to introduce this
legislation to regulate charities. I know it is not what people want and they are looking to go
somewhere else. That was not the policy decision. The decision was that we would reflect on
what was happening.
Senator Ivana Bacik: Why?
Deputy John Curran: The charitable purposes, while they do not specifically mention human
rights and social justice, mention the activities in which those organisations would and should
engage. It would be unfair to say I will be coming back with something different.
Senator Alex White: Perhaps with an explanation, not necessarily something different.
An Cathaoirleach: We are talking around and around on this and do not seem to be moving
anywhere.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: That is because the Minister of State has not been prepared to move.
An Cathaoirleach: I will be pressing the section.
Senator David Norris: When the Minister of State refers to policy, is he talking about a
Cabinet decision? If there is to be a delay, there need not be a very detailed discussion. Could
this not go back to the members of Cabinet to ask them, because they are making complete
asses of themselves? Otherwise, the Seanad is just being treated with contempt. It is hardly
worth coming in if, on the most serious issue on the Bill, something like this can happen. Can
760
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
this not go to Cabinet or is the Cabinet just sticking behind this? I would appreciate it if the
Cabinet could be asked.
I understand the Minister of State is taking advice but this is the Oireachtas. This is the
Chamber where these kind of amendments are supposed to be made. If the Cabinet had considered
this, it is very unlikely it would take this kind of attitude. The Minister of State’s party
has a very good track record in some areas in this regard, including that of the former Minister,
Mr. David Andrews. Will the Minister of State take it back to the Cabinet? They may just tell
him to buzz off, as it were, and we will then have to put it to a vote on Report Stage. If he
could just mention it at Cabinet and explain we have had a terrible problem in the Seanad and
people are really exercised about it — I am sure members of his own side would say the same
— he could get a reading of this. I would be very surprised if this was intentional. If it is, it is
very cynical.
Deputy John Curran: I have reiterated the point that this was done to maintain the status
quo. Unfortunately, I do not see this section being changed.
An Cathaoirleach: Is the amendment being pressed?
Senator Alex White: No. The Minister of State has given a certain commitment on that.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: I move amendment No. 8:
In page 10, after line 40, to insert the following subsection:
“(2) This Act applies to humanism or any other philosophical life-stance as it applies
to religion.”.
This amendment seeks to include within the Bill humanism and any other philosophical life
stance as it applies to religion. The US Supreme Court has recognised that humanism is a
religion for the purposes of the religious and charitable exemption and the amendment is in
line with that non-discriminatory approach. I ask the Minister of State to accept it.
Senator David Norris: I approve wholeheartedly of the idea behind Senator Hannigan’s
amendment but I am a little concerned about it. If he had stopped at humanism, I would be
all right, but it goes off into what seem rather less defined areas, such as “philosophical lifestance”,
which could be anything. It would cover some groups I do not especially want to be
covered. I would not want Scientology and my nice, neighbouring Moonies in North Great
George’s Street to be out with their collection boxes.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: What about the Falun Gong?
Senator David Norris: They should be covered by something else.
An Cathaoirleach: On the amendment, please.
Senator David Norris: The amendment is rather broad and will cover some fairly unsavoury
things. Humanism certainly should be included because it is an ethical stance, although it is
devoid of any specifically religious content. As an ethical stance, it should be protected or
recognised.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I support the amendment as it applies to humanism. Like Senator
Norris, I believe Senator Hannigan is correct that it is important humanism would be included.
761
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Ivana Bacik.]
In section 3, the advancement of religion is one of the charitable purposes and the Humanist
Association of Ireland certainly should also be included as a charity under that heading. The
Labour Party has amendment No. 13 which would exclude particular cults or organisations that
were oppressive and so on. The two amendments would have to be read together because I take
Senator Norris’s point on the broad nature of “any other philosophical life-stance”. However,
humanism is of increasing importance. I have been to numerous humanist ceremonies such as
weddings and, sadly, funerals. It is important we include humanism within that definition.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: In light of the comments made by Senators Norris and Bacik, I
am happy to withdraw the amendment at this stage and will revisit it on Report Stage.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 2, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 3.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: I move amendment No. 9:
In page 11, subsection (1), between lines 30 and 31, to insert the following:
“(b) the promotion and protection of human rights;”.
Amendment put.
The Committee divided: Ta´ , 18; Nı´l, 22.
Ta´
Bacik, Ivana.
Burke, Paddy.
Buttimer, Jerry.
Coffey, Paudie.
Coghlan, Paul.
Cummins, Maurice.
Fitzgerald, Frances.
Hannigan, Dominic.
Healy Eames, Fidelma.
Nı´l
Boyle, Dan.
Brady, Martin.
Carty, John.
Cassidy, Donie.
Corrigan, Maria.
Daly, Mark.
de Bu´ rca, De´ irdre.
Ellis, John.
Feeney, Geraldine.
Glynn, Camillus.
Keaveney, Cecilia.
Tellers: Ta´ , Senators Dominic Hannigan and Alex White; Nı´l, Senators Camillus Glynn and
Diarmuid Wilson.
Amendment declared lost.
762
McFadden, Nicky.
Norris, David.
O’Reilly, Joe.
O’Toole, Joe.
Phelan, John Paul.
Regan, Eugene.
Ross, Shane.
Ryan, Brendan.
White, Alex.
Leyden, Terry.
MacSharry, Marc.

Domhnaill, Brian.

Murchu´ , Labhra´ s.
O’Donovan, Denis.
O’Malley, Fiona.
O’Sullivan, Ned.
Ormonde, Ann.
Phelan, Kieran.
Walsh, Jim.
Wilson, Diarmuid.
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 10 was discussed with amendment No. 6. Is
amendment No. 10 being pressed?
Senator Jerry Buttimer: May I reserve the right to move it again on Report Stage?
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Any amendment can be entered on Report Stage.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Will the Leas-Chathaoirleach clarify whether an amendment that is
defeated can be resubmitted on Report Stage?
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: If an amendment is pressed and lost on Committee Stage, it cannot
be moved on Report Stage.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I will resubmit it on Report Stage.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: As co-sponsor of this amendment, I will go along with that.
Amendment No. 10 not moved.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 11 was discussed with amendment No. 7. Is the
amendment being pressed?
Senator Joe O’Toole: Not at this time.
Amendment No. 11 not moved.
Government amendment No. 12:
In page 11, subsection (2), lines 34 and 35, to delete “for the purposes of this Act”.
Amendment agreed to.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: I move amendment No. 13:
In page 12, subsection (6), line 9, after “concerned” to insert the following:
“, provided that for the purposes of this section, “religion“ shall not include any organisation
or cult which in the opinion of the Authority is primarily economic in nature or employs
oppressive psychological manipulation of its adherents”.
The purpose of this amendment is to ensure that the protection afforded under the legislation
does not extend to cults which brainwash their members. Cults are a dangerous phenomenon
and our objective in this amendment is to ensure they do not gain from the introduction of
this Bill.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I support Senator Hannigan’s amendment.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I too support amendment No. 13. As I said, I would like the definition
of “religion” to be extended to include humanism, but it is correct to exclude what we know
as cults from this definition.
Senator David Norris: When I made my comments about cults during the debate on amendment
No. 8, I had not registered that this careful limitation was proposed. I assume that some
similar formula will be put before the House on Report Stage, which I will be pleased to
support. A certain amount of rewording may be required but it is a useful proposal. I will
support the reworded series of amendments when it comes before the House.
763
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Deputy John Curran: This amendment reflects an amendment that was submitted by Deputy
Wall for consideration on Committee Stage in the Da´ il. Deputy Higgins also raised concerns
on this matter in the Da´ il. An undertaking was given by my predecessor, the Minister of State,
Deputy Pat Carey, on Committee Stage in the Da´ il, to reflect on the issue raised in Deputy
Wall’s amendment. Having since consulted with my legal advisers, it is accepted that there is
considerable merit in the principle of the proposal that nominally religious organisations which
are motivated by profit, abuse their members or use inappropriate psychological techniques in
retaining or recruiting new members should not be granted the privilege of charitable status.
While I cannot accept the wording of amendment No. 13, I offer a firm commitment to
propose an amendment on Report Stage, the wording of which is being developed in consultation
with the Attorney General, which will achieve the same goal. I thank Deputies Wall
and Higgins and Senators Hannigan, Alex White, McCarthy, Prendergast and Kelly for their
constructive and helpful input in formulating this amendment.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: I thank the Minister of State for his gracious response. We look
forward to his proposal on Report Stage.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 14 was discussed with amendment No. 7. Is
amendment No. 14 being pressed?
Senator Ivana Bacik: In view of the vote on amendment No. 9, which is based on the same
principle, and the comments of the Minister of State, I do not propose to press amendment
No. 14 at this point, although I reserve the right to do so on Report Stage.
Amendment No. 14 not moved.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 15 was discussed with amendment No. 7. Is the
amendment being pressed?
Senator David Norris: No.
Amendment No. 15 not moved.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 16 was discussed with amendment No. 7. Is the
amendment being pressed?
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I will reserve the right to move this amendment on Report Stage.
Amendment No. 16 not moved.
Section 3, as amended, agreed to.
Sections 4 to 6, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 7.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 17 and 27 are related and may be discussed
together. Is that agreed? Agreed.
Government amendment No. 17:
In page 13, between lines 31 and 32, to insert the following subsection:
764
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
“(2) The Revenue Commissioners shall not be bound by a determination of the Authority
as to whether a purpose is of public benefit or not in the performance by them of any function
under or in connection with—
(a) section 207, 208 or 609 of the Taxes Consolidation Act 1997,
(b) section 17 or 76 of the Capital Acquisitions Tax Consolidation Act 2003,
or
(c) section 82 of the Stamp Duties Consolidation Act 1999.”.
Deputy John Curran: This is a technical amendment to be inserted on legal advice. It is
important that the decisions of the new charities regulatory authority be separated from those
of the Revenue in regard to tax matters. It is not appropriate for the new authority to have
any role in such matters, which are the domain of the Minister for Finance and Revenue alone.
Every charitable organisation, as well as having to have exclusively charitable purposes, must
also have a public benefit. The effect of the amendment to section 7 is to remove any doubt
that Revenue will be in any way bound by any determination of the authority as to whether
the purpose of the organisation is of public benefit.
The amendment to section 40 is also of a technical nature. Under the existing wording, it
might be interpreted that Revenue is required to provide all the information it holds for each
organisation deemed to be registered under section 40. Amendment No. 27 clarifies that
Revenue will only have to provide information that would normally be required of charities
registering under section 39 of the Bill.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 7, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 8.
Government amendment No. 18:
In page 13, paragraph (b), lines 37 to 39, to delete all words from and including “or” in
line 37 down to and including “months.” in line 39 and substitute the following:
“(c) dividends paid in respect of such shares, being dividends that are not retained as part
of the property of the trust for more than 12 months, or
(d) any other distribution of cash or assets made in respect of such shares, being cash or
assets that are not retained as part of the property of the trust for more than 12 months.”.
Deputy John Curran: On Report Stage in the Da´ il I introduced an amendment that had been
developed to off-set a possible risk that the Bill, as previously worded, might act as a significant
impediment to conventional securitisation activities. Following further interdepartmental consultation
and discussions with legal advisers since Report Stage, it is considered that a further
technical drafting amendment is required to copperfasten the provision.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 8, as amended, agreed to.
Section 9 agreed to.
765
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
SECTION 10.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 19, 20, 31, 35 and 38 are related and may be
taken together. Is that agreed? Agreed.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 19:
In page 14, lines 22 to 29, to delete subsection (2) and substitute the following:
“(2) Any default in the relationship/agreement between the Charity and the State
Agency/Public body whereby the Charity would be at a loss, would not be counted as such
where the Charity has little or no option but to comply with standards/practices set out by
the particular body. In such a case, the individual trustees/Directors of the Charity cannot be
held liable.”.
I referred to my objective in this amendment on Second Stage. If I recall correctly, the Minister
attempted to answer my concern by reference to insurance clauses and so on in the Bill. I have
since had further communication from the briefing groups, which continue to have concerns in
this area which are not met by the existence of the insurance clause. They are of the view that
this clause does not eliminate the risk for trustees and directors for several reasons. First, the
term “acting in good faith” limits the scope of the policy. If, for example, a charity continues
to enter into agreements with the HSE knowing the HSE will probably default, which happened
in the case of the day centre in Tolka Valley operated by Respond, the insurer can simply
refuse to pay, claiming the director or trustee did not act in good faith. While one might ask
why a charity would continually enter such agreements to deliver much needed services in the
community, charities are forced to enter into agreements with State bodies in such instances.
In other words, they are compelled to take action that might invalidate their insurance. In
addition, it is doubtful whether insurance companies would supply the level of insurance
required in the first place. The insurance companies might experience hesitation in circumstances
where there was a prior indication of a possibility of defaulting.
Second, what would be the cost of such insurance? Considering that Respond, for example,
has developments valued at \45 million, which is a very substantial sum, it would simply not
be in a position to insure against withdrawal of State funding for such developments, which
could happen, especially in the current parlous circumstances. Third, the insurance would not
remove the debt. Charities would still be liable. This could involve substantial sums, perhaps
up to several million euro.
Fourth, the insurance would not remove the potential of a criminal record for the director.
This is a very serious matter. Even if it might just be a technical conviction, it would still be a
criminal record. That would prevent the person going to the United States, for example. The
impact this could have on voluntary directors could be disastrous. Two directors of the Respond
charity are also directors of their family businesses. If criminal proceedings were taken against
them, they would be forced to withdraw as directors from their family businesses. Finally, the
reputation of a voluntary director would be tainted forever if he or she was found not to have
acted in good faith by entering into agreements with State bodies where there existed a high
risk of default by the State body.
For these very practical reasons this amendment should be viewed charitably by the Minister.
Senator Joe O’Toole: I wish to echo the words of Senator Norris. There is an issue of overlegislating
here. The phrasing of our amendment is not the most elegant but we are raising a
serious issue of substance. The Minister will recall a long debate over the past two years about
the decrease in volunteerism at all levels in Ireland, be it political activism or activism in the
766
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
churches, in voluntary bodies, sports bodies and so forth. In an increasing number of cases, the
only way people can protect themselves is by forming companies. Once they form companies
they act as directors and immediately come under the radar of the Director of Corporate
Enforcement. The Director of Corporate Enforcement is extremely diligent. Everything is simply
business. I have the highest respect for the man. He does not have any discretion in terms
of how he does his work. The Companies Act is very clear, and uses phrases such as “trading
recklessly”.
As outlined by Senator Norris, the issue arises when a charity runs into difficulty. I am a
director of a charity which recently sought a grant from a Department. The grant was given on
the basis of our presentation, which included an absolute commitment of money from another
source. It was not a State source, unlike the example given by Senator Norris. The charity had
a clear commitment from a company that it would support administration. On that basis the
charity approached the Department and assured it that none of the grant would be lost in
administration and that all of it would go to the precise objectives of the charity. That was very
attractive to the Minister dealing with the matter.
Unfortunately, one of the companies that had committed its support went bust. This had a
knock-on effect. The amount of money coming from the State was dependent on the initial
amount coming from the private sector. In the meantime, in the context of a business plan and
good governance decisions had been taken and projects put in place, with commitments given
and people employed. Everybody acted in good faith, although some might argue otherwise.
It could be argued that a prudent person might have waited until the money was in the bank
before taking the next steps. That would be bad management but perhaps good governance.
Immediately, there is a conflict.
I believe matters will be sorted out eventually in the example I have given, although all sorts
of movement will be required. That is not to say it will certainly be resolved. However, if
somebody has been employed in good faith or if a project for a building has been signed for
in good faith, the knock-on effect is that these do not proceed. As a result people are out of
work or commitments and contracts are not adhered to, all for the best reasons. Ultimately, a
person in that situation is probably very likely to find themselves convicted of negligence, at
least, or reckless trading, at most. Either way, they will have a criminal record.
A criminal record has huge implications, aside from the two mentioned by Senator Norris.
It can affect one’s credit rating and so forth, which is crucial, particularly at present. One is a
disbarred director. The Director of Corporate Enforcement has no choice but to disbar the
person for five years. One can appeal that to the courts but at that stage one is up to one’s
neck in the law.
There is a serious issue involved here. The Bill will be going back to the other House anyway
and I urge the Minister to examine this amendment. I heard a reference to the Minister’s
remarks in the other House but I do not know if that is the case. However, I know that getting
insurance cover for criminal negligence is fraught with risk. In some cases one cannot do it. In
fact, if one is found to have acted recklessly, which is a criminal offence, there are aspects of
insurance that are declared void at that point. It is a complex matter.
I have no wish to drag out the debate on this. Senator Norris has made the case, as have I.
There is a real and honest issue before us. I do not like the wording of the amendment. I did
not get enough time to draft it. It contains too many sub-clauses and the sentence is too long.
I am anxious to hear the Minister’s views on this in terms of what can be done.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: As Senators Norris and O’Toole said, there is an issue in this area.
We have met with the Respond organisation. I am not sure if it is a matter of legislation or
767
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Jerry Buttimer.]
incorporation but there is a need to examine the matter. There is serious concern among people
about this legislation. I am worried that there will be a reduction in the number of people
opting to become directors of charitable organisations or volunteering. Senator O’Toole mentioned
limited companies. I am a member and director of Bishopstown Community Association,
which is a limited company.
There are organisations who have been given commitments by State bodies — the HSE in
the instance mentioned by Senator Norris — whose funding mechanism has ceased in the
current economic climate. That results in a deficit. The issue requires examination. The Minister
can argue that the different points are dealt with in other sections of the Bill but let us deal
with it now.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: I wish to speak on amendment No. 31 which seeks to insert a
new subsection. The amendment states, “Where the liability of any charitable trustees of a
charitable organisation falls to be considered in respect of any non-compliance with a requirement
imposed by a statutory authority, due regard shall be had to whether the resources of the
charity as appearing on its books of account under this section were such as to enable the
charity to comply with that requirement.” As Senator Buttimer mentioned, we have all been
contacted by various housing associations, including Respond which suggested liability should
be limited where the charity has no funds to comply with the requirements imposed. No one
is seeking absolute immunity, but we seek to achieve a balance with which both sides can live.
Deputy John Curran: I recognise there is an issue, with which I am familiar, and I have seen
and received correspondence on the matter as it concerns Respond. The amendments reflect a
concern that a charity trustee might be held personally responsible for losses that a charity
might suffer where State agencies or a public body do not follow through on an agreement
made with a charity. The Charities Bill does not make charity trustees personally liable for
such losses. Charity trustees are already personally liable for such losses, which is unfair.
Some weeks ago when the Bill was on Report Stage in the Da´ il, we introduced section 89
which allows charities to take out insurance to indemnify trustees from personal liability in
respect of any act done or omitted by him or her in good faith. This approach reflected the
recommendation of the Law Reform Commission and I believe it addresses the matter. I am
conscious that the matter involves the role of directors which is governed by different legislation.
It is impossible to legislate for every specific case. The amendment introducing section
89, which reflects the recommendation from the Law Reform Commission, substantially
addresses this issue.
Senator David Norris: This is precisely the problem highlighted in the submission I made
when I spoke first on this amendment. Those working in Respond, as a result of the discussion
in the Da´ il, were aware of the introduction of the clause. Virtually everything I said indicated
their unhappiness with it. The Minister of State has not responded to their continuing unhappiness.
He has responded very fairly to the initial situation and I accept everything he says in
that regard. However, in my contribution I pointed out that the charities involved believe there
are further difficulties which have not been addressed by section 89. Will the Minister of State
consider the matter further?
Senator Joe O’Toole: Section 89 provides for indemnification for either an individual, several
individuals or the whole board of directors. It deals with acts and omissions and covers matters
relating to negligence, good faith and performance. I will be guided by the Minister of State in
this matter because I do not know enough of the background. It seems certain people within
a given charity could find themselves in difficulty. Is the Minister of State saying that even if
768
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
he were to accept our amendment, company law dealing with liability might move matters in
another direction? I accept there is a strong likelihood of that occurring. I will consider the
matter further and may revert on Report Stage. I will not press my amendment at this stage
as I wish to examine the indemnification matter further, including the normal costs involved. I
will discuss the matter on Report Stage and, in the meantime, compile information, take further
advice and discuss the matter with people in the insurance industry.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: There is an issue with indemnification. There is a genuine concern
pertaining to this among those in the charities sector. This arises later on in the Bill and the
matter raises certain fears. Rather than prolong the debate, I encourage the Minister of State
to revert to the Seanad. Some people have entered into contractual service agreements where
a deficit exists and where there is a failure by the agency in question to deliver financial
outcomes. We must not spoil a good Bill and we must protect those who volunteer and opt in.
There was a task force to consider this matter. If we were to accept the Government line on
volunteerism, it could cause difficulties. We want to encourage people to participate rather
than prohibit them. Will the Minister of State reconsider the matter?
Senator David Norris: I understand section 89 permits a charity to make arrangements for
payments from its resources for insurance and so on, which is a welcome advance. However, it
does not really address several of the points I made and especially the feasibility of obtaining
such insurance. I am not an expert on insurance and my colleague, Senator O’Toole, would be
more closely acquainted with the matter. He played a distinguished role on the Personal Injuries
Assessment Board and knows a good deal about these matters, whereas I am not so familiar
with matters of insurance availability or cost. However, the premium would be related to the
possible exposure of the insuring body. If significant sums were involved, as there might well
be, the premium could be very high. Will the Minister of State reconsider the matter? Like
Senator O’Toole, I table an amendment on Report Stage, although I am sure the Senator will
find a more elegant formula. Like Senator O’Toole, I wish to disclaim ownership, since, to use
the phraseology, I simply bunged it in when I got it.
5 o’clock
Senator Joe O’Toole: We should progress the matter. I recognise the point made by the
Minister of State at the beginning. He has hinted the amendment may be in conflict with
company law and especially the Companies Act 1990, which dealt with reckless trading. I will
put again a question which the Minister of State did not address in his response.
We require a more complete answer. I am concerned that if I move this amendment,
it may be in conflict with existing company law and there may be further
consequences. It would be helpful to tease out the matter further on Report State. I will do
some more research and I intend to discuss it with the Director of Corporate Enforcement and
obtain a view from him. It would be helpful to see where we stand and to establish the position
if this were to be passed. We should have an honest assessment of how it fits in with existing
company law. I do not wish to appear to be an innocent at large. One cannot say that something
which clearly is wrong is right to justify passing a law and that is not what we aim to do. We
aim to ensure people do not find themselves enmeshed involuntarily because of a given law
having acted reasonably and in good faith. Will the Minister of State take further advice and
perhaps we can revisit the issue on Report Stage?
Deputy John Curran: It is acceptable if the Senator wishes to reintroduce the amendment
on Report Stage. However, we should bear in mind some practical considerations. The issue is
not contained or restricted to the Charities Bill. Separate legislation is responsible for the roles
of directors and trustees and this legislation is mindful of that responsibility.
769
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Joe O’Toole: That is correct.
Deputy John Curran: We recognised there was an issue and the amendment made in the
Da´ il was in line with the Law Reform Commission suggestion. I do not wish to give the
impression that directors or trustees of a charity would be dealt with in a substantially different
way, because other legislation already governs that area. If the Senator wishes to revert on
Report Stage, that is fine. That is the background to the issue.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is amendment No. 19 being pressed?
Senator David Norris: No. In most cases, directors of charitable organisations may not receive
any remuneration and they expose themselves to risk without getting any reward and this
should also be borne in mind. I withdraw the amendment.
Deputy John Curran: To clarify the issue, the charity, rather than the individual trustee of
that charity, can pay for the indemnity of the individual.
Senator David Norris: I understand that point.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 20 not moved.
Section 10 agreed to.
Sections 11 to 14, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 15.
Government amendment No. 21:
In page 16, between lines 7 and 8, to insert the following subsection:
“(2) The Minister may, in relation to the performance by the Authority of its functions
under section 39, give a direction in writing to the Authority requiring it to comply with such
matters specified in the direction relating to—
(a) the maintenance of the register,
(b) the collection and collation of information for the purpose of maintaining the register,
or
(c) the entry into agreements with persons, other than charitable organisations, for the
purpose of obtaining such information.”.
Deputy John Curran: It is recognised that the establishment and maintenance of the register
will give rise to costs. The purpose of this amendment is to allow greater flexibility in the future
in terms of maintaining the register of charities. Specifically, the amendment seeks to give the
authority options, once directed by the Minister, to so use material from other relevant electronic
databases, including any that have been or are being supported, in whole or in part, by
public funds, in maintaining the register.
By way of background, over the past two years my Department, with the EU and other
philanthropic sources, has provided funding towards a feasibility study to establish whether it
might be possible to set up a GuideStar Ireland. For those who may be unfamiliar with the
concept, GuideStar is founded upon the provision of an extensive, free, searchable web-based
database of all non-profit organisations in a country. It is constituted as a non-profit entity in
770
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
all the countries where it has been established or is in development, including the USA, the
UK, Canada, Israel and Germany. In the countries where it is established, GuideStars are
regarded as an authoritative source of information about the entire non-profit sector, which
would include the charities sector.
This amendment seeks to ensure there would be no impediment preventing the authority,
under the direction of the Minister, from engaging with external data providers, such as a
future GuideStar Ireland, in relation to the provision of material to assist in maintaining the
register of charities. While there is no certainty that a GuideStar Ireland or similar project will
proceed or, indeed, that there would be any public funding available for such a venture, it
would be remiss for the legislation not to provide for the possibility of such an arrangement,
particularly were it to be the case that public funds had been expended on the potential source
of such the data.
The legal advice to me is that the most direct way to ensure this is to include a provision for
an appropriate direction from the Minister to the authority. I stress that such a direction would
apply only in relation to the maintenance of the register of charities. This amendment will help
to ensure efficiency, value for money and better joined-up government in the future.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 15, as amended, agreed to.
Sections 16 to 31, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 32.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 22 has been discussed with amendment No. 2.
Government amendment No. 22:
In page 22, subsection (2)(c), line 42, to delete “statute” and substitute “enactment”.
Amendment agreed to.
Government amendment No. 23:
In page 22, subsection (2)(c)(i), lines 43 and 44, to delete “statute” and substitute
“enactment”.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 32, as amended, agreed to.
Sections 33 and 34 agreed to.
SECTION 35.
Question proposed: “That section 35 stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I ask the Minister of State to clarify the purpose of this section,
which reads: “The Authority may take such steps as it considers appropriate to consult with
persons whom it considers may be affected by the performance by it of its functions.” I ask for
an explanation of what is meant in terms of consultations with stakeholders. I am particularly
concerned about the part which reads “may be affected by the performance by it of its functions”.
That phrase struck me.
771
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Deputy John Curran: The entire Bill was drawn up on a consultative basis with the sector.
Specifically, one of the areas of concern is that the consultative process would continue in
terms of developing codes of practice and so forth. That is why some of the codes of practice
will not be put on a statutory basis but will be a reserve function of the Minister, based on
ongoing consultation.
Question put and agreed to.
Sections 36 to 38, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 39.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 24 is consequential on amendment No. 25.
Government amendment No. 24:
In page 27, subsection (5), line 26, to delete “An application“ and substitute “Subject to
subsection (6), an application”.
Deputy John Curran: Throughout the development of this Bill through the Houses of the
Oireachtas, we have been consciously looking at ways to ensure that the administrative burden
imposed by legislation does not prove unmanageable, particularly for smaller charities. It is
recognised that upon application for registration, a comprehensive list of documentation must
be filed by charities. The amendment I introduced in the Da´ il to deem existing charities as
automatically registered goes a long way towards alleviating the registration burden for existing
charities. However, while I consider that larger charities in particular should provide the range
of information listed, I recognise that smaller charities or particular categories of charities
might have difficulties in fulfilling this requirement. With this in mind, I commend amendment
No. 24 to the House and the related necessary technical amendment No. 25 under which the
authority, with the consent of the Minister, can reduce the number of documents that particular
charities are required to file. This amendment will be welcomed by such charities and I commend
it to the House.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: It is important that, under this legislation, there is compliance and
proper procedures are in place. However, we must make allowances for training for charitable
organisations to enable them to comply with the legislation. I hope that, as a consequence of
this Bill, there will not be a prohibitive cost to charities in complying with the legislation
because that would defeat the purpose of the law. I know that is not the Minister of State’s
intention but we must make allowances for the need for training for charities to assist them in
complying with the regulation of the sector. I hope that the cost of such training to organisations
will not be prohibitive.
Deputy John Curran: I agree with the Senator. This is something of which we have been
very conscious and hence the acknowledgement of different categories of charities. With regard
to the authority in particular, it is important to point out that it is not just a regulatory authority
but also a supportive one to the industry.
Amendment agreed to.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 25 has been discussed with amendment No. 24.
Government amendment No. 25:
In page 29, between lines 13 and 14, to insert the following subsection:
772
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
“(6) Where, in relation to an application for registration under this section, the Authority
is of the opinion that to require the applicant concerned to comply with certain of the
requirements of subsection (5) would be unduly onerous, the Authority may, with the
consent of the Minister, exempt that applicant from having to comply with those requirements
when making the application.”.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 39, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 40.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 26 has been discussed with amendment No. 2.
Government amendment No. 26:
In page 31, subsection (1)(a), line 7, to delete “1997,” and substitute “1997, and”.
Amendment agreed to.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 27 has been discussed with amendment No. 17.
Government amendment No. 27:
In page 31, lines 14 to 18, to delete subsection (2) and substitute the following:
“(2) The Authority may request the Revenue Commissioners to provide it with all such
information in the possession or procurement of the Revenue Commissioners, relating to
a charitable organisation to which subsection (1) applies, as the charitable organisation
would be required to provide to the Authority were it making an application under
section 39.
(3) Notwithstanding any enactment or rule of law, the Revenue Commissioners shall
comply with a request under subsection (2).”.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 40, as amended, agreed to.
Section 41 agreed to.
NEW SECTION.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 28 and 29 are related and may be discussed
together.
Senator Joe O’Toole: I move amendment No. 28:
In page 32, before section 42, to insert the following new section:
“42.—It shall be an offence for a person or body to act or purport to act in furtherance of
charitable purposes as defined in this Act, whether or not the word “charity” or any derivation
of same is used in connection with such person or body, without such charitable
purposes having been registered under this Act, where the Authority is satisfied, on the
balance of probabilities, that the person or body so acting or purporting to act is not acting
in furtherance of any such charitable purposes.”.
773
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I wish to speak to amendment No. 29. The Minister of State and his
officials are well aware of the issue of the scam involving pre-signed mass cards, which are
sold in shops. Companies sell mass cards to newsagents, purportedly signed by priests, often
missionaries from abroad. I compliment the Irish Missionary Union, particularly Father Moran,
on his work on this issue. The cards are sold for varying prices, the average in the shops being
\4, while the priests who signed them may not receive anything at all, or may receive just a
few cent from the proceeds. In certain known cases, the priest has been dead for a number of
years. We are talking about profiteering. People who buy mass cards do so under the assumption
that the mass is being said for the deceased person and that the missionaries or priests
involved receive some or all of the proceeds. I know from talking to people in the shops that
stock these cards that they do believe those selling the cards are a bona fide charity. Thus,
there is a problem in this area.
I appreciate it is difficult to find a way to deal with this, but the reasoning behind the
amendment is that we need to bring clarity to the area of mass cards in a way that can address
the problem with regard to the organisations selling them, who are purporting to be fulfilling
a charitable purpose but who are in reality not doing so. I ask the Minister to come back to
this on Report Stage.
It is important that we acknowledge the work of the Irish Missionary Union in highlighting
this issue. In England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland there are provisions in the charities
legislation to cover commercial enterprises engaging in such activities. I look forward to
hearing what the Minister has to say on this issue. We need to take into account the fact that
such activities are occurring. We could put numerous examples on the record of the House but
I will not delay the House in this regard. I hope we can find a way to tighten up matters.
Senator Joe O’Toole: I support the amendments on behalf of Senator Mullen, who is not
here, but I have serious reservations about both amendments. I have visions of some body or
other chasing around Africa to see whether Dr. Livingstone is still alive and saying masses. I
agree with the points made by Senator Buttimer; it is not my intention to disagree in this
regard. I can see that there is a scam associated with mail and so on that we receive, but I do
not think this is the way to deal with it. I honestly believe this. There are too many things that
are vague. It should be a criminal act to mislead people in this way. However, it is covered by
the legislation as it stands. The products are not fit for purpose, so it is already an offence. If
somebody knowingly sells something that is other than what it purports to be, it is an offence
under the current law, and I do not think another item of legislation is required. That is not to
say, however, that I disagree with the points made by Senator Buttimer. I completely agree
with the points made by the Senator and by people who have written to me about this issue.
It is an issue that should be dealt with from a consumer point of view. It is very unfair that
people are misled and exploited in this regard and it should be dealt with, but I honestly do
not believe this is the best way to do it.
Senator David Norris: I have a problem with the whole business of buying and selling spiritual
matter, as it seems to me to be——
Senator Joe O’Toole: Simony.
Senator David Norris: ——close to simony. That is exactly what I was going to say. The
selling of indulgences was one of the things that started off the Reformation. I have bought
such things because, although I do not approve of it theologically, I respect the feelings of
other people, particularly when they are grieving. Sometimes people are comforted by having
a mass said, and I respect this. What one wants to do as a human being is to give some degree
774
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
of solidarity, support and comfort. I am aware of the fact — it is pretty disgusting — that there
is an element of scam involved in some of these things, and it is insulting. The Church itself
should move to regulate this as much as possible.
In instances when I do acquire these mass cards, I go to the little church off Grafton Street,
in Johnson’s Court. Is it Whitefriar Street?
Senator Joe O’Toole: Clarendon Street.
Senator David Norris: Clarendon Street. I thank the Senator. I am never terribly comfortable
with shops in churches. This is not just a matter for one religious denomination; I go to St.
Patrick’s every Sunday and we have a shop inside——
Senator Joe O’Toole: Money changers.
Senator David Norris: Exactly. The Senator anticipated me. I said to them several times that
if I was attacked by religious fervour I would go after them with a whip and whip the money
changers out of the temple. Actually, they sell rosary beads and all the rest of it. It is really
quite a flagrant money-making exercise, but at least the money goes to the church and towards
sustaining the architectural fabric in a situation — this is not directly related to the Charities
Bill, but there is a connection — in which the State, under the Constitution, appears to be
precluded from supporting these remarkable pieces of our cultural and architectural heritage.
I go to Clarendon Street because I know it is a reputable place and because it has a rather
better standard of card. Quite apart from the fact that these cards may be signed by dead
priests in India, some of them are revolting aesthetically. They are lurid beyond belief. They
would really put one off the entire thing. Clarendon Street, I am glad to say, has a dignified
style. I get the ones that have a little black cross. They do not have all these——I will not even
describe them, but I am sure people know what I am thinking of.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Senator’s conscience must be at him.
Senator David Norris: My conscience is often at me. I do not think these cards have the
slightest effect. It is exactly the same, as far as I am concerned, as Lourdes and Fatima and
such places. I do not believe the Blessed Virgin Mary has appeared in these places.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: No, no.
Senator David Norris: I do not, but I respect them, because I think they are holy places.
They are sanctified by the suffering and the prayers of the people who go there. I will not go
on. I will tell Senator O’Toole privately what I think about this. Let it be a reserved sacrament.
Deputy John Curran: I am glad the Senator has decided to have some private conversations.
Section 46 of the Bill makes it an offence for charitable organisations that are not registered
to portray themselves as charities. On Report Stage in the Da´ il I strengthened the provision,
with a particular focus on the practice of door-to-door collection of second-hand clothes and
bric-a` -brac, which was a cause of genuine concern to many people. I have received numerous
complaints from the public about such collections, as have Members of both this and the other
House. I made it an offence to cause the public to reasonably believe that an organisation is a
charity, irrespective of the terminology used by the organisation in its leaflets and so on. By
that I mean that it does not explicitly have to use the word “charity”. The amendments strengthened
the provision and greatly limited the scope for non-charitable organisations to suggest to
the public that they are charitable in nature. This will in turn help the public to distinguish
between genuine charitable collections and non-charitable collections. While I introduced it
775
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Deputy John Curran.]
specifically to deal with door-to-door collections, it will also deal with the issue of mass cards,
because if somebody is giving the impression they are selling mass cards for a charity and it is
not charitable, it will be dealt with accordingly.
The issue of mass cards has come up time and again and has exercised Members of both
Houses. I have been backwards and forwards in consultation with numerous legal advisers to
obtain a form that is acceptable and manageable, and we will bring that in, as I indicated
earlier, on Report Stage. For this reason, I cannot accept the amendments.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
SECTION 42.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is amendment No. 29 being pressed?
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On that——
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The amendment has already been discussed with amendment No.
28.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I am just going to explain what I intend to do in light of what the
Minister has said.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: We have discussed this amendment already.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I am just going to say——
Senator Joe O’Toole: On a point of order, the Senator can let this go and immediately
afterwards speak on the section.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I am learning every day. I will withdraw the amendment for
Report Stage.
Amendment No. 29 not moved.
Question proposed: “That section 42 stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I take cognisance of what the Minister said. I appreciate that it is
getting late and we have been here all day. However, this is an important issue. I do not agree
with Senator Norris, by the way, regarding the apparitions at Lourdes and Knock.
Senator Joe O’Toole: Let us not open up that again. We should stick with Ireland for the
moment.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: It is important to mention in this context that we have faith and we
are all entitled to that. I do not agree with the Senator. The Minister of State’s amendment to
strengthen the Bill is probably a good one. We need to introduce an offence for those who
purport to be collecting for charity, as is the case here. Go raibh maith agat.
Deputy John Curran: We will deal specifically with the Mass card issue on Report Stage.
Question put and agreed to.
Sections 43 to 46, inclusive, agreed to.
776
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
SECTION 47.
Government amendment No. 30:
In page 40, lines 48 and 49, to delete subsection (11) and substitute the following:
“(11) This section does not apply—
(a) to a charitable organisation that is a company,
(b) to an education body, or
(c) in relation to a centre for education designated by the Minister under section 10(4)
of the Act of 1998.”.
Amendment agreed to.
Amendment No. 31 not moved.
Section 47, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 48.
Government amendment No. 32:
In page 41, lines 34 and 35, to delete subsection (6) and substitute the following:
“(6) This section does not apply—
(a) to a charitable organisation that is a company,
(b) to an education body,
(c) to a charitable organisation in respect of a financial year in which its gross income
or total expenditure is less than—
(i) \10,000, or
(ii) such greater amount, not exceeding \50,000, as may be prescribed,
or
(d) in relation to a centre for education designated by the Minister under section 10(4)
of the Act of 1998.”.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 48, as amended, agreed to.
Section 49 agreed to.
SECTION 50.
Government amendment No. 33:
In page 43, lines 17 and 18, to delete subsection (13) and substitute the following:
“(13) This section does not apply—
(a) to a charitable organisation that is a company,
(b) to an education body,
777
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
(c) to a charitable organisation in respect of a financial year in which its gross income
or total expenditure is less than—
(i) \10,000, or
(ii) such greater amount, not exceeding \50,000, as may be prescribed,
or
(d) in relation to a centre for education designated by the Minister under section 10(4)
of the Act of 1998.”.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 50, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 51.
Question proposed: “That section 51 stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Joe O’Toole: I wish to draw attention to section 51. I must declare a conflict of
interest as I chaired the audit review group on behalf of the Government about five or six
years ago and I am also a member of the audit and accounting supervising authority of the
board of the same.
I draw the attention of the House to the demands and requirements under section 51. I
thoroughly approve of every one of them but I wish to stress in particular that it confers
upon the auditor an extreme level of independence and a requirement of independence and in
subsection (1)(d) it also gives the auditor the authority to seek explanations and statements
from past or present charity trustees in doing his or her work. I want to park it until I come to
my next amendment but I will refer back to it. The requirements of an independent auditor
are crucial and I approve of every one of them. Anyone dealing with auditing would have to
approve of every one of them. They reflect very well the role of the auditor. People often think
that because it is a charitable organisation, the demands of governance might in some way be
less stressful. If ever there was a place to stress test, it is in a charitable organisation because
they often deal with dry money and coins. It is necessary to have more demanding structures
and strictures in place in a charitable organisation. Any large charitable organisation will have
a large audit committee and probably an independent chairperson. Systems will have been put
in place to ensure the money is collected, banked, counted and dealt with in appropriate ways.
The independent auditor is someone who must be remote and independent of all those issues.
Deputy John Curran: I acknowledge the contribution of the Senator. I will respond to the
specific point at the later section.
Question put and agreed to.
Sections 52 and 53, agreed to.
SECTION 54.
Government amendment No. 34:
In page 45, subsection (1), line 15, to delete “any rule of law” and substitute “any enactment
or rule of law”.
Amendment agreed to.
778
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Section 54, as amended, agreed to.
Sections 55 to 63, inclusive, agreed to.
Amendment No. 35 not moved
Section 64 agreed to.
Section 65 agreed to.
SECTION 66.
Question proposed: “That section 66 stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Joe O’Toole: I have a problem with this section. There is a flaw in it which needs to
be looked at. This is an important section that deals with the report of the inspectors and who
might have access to it. The authority may, if it considers it appropriate, furnish a copy of the
report on request and on payment of such fee as may be prescribed to a number of different
people, one of whom would be a trustee of the charity, a person whose conduct is referred to
in the report or the auditors of that charitable organisation, etc.
It is incorrect to charge for the report a person whose conduct is referred to in it. It certainly
is contrary to common law and it certainly impinges on the principles of natural justice to do
so because a person is entitled to see what charges are made about him or her. It is singularly
inappropriate where, for example, I am being investigated by an inspector, as could happen,
even on issues we need not refer to now but which could include everything from immoral acts
to all manner of other things, and a report is made on me.
A real-life parallel situation occurred last week. The Moriarty tribunal was required to
provide a copy of its interim report at no cost to every single person mentioned in that report.
We are doing the very opposite in this section. We are requiring the payment of a fee. I do not
oppose the charging of a fee in certain cases. I refer to subsection (3)(b)(1) where it might be
reasonable to charge a fee in such an instance. The person mainly involved, however, has an
entitlement and should not be charged. I see no difficulty with charging the auditors I have
significant problems with charging the next three people listed because this goes against
Government policy and other legislation.
When the Committee of Public Accounts was dealing with offshore accounts and the prudential
behaviour of the banks in the earlier part of the previous decade, one of the problems that
became exposed was that people did not know what was going on. The Central Bank did not
know what the Revenue Commissioners knew. The Revenue Commissioners did not know
what someone else knew. The regulation dealing with the Office of the Director of Corporate
Enforcement deals with this in a number of places. What normally happens is there is a memo
of understanding between the two groups, for example, between the Central Bank and the
Revenue Commissioners or whatever. This is not the point I am making but there should be a
free flow of information. In another part of the Bill there is a requirement if one thinks something
is criminal to pass on the information, and that is very good. However, in this instance
there could be a piece of information to which the Revenue Commissioners, the Director of
Public Prosecutions or the Central Bank might wish to have access. As a matter of principle,
if those bodies require it, they should not be required to pay for it. I do not think it is a
sustainable position to hold. Those three who are acting for the public good and also the person
whose conduct is referred to in the report should not pay. I await the Minister of State’s view.
779
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Deputy John Curran: This point has been brought to my attention before. It is not a statutory
requirement that these agencies be charged. It is by way of regulation of the Minister. Rather
than describing the precise nature of who might be charged and the rate of charge, it can be
done by way of regulation. I do not envisage other State agencies being charged.
Senator Joe O’Toole: The Minister of State is correct. I should have added a question to it.
I see that subsection (3)(b) states a payment of such fee as may be prescribed by regulation. I
recognise that and there is no imperative in the regulation that there would be a fee but that
there could be a scale of fees. Will the Minister of State clarify that it would not be intended
in the regulation to charge the body or a person who is the focus of the investigation?
Deputy John Curran: The reason it is covered by regulation is that it is the first time a new
system will be in place. Rather than trying to identify the recipients who might want the information,
the regulation would allow a degree of flexibility. It would not be envisaged that there
would be charges for one Government agency getting information from another in this regard.
It was felt that putting this into primary legislation would tie the hands of those involved.
Senator Joe O’Toole: I accept that.
Question put and agreed to.
Sections 67 to 69, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 70.
Government amendment No. 36:
In page 55, subsection (1)(b), lines 15 and 16, to delete “Minister for Enterprise, Trade
and Employment” and substitute “Director of Corporate Enforcement”.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 70, as amended, agreed to.
Sections 71 to 73, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 74.
Government amendment No. 37:
In page 57, subsection (4), to delete lines 24 and 25.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: This amendment was also tabled by Senator Joe O’Toole.
Senator Joe O’Toole: In my 20 years as a Member of the House, this is the first time I have
seen the Government’s asterisk on one of my amendments on the list, as normally my amendments
are copied into other ones. I appreciate the positive news it conveys to me.
The reason I put down this amendment related to the role of the charity trustee and, in light
of my earlier comments, the auditor. I saw a conflict in the Bill, as drafted, where it allows for
a charity trustee to also be a charity’s auditor. With the provisions in section 51, it would allow
a charity trustee, or his or her trustee colleagues, to receive a statement from himself as auditor,
an obvious conflict of interest. It also conflicts with the requirement of independence on the
part of an auditor.
780
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
The Committee of Public Accounts is dealing with an auditing issue where there was too
close an arrangement. In a perfect scenario, a charity would have an audit committee and an
auditor. The audit committee would be chaired by an independent board member. For example,
the chair of the audit committee for the Commission of the Houses of the Oireachtas is an
outsider, not a member of the commission. He deals directly with the external auditor, in this
case the Comptroller and Auditor General, without the presence of the Clerk of the Da´ il, the
quasi-Secretary General.
The optics are important in such cases, as we have learned from the FA´ S matter in recent
weeks. It is important that the auditor is not in any way involved as a trustee, director or other
position. The independent auditor should be able to produce reports without contact with
anyone in the charitable organisation. No registered auditor would agree to the way the Bill
was drafted in that he or she could be a charity trustee and auditor at the same time.
Deputy John Curran: The issue that led to amendment No. 37 was raised by Senator O’Toole
on Second Stage. Since then I reflected on it and consulted several people. I endorse Senator
O’Toole’s sentiments that a charity trustee should not audit his or her charity. This is reflected
in section 187 of the Companies Act 1990, under which an officer or a servant of a company
must not also be its auditor. Although we both proposed the same amendment, there may be
an element of cross-purposes involved. Ultimately, however, the outcome would be the same.
The original reasoning behind including an auditor as a charity trustee in section 74 was not
to allow charity trustees to audit their own charities but rather to provide that where an offence
occurred within a charity and an independent auditor of the charity concerned was a party to
the offence, the independent auditor would be regarded as a charity trustee in terms of having
committed an offence under the legislation.
On reflection, I have considered that this has the potential to place an unreasonable burden
on independent auditors, who are already subject to high standards of regulation. I thank
Senator O’Toole for bringing forward the amendment.
Senator Joe O’Toole: I thank the Minister of State and his advisers for dealing with this
matter that I raised on Second Stage. The amendment strengthens the Bill.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 74, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 75.
Amendment No. 38 not moved.
Question proposed: “That section 75 stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Given what has happened with the Broadcasting Bill, with the Minister
for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, Deputy Eamon Ryan, and the FA´ S
debacle, would it not be wise that we take away the power from the Minister to appoint
members to the charity appeals tribunal and establish a new body to appoint them? I fully
support the need to have on the tribunal those from a legal background and with experience
in areas of expertise relating to charities. I do not mean to be disrespectful but we do not have
career civil servants who have worked in charitable organisations and it is important we bring
in people with this experience. It is important we recognise their work and use their years of
experience. Will the Minister re-examine how members of the tribunal are appointed?
781
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Deputy John Curran: The background criteria for appointment of members to the appeals
tribunal is laid out in the legislation. Should they be appointed by the Minister or another
body? At this stage, people are saying we have enough other bodies and it should be a direct
appointment. However, this would be done within the specific range of experiences mentioned
in legislation. The section states that two members of the tribunal “shall be persons who ...
have experience in areas of expertise relating to charities.” I acknowledge the Senator’s point,
but it will be by ministerial appointment and for those who meet the criteria.
Senator Joe O’Toole: I agree with the Minister of State’s point on ministerial appointments.
However, the point raised by Senator Buttimer must be addressed in another way. We have to
think differently in this regard. If this were in the UK, a public advertisement for an appointments
process would be taken out, as one often sees in the British broadsheets. The other way
has been dealt with in this committee before. I am not asking that this be done now although
it could be examined. The Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government,
Deputy Gormley, is examining the powers and functions of Seanad E´ ireann in another context.
There is a requirement in modern democracies that the establishment of a tribunal such as that
would be washed through a committee or structure. I would go halfway between the points
made by Senator Buttimer and the Minister of State. I would leave the appointment with the
Minister because we do not need another body to do it, otherwise we would be back in the
same problem, but it could be overseen perhaps by a committee of the Houses. The Government
accepted a report two years ago suggesting that people appointed to public bodies could
come before a select committee of this House. That would keep it away from the Da´ il in the
sense that it would be less political. People could show their form and put on record what the
Minister of State is talking about.
Regarding FA´ S and the Committee of Public Accounts, one would ask the chair of that
board what stress tests he or she would set up after taking it over to ensure it was working
properly? That would mean that people must do their work beforehand and be committed to
it. I am not proposing that but I would like greater awareness of that approach to deal with
the legitimate and valid points raised by Senator Buttimer. That would also protect the Minister,
who could act clearly in moving forward in this way.
Deputy John Curran: I do not disagree with Senator O’Toole and I have an open mind
on the operational procedures that would effect the appointment. Nothing is set in stone in
that regard.
Question put and agreed to.
NEW SECTION.
Government amendment No. 39:
In page 59, before section 76, to insert the following new section:
“76.—(1) The Minister shall, with the consent of the Minister for Finance provide the
Tribunal with such and so many staff as he or she considers appropriate to perform the
functions of a secretariat to the Tribunal including staff who while assigned to perform those
functions are also assigned to perform similar functions on behalf of one or more other
bodies (other than the Authority) established by or under an Act of the Oireachtas.
(2) The Minister shall, with the consent of the Minister for Finance provide the Tribunal
with premises in which to perform its functions and, if the Minister and the Minister for
782
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Finance consider appropriate, such premises may be premises that are occupied by one or
more other bodies (other than the Authority) established by or under an Act of the
Oireachtas.”.
The amendment emerges from the desire to ensure the new regulatory regime operates in an
efficient way, allowing for sharing and pooling resources where possible to ensure value for
money and to avoid unnecessary duplication. In this context, it is recognised that there are
already in existence a number of appeals structures across several regulatory regimes and that
it may be possible for the new charity appeals tribunal to avail of existing resources and facilities
in carrying out its statutory role, which would reduce overheads and lead to a more streamlined
process. This amendment provides for that possibility and is consistent with the principles
of regulating better.
Amendment agreed to.
SECTION 76.
Question proposed: “That section 76, as amended, stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Given the decentralisation project, is it known where the location
of the headquarters will be?
Senator Brian O´ Domhnaill: Cork.
Senator Joe O’Toole: The Minister of State should just say that it will be Cork.
Deputy John Curran: I could be smart and say that it will be Clondalkin, but it is not known.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I was hoping it would be Cork. I appeal to the Minister of State to
locate it in Cork.
Deputy John Curran: Let us get through the legislation before the operation. I do not know.
Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 77.
Senator Joe O’Toole: I move amendment No. 40:
In page 60, lines 26 to 29, to delete subsection (2) and substitute the following:
“(2) The Tribunal may, where it considers that in the particular circumstances of a case it
is appropriate to so do;
(i) conduct part or all of its proceedings in private;
(ii) make an order directing that the identities of all or one or more of the parties to an
appeal shall not be disclosed.”.
I raised this matter on Second Stage. There is an equal and opposite argument to what I will
say. This amendment deals with appeals that could touch on matters of public morality, lawfulness,
terrorist activities and activities contrary to public morality. Most of these matters are
subject to an appeal. Section 77 states: “Subject to subsection (2), proceedings before the Tribunal
shall be conducted in public.” No flexibility is allowed. There are numerous instances in
the Bill where we are required to keep matters confidential. An issue that could be part of
783
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
[Senator Joe O’Toole.]
appeal documentation will be required to be confidential. In the course of an appeal held in
public, there will be reference to documents that are partly confidential. It will be like the
tribunal at Dublin Castle, where there are blacked out bits of the document in order to conduct
the appeal. One cannot conduct proceedings in such circumstances because one may need to
reference the blacked out parts if they are core to the point being investigated. It causes an
unnecessary conflict.
Having said that, I argue against myself for a moment. The approach in these appeals and
tribunals and the tone of freedom of information is that we should govern and work behind a
pane of glass or in total transparency. I have never agreed with that although it is a nice thing
to say. One cannot do all one’s business in a transparent way behind a pane of glass. There are
times when one cannot maintain the spirit of the legislation and be required to do it all. The
term used is “shall”, not “may”, with which I would be more comfortable.
Beyond that, I have been in a number of situations where appeals dealt with legislative
matters and the legislation was silent on whether the appeal should be public or private. In
those cases, what has been done reflects what is suggested in my amendment. One does not
lose control of the whole thing if my amendment is accepted, one can decide what parts to
hold in private. It does not deal with the outcome. Whichever way the proceedings are held,
there will be a public statement and an explanation of the finding. Everything can be done
but flexibility can be maintained in order to deal with it in a confidential way. That is the
general principle.
When I tabled this amendment, the Minister had not conceded the earlier point. I refer to
the damage that could be done to an auditor, whose life was concerned with auditing. This
could not happen in the situation where the trustee is being investigated, but I want to examine
other people who might be there. Senior people in a number of charities came under public
scrutiny and as stories started flushing through the place it is very hard to recover from them.
If this is to be held in public, the minute an investigation into Joe O’Toole for issues of public
morality hits the headlines, one does not need to read the second paragraph on reputation. It
is all over. It would not matter if one was completely exonerated, in the public image would
be the front page story that the Minister of State, Deputy John Curran, was involved in something
in his private capacity. We have a duty in this regard.
Two weeks ago, we heard a member of the Supreme Court articulate his frustration at the
way courts were reported in the newspapers — he referred to all newspapers. Judges cannot
control reports and they have extraordinary powers to stop reportage. There would be no
powers here. As well as the damage done to personality, one loses control. There is an all day
sitting, with a reporter sitting there, and he or she reports what he or she wants to, which is
what is news worthy, interesting, sexy and sells papers. The Minister of State and I have discussed
that area in other contexts. The Minister of State is put in a straitjacket. Whether he
accepts my amendment — there may be better ways of dealing with it — the word “shall”
should be replaced by “may”. I am arguing against my amendment, which I tabled to get the
discussion going. If “may” was inserted, the way the tribunal does its business would have to
be covered by regulation and approved by the Minister. It comes back to the Minister. Before
the tribunal begins an investigation it must have a process, and that process must comply with
the principles of natural justice and be acceptable in terms of fair play, equity and various other
concerns. That process is regulated by the Minister. I cannot remember under which section
that is, but I read through it. At that point the tribunal would decide that aspects of a case
should be held in private or that it would do an entire investigation privately to avoid condemning
a person on day one. That happens regularly. This week in the FA´ S case there was a person
784
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
under investigation and a person under suspension. This was kept confidential until he chose
to make it public. The Minister’s tribunal could not do that.
I hope I have made a plausible and convincing case that this is not simple, that “shall” is
definitely too strong and that the half-way point is the word “may”. I would like to hear the
Minister’s view on it. I will accept the Minister’s stance on this and will not call a vote because
I do not feel I have all the wisdom on it. However I have a fair amount of experience on it.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I will not dwell on Senator O’Toole’s point, but it is important to
strike a balance here. We can argue the merits and demerits of “shall” versus “may” but it is
important that we protect people. Senator O’Toole correctly said we do not want spin put on
certain events that may transpire later, but we must allow for the protection of people. None
of us condone wrong-doing or irregularities, but we must protect people. I would like the
Minister to take a middle, balanced approach to this matter.
Deputy John Curran: I have given serious thought to this issue. One of the key principles of
the Bill is to improve transparency for the benefit of the public regarding the operation of
charities. Accordingly, section 77 requires the charity appeal tribunal to hold its hearings in
public. I have given this much consideration. In particular circumstances where privacy is considered
to be an issue, the Bill provides that the tribunal may, where it considers appropriate,
order the identities of the parties to the appeal not to be disclosed. Senator O’Toole wants to
go further than that, so I have sat down and considered it. I will try to explain it simply. We
have that aspect of it and, as Senator O’Toole said, we have parked the issue of the auditors.
We are trying to keep transparency and confidence in the sector. Having moved on the issue
of the auditors, and having the section which allows the tribunal to order that the identities to
the appeal should not be disclosed, I do not intend to accept the amendment. I have given it
considerable thought and do not claim to have all the wisdom. I take Senator O’Toole’s point
and I know exactly what he is trying to achieve. However, it is a balance between achieving
one thing and not losing sight of what we set out to try to do, namely, to provide the transparency
which would give confidence to the sector.
Senator Joe O’Toole: I accept the Minister’s good offices in this matter. He raised it with
me, so I know he has given it much consideration. While I do not fully agree with the Minister,
the points he made are correct and I cannot argue with them. I acknowledge the fact that the
name of the person can be kept confidential and we have taken the auditors out of it; they are
two issues of significance. I will not push this to a vote. It is important to put it on the record
and that the officials have given it consideration.
A very important part of this legislation is that it is forced to review itself after a couple of
years and that this issue and how it worked under this heading would go straight into that
process, so we can keep an open mind on it as we go along. It should be stress tested as we go
along and if we find a weakness, it can be changed. I am happy to do that, but we should have
an awareness of the importance of this aspect.
I am not sure if the Government is taking a decision on a privacy Bill. Most Cabinet members
are in favour of one, although they may never have the gumption to take on the newspapers.
I was reared in a house where my father always maintained that the two pieces of legislation
lacking in this country were one to give transparency and one to give privacy, and that they
should balance each other. That is important. I accept the Minister’s argument and thank him
for considering it. I ask him to give me a commitment that it will go into his records in the
Department that this issue should be stress-tested over the next number of years.
785
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Paddy Burke: I support Senator O’Toole on this important issue. I agree with
Senator O’Toole that this issue could be examined when the review happens in five years time.
There are ways around it. There could be a clause that specifies that a person could have the
option of having his or her investigation done in private. Some matters may be very sensitive
and if a person has a very good case, he or she may not mind its being in public. There is much
merit in Senator O’Toole’s suggestion that this can be observed over the next five years.
Deputy John Curran: I do not at all disagree with what Senator O’Toole said, but the point,
in trying to bring the legislation forward, is to strike the appropriate balance. We are trying to
maintain transparency and confidence in the sector and, at the same time, we have made
specific provisions that the identities do not have to be revealed and, more importantly, on the
associated issue of the auditor being involved, which was previously addressed. On balance, I
want to leave things as they stand. The mandatory five year review exists because the area is
quite complex. Obviously, this particular issue regarding “may” and “shall” will be reviewed
as part of that, but the balance remains as it is.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 77 agreed to.
Sections 78 to 87, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 88.
Amendment No. 41 not moved.
Question proposed: “That section 88 stand part of the Bill.”
6 o’clock
Senator David Norris: This deals with agreements with charities trustees. I am not sure if my
point is appropriate here; if not, perhaps the Minister or his advisers might advise me where it
might come in. It is the question of payments to people collecting on the streets, for example,
and payments to executives. I think that would be covered. I would like to see
some percentage limit placed as a matter of course on charities. A sum not above
a particular percentage should go to administration. I have great admiration for
people who work for charities, but there have been situations where a disproportionate amount
of collections went to pay the people doing the collection on the street. They were hired help.
Is that appropriate? Will the Minister consider that? It may not be directly relevant but there
was a question of payment to employees and so on. People are much more likely to give if
there is a proviso to the effect that 90% of the money obtained goes directly to the front line
services. I participated in a big fund-raising event for a cross-cultural Israeli-Palestinian effort
about this time last year and I made a point that every euro went directly to it. Nothing came
out in terms of expenses and so on. Will the Minister comment briefly on that?
Deputy John Curran: I certainly will comment. I do not disagree with what the Senator is
trying to do, and that is the reason we have the review, but I am not sure if the type of
information the Senator wants would enable the charities to continue in their current format.
The charities will make annual financial returns that will give an indication of the level of
funding going to the charitable cause versus that going towards administration costs and so on
but they will not have people standing on a street with a box saying 88% or 92% goes to the
charity, if that is what the Senator is trying to achieve. For those who are interested in whatever
the charity might be, that type of information will emerge over time because those reports will
786
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
be published. If we want to develop it from there, the opportunity exists to do that but we will
be collecting that type of data.
Senator David Norris: I understand that and I will not push the matter, but I ask the Minister
to keep this issue under review because I am not thinking in terms of putting information on
the boxes. I am thinking in terms of making a statutory limit, even on a figure like 50%,
because it is absurd to collect money, more than 50% of which does not go to the charity.
What are they collecting for otherwise? I know many people who prefer to give directly to
the charity.
Deputy John Curran: I would prefer if 100% of the collection went to the charity but that is
not the reality. On the returns that will be submitted, we will capture the particulars of all
professional fund-raising agents, consultants engaged etc. The Senator made the point about
50% of the money not going to the charity. We probably do not have sufficient information
available to determine that. That is an arbitrary call. Why not make it 70% or even 30%. Best
practice will emerge over time, and that is the way we are proceeding. I do not disagree with
any of the Senator’s points but as I have said repeatedly, this legislation is to regulate what is
currently happening in this area, and we will move forward from there.
Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 89.
Question proposed: “That section 89 stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Jerry Buttimer: On the section, I want clarity on an issue concerning organisations,
such as Respond, that enter into contractual agreements with Government agencies like the
Health Service Executive. There is a reference to indemnity insurance in the Bill but we need
a commitment that voluntary directors or trustees will not be caught up in a situation where
Government agencies, city councils or county councils renege on commitments given. We must
have a clearer commitment than that.
Deputy John Curran: We dealt earlier with the point that arose concerning Respond. We
amended it on the recommendation of the Law Reform Commission. I would make the point
that we cannot have trustees and directors who are involved in charities being treated somewhat
differently from the way the law already treats them. There is a substantial amount of other
law that deals with the roles and responsibilities, but what we did do, which did not exist
previously, was allow an indemnity system specifically for the trustees of these charities. It is
not necessarily for the individuals to pay for themselves; it can be funded through the charity.
It is an important aspect because as we sit here, there is no such possibility for them.
Question put and agreed to.
NEW SECTION.
Government amendment No. 42:
In page 65, before section 90, to insert the following new section:
“90.—Where a charitable organisation is dissolved, the property, or proceeds of the sale
of the property, of the charitable organisation shall not be paid to any of the members of the
charitable organisation without the consent of the Authority, notwithstanding any provision
to the contrary contained in the constitution of the charitable organisation.”.
787
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Amendment agreed to.
SECTION 90.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 43 is in the name of Senators Hannigan, Alex White,
McCarthy, Ryan, Prendergast and Kelly. Amendments Nos. 44 and 51 are related and may be
discussed with amendment No. 43. Senator Hannigan is not in the Chamber. Is the amendment
being moved?
Senator David Norris: I will move it formally on his behalf so that he can return to the issue
on Report Stage.
An Cathaoirleach: Does Senator Norris have his permission to move the amendment?
Senator David Norris: Yes.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 43:
In page 68, line 7, to delete “shall” and substitute “may”.
Senator David Norris: May I speak on the general idea behind it?
An Cathaoirleach: Yes.
Senator David Norris: I want to ask one question of the Minister but it may be more appropriate
to the section. I will be guided by the Cathaoirleach on this. On the reference to Chief
Superintendent and so on, in the past two days, as is my wont coming from my house to here,
which is a short distance, there were three national charities collecting on both occasions. I
support all of them. One was Concern, one was for a children’s hospital and the other the
Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children. They were wearing their uniforms and so on
and were clearly visible. They were delightful people. Some of them were Trinity students but
I did not give any of them a euro because I object to three national collections being held on
the one day. In the old days it used to be one. How can one possibly survive that? In the space
of 100 yards I counted 20 people. One could not get past them. It was an ambush. I know the
practice of begging has been examined by this Government and there is legislation prepared
but the position is unbalanced. There used to be a national flag day devoted to the Royal
National Lifeboat Institution, RNLI, another of the charities collecting the other day, and one
was aware of that but they had it to themselves. There were not three or four charities collecting
on the same day. This is craziness, and it will not do any good for the commercial centre of
Dublin. I am sure the Minister noticed swarms of them competing in Grafton Street.
I am not inimicable to the objectives of these charities. By and large the people were nice
and polite. One of them told me I was looking frightfully smart. That is their way of trying to
engage one in conversation and when they have one hooked, they try to squeeze money out
of one. I give quite a lot of money to charity; I am not stingy. I receive appeals from them with
photographs of people starving. My heart bleeds for them and I might send them a cheque for
\50 but it is met with a response thanking me and including even more gruesome photographs
of people with their bellies hanging out, and one has to send them more money. I do not mind
doing that because it is my decision, but I do not like to be ambushed on the street. I can put
up with being ambushed by one person but I do not like having to run the gauntlet of three
official collectors in their uniforms on the same day, in addition to all the Romanians, the Big
Issues collectors and the individuals with one leg or whatever.

Senator Jerry Buttimer: I concur somewhat with what Senator Norris said, particularly on
the integrity of the flag day. In my city of Cork, Share collect in the week leading up to
Christmas. On the Friday or Saturday of a St. Patrick’s weekend, COPE Foundation collect.
We should adhere to the principle that there should be only one flag day per area. That might
not be manageable, and I might be shooting myself in the foot saying this given the large
number of charities that want to operate and collect. In the context of what Senator Norris
referred to, in the cities of Cork, Dublin, Waterford, Galway or Limerick, only one charity
collection per day should be allowed. I do not object to charities collecting. I have collected on
flag days. It is important those who contribute are recognised as charities.
However, I object to people standing at traffic lights in parts of Dublin and Cork with
Squeegee mops and buckets to wash windscreens or selling The Big Issues. I hope, as a consequence
of the legislation and greater liaison between the Garda and the new regulatory
authority, certain on-street practices, which are detrimental to genuine charities, will be eliminated.
As Senator Norris said, they are losing out.
Deputy John Curran: I will deal with the latter issue in the next group of amendments
concerning sealed boxes, which also includes amendment No. 51 in the name of Senator
Buttimer.
Amendments Nos. 43 and 44 aim to allow the Chief Superintendent to refuse a permit,
including in circumstances where he is of the view the collection is likely to be undertaken in
an inappropriate manner. Members of the public have concerns over methods used by some
collectors. It is not right and it does not show the charities in a positive light for collectors to
act in a way that upsets the public. That is one of the reasons I am working with the sector to
develop non-statutory codes of practice on charitable fund-raising. We are trying to bring order,
transparency and regulation to a long-standing activity. It is not my intention to regulate by
means of primary legislation, although the Minister has reserve functions. We have dealt with
charities in a spirit of partnership and co-operation and if codes of practice address the issues
raised by Members, that would be my preferred option. Those discussions will go ahead. Chief
Superintendents currently have considerable scope in issuing permits if they feel they will
adversely affect the public. The scenarios outlined in the amendments are not necessary
because they can refuse permits and, more important, the issues of multiple collections and so
on should be dealt with in the codes of practice.
Senator Paddy Burke: Will the Minister of State explain what is a non-cash collection permit?
Does it involve paying by cheque or credit card? I cannot think of many collections other than
those conducted door to door where non-cash payments would be made.
Deputy John Curran: Non-cash collections typically are conducted door or door or on the
street and involve people signing up to a direct debit or standing order. Money is not put in a
box and it is a long-term donation.
Senator Paddy Burke: Does that cover a local GAA club a draw where people sign a banker’s
order during a door to door collection?
Deputy John Curran: No.
Senator Paddy Burke: How does it differ?
Deputy John Curran: The regulation applies to charities and not every organisation that
fund-raises will be a charity. That distinction needs to be made. Organisations and bodies that
are not charities——
789
Charities Bill 2007: 4 December 2008. Committee Stage
Senator Paddy Burke: The Minister of State is ruling out the amendment passed by the
House earlier.
Deputy John Curran: The Senator needs to read the amendment. Political parties are not
charities but they engage in fund-raising. They are subject to the various regulations and they
need permits and so on to collect. However, they are not covered by the charities regulations.
In other words, a local GAA club is not precluded from holding a fund-raising event.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 44 not moved.
Section 90 agreed to.
SECTION 91.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendment No. 46 is a technical alternative to amendment No. 45 and
amendments Nos. 48, 49 and 51 are related. Therefore, they may all be discussed together
by agreement.
Government amendment No. 45:
In page 70, to delete lines 5 to 10 and substitute the following:
“(a) a collection box into which money is placed shall bear the number assigned in respect
of the collection and specified in the collection permit concerned and shall, unless the Authority
otherwise directs as respects the collection concerned, be sealed in such manner as will
prevent access to money placed in the box while the seal remains in place;”.
Deputy John Curran: The Bill is designed to enhance the security of both cash and non-cash
collections and ,thus, bolster public confidence. To this end, it currently provides that cash
collectors must use a sealed box. This was intended to address the open bucket method, which
can give rise to concerns over the security of the collection. However, this raised concerns
within the charity sector, which were reflected in the contributions of Members on Second
Stage last week, in the Da´ il and in these amendments. The concern was that the provision did
not accommodate collectors giving change to donors where fixed price tokens were sold. While
the legislation is intended to enhance security, it is not intended to unduly hinder collectors or
to discourage potential donors from purchasing a token because the collector cannot provide
change. The approach needed was to allow for exceptions to be made to the sealed box rule
without compromising the general principle underpinning it. I thank Members and sectoral
representatives for their constructive input to this matter. I propose the amendment I agreed
with the Office of the Attorney General be accepted. This will allow the authority discretion
in applying the sealed box provision, which is the principle underpinning the amendments.
Senator Joe O’Toole: The Minister of State’s amendment meets what I was trying to achieve.
I sought a provision to allow access to the box while it was sealed. Collectors for charities that
sell emblems, daffodils and so on for a fixed amount may need to give change and genuinely
need access to the box. I thank the Minister of State for taking this concern of a number of
charities on board.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I thank the Minister of State for his amendment because this provision
exercised many charities. I pay tribute to the Irish Cancer Society and other charitable
organisations that raised the issue with us and put forward practical solutions. I will withdraw

my amendment on the basis that the rationale behind the Minister of State’s amendment is to
eliminate the difficulty that would have arisen had the Bill not been amended.
However, by being prescriptive, the Minister of State had posed a problem for charitable
collections. It was not his intention but it would have been a major disservice to charities if an
amendment was not made. The operation of such collections has changed. A few years ago,
following the broadcast of “Who Wants to be a Millionaire” on television, charities launched
“Who Wants to be a Thousandaire”. Daffodil Day is one of the best organised charity events
nationally. We all readily subscribe to this cause and its emblem. For example, earlier this week
there was a holly day for the ISPCC. It is important to move away from the concept of floats.
While I would have preferred the Minister of State to accept our amendment, I will not press it.
Senator Paddy Burke: I compliment the Minister of State for tabling the amendment because
there was considerable concern about this issue. Many charitable organisations have done
tremendous work over the past number of years. Senators O’Toole and Buttimer mentioned
Daffodil Day and the Irish Hospice Foundation. Organisations at home have helped to put in
place a scanning machine for my county hospital and the various flag days throughout the
country do tremendous work. I compliment the Minister of State on bringing forward this
important amendment.
Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ : I, too, welcome the Minister of State’s decision in responding
so generously to the concerns we raised on Second Stage. He has also reflected in that decision
the charities that have been mentioned by Senator Buttimer and others, which do such great
work with a whole army of volunteers throughout the country. This makes it workable for
those people to continue with the charitable fund-raising they are already doing.
Deputy John Curran: I thank the Members. I was only made aware fairly late in the day that
this was an issue. I am no different from anybody else. I walk down Grafton Street and elsewhere
and see the boxes for the daffodils and so on. I could easily and instantly recognise the
issue. The problem was to try to address it in a way that still protected what we had in the
sealed box. The whole idea of regulating charity was to enhance its operation, so it had to be
dealt with in that regard. If nothing else, it indicates that the whole aim in the Bill is to try to
protect and not diminish what is happening at present in terms of how the various charities
operate. I am glad the amendment is being accepted.
Senator Joe O’Toole: I thank the Minister of State for being so open to making this move.
While perhaps they are extraneous, I have some points to make. This question stresses the
importance of a bicameral legislature, where issues can be picked up as they go from one
House to the other. As the Minister of State said, this issue was not brought to his attention,
nor to that of most Members. This is very useful for those charities, as were some of the
changes considered earlier by the Minister of State.
The Minister of State should tell his friends to watch what is going on in these Houses. If
somebody is not watching, errors and omissions can happen. One of the problems is that the
work of the Legislature is not reported. All we read about what is going on in the Houses
relates to the rows, the smart quips and all the rest. However, if people do not know what is
going through in terms of legislation, it will hurt those who must try to get changes made
afterwards. There is a case for an Oireachtas channel so people can follow what is happening
in these situations, dull and boring as it might be.
I thank the Minister of State and his officials for dealing with those issues.
Amendment agreed to.

Amendment No. 46 not moved.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 47 and 50 are related and may be discussed together.
Government amendment No. 47:
In page 70, to delete lines 19 to 24 and substitute the following:
“(d) a collection box shall bear the name and registered number of the charitable organisation
on behalf of which the collection is being made in a prominent and clearly legible
manner.”,”.
Deputy John Curran: The Bill currently provides that charities must have the name and
registered number of the charity on the collection box for cash collections, and on the garment
worn by a non-cash collector. In addition, charities are required to display the charitable purpose
in the same way. The sector has made some representations to the effect that were the
charitable purpose to change, for example, were a charity to hold a collection in respect of a
national disaster in one country followed by another collection in respect of another disaster
in another country, under the Bill as currently defined it would have to purchase new garments
or collection boxes, which would give rise to additional costs.
As I am ever mindful of the need not to impose additional compliance costs on charities, I
propose to remove the requirement to show the name of the charitable purpose, though the
charities would still be required to display their names and registered numbers. Without making
it too specific, the name of the charity and the charity number must remain but not the particular
purpose because that can vary and the charity would have to replace boxes, garments
and so forth.
Amendment agreed to.
Amendments Nos. 48 and 49 not moved.
Government amendment No. 50:
In page 70, to delete lines 32 to 40 and substitute the following:
“(i) in the case of a non-cash collection on behalf of a charitable organisation, bears the
name and registered number of the charitable organisation in a prominent and clearly legible
manner, and”.
Amendment agreed to.
Amendment No. 51 not moved.
Question proposed: “That section 91, as amended, stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Paddy Burke: With regard to the publication of bank account details, including the
name and number to which the contributions are made, is this advisable? The account details
would be there for the public at large to see, which may not be in the best interest of the
charitable organisation. I question why it should be made public. People will make their
donations in any case, regardless of whether they know the bank account details.
Senator Maurice Cummins: Senator Burke has made a very good point, particularly in this
day and age when there is much fraud relating to bank accounts. The Minister of State might
explain the displaying of bank account details if that is what is meant in the Bill. I would
certainly have reservations about showing the bank account details of any of the charities.

Deputy John Curran: We should not take this out of context. The part concerning making
banking information available applies where the contributions are to be made in a non-cash
manner. For example, if one is paying a direct debit, obviously one knows the details of one’s
own bank account but not the details of the other bank. Without trying to make it too complex,
it is in that context.
Question put and agreed to.
Sections 92 and 93 agreed to.
Amendment No. 52 not moved.
Sections 94 and 95 agreed to.
Question proposed: “That Schedule 1 stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Minister of State made a remark earlier on the inclusion of local
authority members. It is important we would desist from the practice of excluding members of
local authorities from boards, tribunals and authorities. If I heard the Minister of State correctly,
he said they would not be debarred from being included. While I may be wrong, if not,
I hope the Minister of State has not changed his mind. It is important we allow councillors to
be part of the democratic process separate from being members of local authorities. They have
much to offer and many of them are involved in charitable organisations. We deliberately did
not put down an amendment to force a vote on this today. However, it is important we have
recognition of their role. If I heard him correctly, I welcome what the Minister of State has said.
Senator Paddy Burke: I support Senator Buttimer. The Minister of State at the outset said
he was extending the composition of the board and that he would not prohibit local authority
members from being members of the board. I compliment him on taking account of what we
said on Second Stage. We never sought that they would be members of boards but we certainly
do not want one group prohibited from being on the board. I compliment the Minister of State
on those two issues.
I mentioned on Second Stage that I felt the Garda Sı´ocha´na could play a major role in this
Bill and that a member of the Garda Sı´ocha´na should be a member of the board. Gardaı´ have
a great deal to offer as they know more about these organisations than the vast majority of the
public. It is a matter the Minister of State could examine. He did not mention it at the outset
when he spoke about local authority members. I welcome the decision the Minister of State
has made not to preclude local authority members from being members of the board and the
fact that the board will be extended.
Senator Maurice Cummins: How many members will be on the board? A minimum of four
is mentioned in the Bill. Along with my colleagues, I welcome the fact that the Minister of
State will not preclude members of local authorities from becoming members. This has been a
constant theme in the legislation we have seen coming through the House in the past number
of years. Local authority members are treated as second class citizens. Even if they are the
most suitable people to deal with a subject, they are debarred from becoming members of
various boards.
In the Harbours (Amendment) Bill which the House discussed recently, a board will be
reduced from 12 to eight. I am sure if we had a member or two of local authorities on the 17
member board of FA´ S we might not have the problems we do with the board of FA´ S at
present. I am glad the Minister of State will not preclude members of local authorities from
becoming members of this board if they are suitable persons. I am sure many of them are

[Senator Maurice Cummins.]
involved in charities throughout the length and breadth of the country. The people in local
authorities work from communities that in most instances are involved in charitable work. I
welcome the Minister of State’s decision in this regard.
Senator Labhra´s O´ Murchu´ : That local authority members were being precluded on a continuous
basis from State boards and other statutory bodies could be wrongly interpreted as
responding to a caricature of local authority members which had been promoted by certain
people and some sections of the media. This was most unfair because anybody familiar with
the work of local councillors will know full well that they have particularly good experience.
This experience and expertise was being denied to a board.
Although not in the worst sense, it almost seemed racist in a way to set out specifically to
preclude somebody simply because that person served on a local authority. It did not do public
life any credit or justice. I am delighted with what the Minister of State has done in this
legislation and I hope other Ministers respond accordingly. Now, more than ever, we need this
experience. I often felt that when the health boards went out of existence, we lost the conduit
to the public which was particularly important. We see it with the HSE to some extent. I will
not set out to HSE bash because I know it is a complex issue. However, we can see a breakdown
in communication with the public occurred because of the centralisation of the authority of
the HSE.
With the health boards, people were able to make an approach to a local authority member
who, with a telephone call or immediate approach to an official within the health board, was
able to allay the fears of the person who approached him or her. It is important that we put
down a marker at this stage that whatever wrong interpretation was there, it was not the
intention to in some way demonise local authority members and it is difficult to find justification
for precluding them simply because they are members of a local authority.
Senator Camillus Glynn: I compliment the Minister of State, Deputy Curran. I have discussed
with him the matter of local authority members not being precluded. He has applied the good
common sense he invariably displays in his dealings not alone as a Member of the Da´ il, but in
his role as Minister of State, which is not common in many cases. He gave me an indication
and assurance that as far as he was concerned there would be no debarring section in this Bill
in terms of precluding local authority members.
Senator O´ Murchu´ is absolutely correct. Many Bills have been passed with this provision
and I am not here to defend anybody who has included such a provision. It is an outrageous
assumption.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Senator voted for it.
Senator Camillus Glynn: It is an outrageous assumption. The right place——
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Government voted for it in the Harbours (Amendment) Bill.
Senator Camillus Glynn: It is never too late to do the right thing.
An Cathaoirleach: We are moving on with the Charities Bill.
Senator Maurice Cummins: The Government can still do it in the Harbours (Amendment)
Bill.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Senator cannot come here and vote against something and speak
out in favour of it.

Senator Camillus Glynn: Perhaps we can bring in some plasticine or building blocks to amuse
Senator Buttimer while the rest of us make a contribution.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Senator cannot be two-sided.
An Cathaoirleach: Senator Buttimer please.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: But he is——
An Cathaoirleach: No interruptions please.
Senator Camillus Glynn: Nobody interrupted Senator Buttimer. He should have a little consideration.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Senator Glynn has no consideration for the Irish people. None
whatsoever.
An Cathaoirleach: Senator Buttimer please.
Senator Camillus Glynn: I compliment the Minister of State. He was true to his word. He
promised me that he would not include a debarring section with regard to local authority
members and this is what he did.
I, along with the Cathaoirleach, was a member of a health board for many years and I decry
and bemoan the fact that local authority members are no longer on visiting committees.
An Cathaoirleach: This is the Charities Bill, not the health boards.
Senator Camillus Glynn: I accept that but I am making a point. When members of a local
authority met constituents who were residents of nursing homes, they were a friendly face and
a conduit to the outside world. It is a pity that this has been lost. I compliment the Minister of
State on what he did in this case.
Senator Donie Cassidy: I join Senators in thanking the Minister of State. We have had a long
hard day working in the House on this important Bill. This is an important section which allows
public representatives who have a wealth of experience and who are the people’s choice to
participate as members of any board on which a Minister of the day thinks they have the
expertise to be able to assist the board members. Members on all sides of the House have
fought hard for this and I wholeheartedly welcome it.
Senator Terry Leyden: I thank the Minister of State, Deputy John Curran. I debated this
issue on Second Stage and put forward a good argument with regard to the exclusion rather
than the inclusion of any qualified person whether a barrister, a garda, a councillor or a teacher.
By right, they should be considered. The Minister of State and I met at the parliamentary party
meeting and I communicated the information to my councillors throughout Ireland and
received a tremendous response to the idea that the Minister of State was considering this
move. Now he has confirmed that he will ensure that councillors will not be——
An Cathaoirleach: Has Senator Leyden written to them yet?
Senator Terry Leyden: I have.
An Cathaoirleach: Very good.
Senator Terry Leyden: I thank the Cathaoirleach. I received a good response. I received a
response from a councillor in Cork who told me she was delighted with the decision of the
Minister of State——
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Bill has not even been passed yet.
Senator Terry Leyden: She pointed out to me that all her life she has been collecting and
working for charities and she——
Senator Maurice Cummins: Did Senator Leyden tell her that he voted against her membership
in the Harbours (Amendment) Bill?
Senator Terry Leyden: She is not interested in the Harbours (Amendment) Bill.
In an e-mail which I received from her today, she stated this would be a great breakthrough.
It is a great breakthrough for all Members of the Seanad because we have argued this case. It
was raised at parliamentary party level and agreed by the Fianna Fa´ il Parliamentary Party that
there would be no exclusion of councillors. Deputy John Curran is a Minister of State with a
very bright future. If, at some stage in his career, he ever has——
An Cathaoirleach: On the Charities Bill.
Senator Terry Leyden: I am being charitable about it.
An Cathaoirleach: I understand that but we are on the Charities Bill now and we have been
here for a long time.
Senator Terry Leyden: I thank the Minister of State. He is a person who makes a decision
and sticks by it. I am delighted to be associated with this because I spoke on Second Stage and
I am glad the Minister of State agrees with this side of the House because we are the Government
and we have influence.
Senator Maurice Cummins: Senator Leyden voted the local authority members off the harbours
board and Aer Lingus.
Senator Terry Leyden: As I stated the other day, we are not Trappist monks. We have not
taken a vow of silence on this side of the House.
An Cathaoirleach: Does the Minister of State wish to respond on Schedule 1?
Deputy John Curran: I gave an indication at the outset of the debate of some of the amendments
I intend to bring forward on Report Stage. I did so to be helpful and to prevent delays
to the proceedings, which proved to be quite protracted in any event. Members expressed
concerns about the provision whereby councillors would automatically be precluded from membership
of the authority. In this regard, I was asked for the precise number of members of the
authority. That has not been finalised but, as I indicated today, the number will be no less than
nine and no more than 15.
I pointed out that I envisage the authority will have a supportive as well as a regulatory role.
In that regard, I envisage that there will be several sub-committees. It is in this context that I
am looking at the total make-up of the authority. Apart from the regulatory function, I want
it to play an active supportive role. That is something we are currently examining.
I apologise for upsetting Senator Buttimer.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I assure the Minister of State that I am not upset. It is important, in
devising the composition of the board of the authority and its sub-committees, that cognisance
is taken of the fact that charitable organisations have vast experience. Given that today’s debate
was largely consensual, it is disingenuous of Senator Glynn to lampoon Members on this side
of the House. Let us not forget that Government Members voted against amendments to the
Harbours (Amendment) Bill 2008.
An Cathaoirleach: We are not discussing the Harbours (Amendment) Bill. We are discussing
Schedule 1 to the Charities Bill.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Let us call a spade a spade.
Senator Terry Leyden: The debate on that legislation is not over.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: It was Senator Leyden who said that Members on that side of the
House were not Trappist monks. Will the Minister of State give recognition to the role of local
authority members by making provision for their inclusion in the membership of the board?
Will he ensure that the majority of board members are from the charitable organisations? We
must learn the lesson of what happened at FA´ S and in the case of political appointments to
other bodies. This authority must not become a card-carrying cumann for Fianna Fa´ il and the
Green Party.
An Cathaoirleach: That is not relevant.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: I am referring to the provisions of the Charities Bill. The Bill relates
to the activities of a vast array of organisations which come under an umbrella body which has
done great work. I pay tribute to those efforts.
Senator Terry Leyden: Does Senator Buttimer recall the appointment of Garret Fitzgerald
to the board of RTE?
Senator Maurice Cummins: Senator Buttimer has covered most of what I wished to say.
Charity begins at home, and that is certainly true as far as Fianna Fa´ il and the Green Party are
concerned. Rather then precluding members of local authorities, I hope the Minister will go
the whole hog and provide for the appointment of a local authority member to the board,
whether from the Local Authority Members’ Association, the General Council of County
Councils, the Association of County and City Councils or the Association of Municipal Authorities
of Ireland. Perhaps the Minister will consider the inclusion of an amendment to that
effect on Report Stage.
Question put and agreed to.
Schedule 2 agreed to.
Title agreed to.
Bill reported with amendments.

Thursday, December 04, 2008

Order of Business - 4th December 2008

Order of Business - 4th December 2008
Senator David Norris: I also feel very strongly about this point and I mentioned it to Senator O'Toole who indicated to me that he intended to take it up. He has quoted from the relevant section of Standing Orders. I have been a Member of this House for 21 years and I have never experienced this before. It is an extraordinary departure not just from the rule book of the House but from the traditions of the House. At the very least, we are entitled to an explanation of this matter from the Leader because it is a very serious matter.
If a vote is called on the Order of Business, on what will we be voting? Will we be voting on the Order of Business for today or agreeing the business for tomorrow? Where will it end? Will we start to have the business for the whole of next week as well? This is a very big mistake and I cannot understand why the Order of Business should be foreclosed in this manner.

Senator Maurice Cummins: I agree with Senators O'Toole and Norris. Standing Orders make it abundantly clear that the Leader must order the business of the day on that particular day. Under Standing Order 16, we will have to have an Order of Business tomorrow.
Senator Eugene Regan: We had a situation last week relating to specific items concerning EU legislation which were taken with and without debate. Confusion arose as to what was agreed, as if what was suggested was determinative of the Order of Business on the subsequent Thursday. The Leader must be more clear on what exactly is being agreed. In my understanding, we are agreeing the Order of Business of today per the rules. Senator O'Toole is right.
Senator Alex White: I agree with that.
An Cathaoirleach: There is precedent for putting down a motion stating, "notwithstanding anything in Standing Orders".
Senator Joe O'Toole: A Chathaoirligh, I listened to the Leader very carefully and he did not say "notwithstanding anything in Standing Orders". There is a precedent in that there was a day when this was done before, but the precedent was never challenged and I am challenging the procedure now. It was incorrect the last time and it is incorrect this time. The Leader has put the Cathaoirleach in an awkward position. This is one step away from coming in on Tuesday and ordering the business for the week with no further Order of Business. This was never contemplated by Standing Orders. It goes against the finest traditions of the House. I ask the Leader to respect the traditions of the House and demur from his proposal to deal with tomorrow's business.
An Cathaoirleach: The Leader should bring a substantive motion to the House as part of today's Order of Business.
Senator David Norris: I think that would be wrong. There may have been a precedent but I do not recall it even though I have been here for nearly every day's Order of Business for the past 21 years. I am sure you, a Chathaoirligh, have been correctly advised on that so I am not impugning that advice, but there is no reason to follow a bad precedent. What is this attempt to close down the Order of Business? There is resistance from the Leader-----
Senator Donie Cassidy: That is not so.
Senator David Norris: Yes, there is resistance from him to the expansion of the Order of Business and I have never fully understood that.
Senator Donie Cassidy: On a point of order. I do not interrupt anyone and this is my first time to do so. I discussed this with the leaders' group last Tuesday. I have open consultation with them every week on all the business of the House and no one told me they would have a difficulty with this.
Senator Joe O'Toole: I ask the Leader to withdraw that immediately.
Senator Donie Cassidy: Senator O'Toole informed me he objected in the strongest possible terms. First, this is the norm in the Dáil. Second, it has been done before in the Twenty-third Seanad. The House will sit for the next three Fridays and it is an effort to start business with the Minister of the day. There are three other days' sittings when we will take Adjournment Matters and other matters of importance.
If an urgent matter arises between Thursday morning and Friday morning, as the leaders know, I would not be reluctant to allocate time to have it brought to the attention of the House, under the stewardship of the Cathaoirleach. Tomorrow there will be an all-day debate on the economy, which every Member has requested. As we all know, it is a serious challenge to the whole nation and to the Government. On one of the other Friday sittings we will deal with Second Stage of the Finance Bill, a huge Bill that will come before the House for consideration. On the other Friday, two Bills will be brought before the House. If there were only one other sitting day during the week, I would accept that is unreasonable, but I do not believe it is unreasonable when there are three other sitting days that allow for nine Adjournment Matters to be raised in total over the Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday.
I arranged business in this way so that we would all get out of here by 4 o'clock or 5 o'clock on Friday evening. Some colleagues have to go home to Waterford, Kerry and Donegal and, if possible, it would get them home by midnight. That is the spirt in which I am doing this. To have the Minister for Finance present in the Chamber for two out of those three Friday sittings is of the utmost importance.

If the Committee on Procedure and Privileges does not have to meet, I will put the correct wording to the House 30 minutes after the Order of Business. Colleagues at the group meeting knew that this was what I was proposing to do this week.
Senator Joe O'Toole: And we objected.
An Cathaoirleach: I will suspend the sitting for ten minutes and ask the party leaders and Whips to meet. If necessary, we will bring a substantive motion to the House to announce tomorrow's business today.
Senator Donie Cassidy: If I include the word "notwithstanding", will that cover us this morning?
An Cathaoirleach: No, we must introduce a motion to announce tomorrow's business.
Senator David Norris: As the Leader indicated, he interrupted me; therefore, I am entitled to finish. He does not usually do so; he is courteous. At least, we managed to squeeze out a reason. We understand the Minister for Finance is under considerable pressure and has great demands on his time but Ministers are servants of the House, not masters, whatever the circumstances.
What worries me more is the constant pressure exerted on the Order of Business. We are told about time considerations but we started nearly ten minutes late, according to the clock in the Chamber; therefore, it cannot be a matter of time on a day such as this. We should be very careful before we close this important aspect of our business, when significant matters are raised in the House. I have always felt passionately about the Order of Business and have sought and obtained extensions to it. Members of the Leader's party think it is important but it has been opposed at the Committee on Procedure and Privileges and I understand the opposition has come from the Leader. We should not close the most significant element of our business.
Senator Donie Cassidy: On a point of information, we extended the time allowed for the Order of Business.
Senator David Norris: After the exertion of much pressure.
An Cathaoirleach: My decision is that we will suspend the sitting until 11.05 a.m. The party leaders and Whips will meet until then.

Senator David Norris: I ask the Leader for clarification on an issue. I did not hear him mention a sos during the debate on the Charities Bill.
Senator Donie Cassidy: There will not be a sos.
Senator David Norris: That is very unfair. A small number of us will be here working throughout the day on this Bill and, by and large, they are the same people who put a great deal of effort into this area. I have invited in a group of people for lunch. I am not making the point that I am entitled to eat. I will happily work through any hours but I do not like to be discourteous to people I have invited here on the assumption that we would follow the usual tradition. I do not understand this niggardliness with regard to the way in which we are treated. I appeal to the Leader to provide for a sos during this debate because we all put in the work and we are entitled to be treated with the minimum of respect.
I want to raise another issue, which is serious. It is a matter I have down on the Order Paper and concerns the case of Pamela Izevbekhai, the Nigerian woman who is currently under threat.

I asked the Leader last week if he would be prepared to make time for this resolution to be passed. It states that Members of the House did not envisage this kind of action when they passed the relevant legislation. I know that many Members on the Government side feel exactly the same and feel as strongly as I do about this.
I met Pamela Izevbekhai yesterday. She is under very considerable nervous strain. She is scheduled to be deported on 10 December. What an extraordinary way for us to celebrate Christmas, namely, by issuing an order for her deportation back to a country where the lives of herself and her children are very clearly in danger.
I am extremely disturbed by another aspect of this matter. Last week I received a very nasty and racist anonymous letter enclosing an article from one of the Murdoch-owned newspapers. Both the letter writer and the article suggested that her claim for asylum was fraudulent on a number of bases, including the allegation that she had lived in the United Kingdom for two and a half years. This is completely untrue. I have seen affidavits and proofs, including affidavits from her employers, her parish priest and the kindergarten which her children attended, that she was in Nigeria during that time.
I am a member of the National Union of Journalists and, having spoken to some journalistic colleagues, I understand that a journalist was apparently contacted by "a source in immigration", who made these inaccurate statements available to the journalist. It was not the journalist who contacted the source. I would like this matter to be inquired into. Is it appropriate that sources within immigration, paid officials of this State, should leak false allegations to the newspapers during a period when apparently this House cannot discuss it because we are told it is at the European Court of Human Rights for a determination of process?
An Cathaoirleach: The point is made.
Senator David Norris: No, it is not made. This woman's child has died - it bled to death.
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator should-----
Senator David Norris: I want to finish this because I must put it on the record. Even if it means that you have to expel me, I will do it.
An Cathaoirleach: I do not want to expel the Senator.
Senator David Norris: I have a statement from a senior Nigerian politician who says that if this woman goes back, there is a very strong likelihood that her influential family will have her kidnapped at the airport and she will not be seen again.
An Cathaoirleach: That is a matter for the Adjournment, when the Senator would get an explanation from the Department, if he wished to do that.
Senator David Norris: I do not think I will. I want an explanation now and I want the Leader to take up this matter, particularly the question of the leak.
I also put on the record that the United Nations Development Fund for Women doubted if ordinary police would take action against family members who are trying to force a woman to undergo female genital mutilation. There is no federal law, there is some local law, against it but no one has ever been charged or arrested for this. We are relying on verbal assurances from the Nigerian Embassy. This is exactly what we did with regard to Shannon. I heard a most disgraceful intervention by somebody from the Nigerian Embassy who compared Pamela Izevbekhai's inability to defend her child, who then died despite her best efforts, to child abuse and paedophilia. That was most disgraceful. This woman requires to be protected.
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator has the point well made. We are on the Order of Business.
Senator David Norris: It is a clear case of violation of human rights and it is being stood over by the institutions of this State. I at least want to protest and there are decent people on the Government side who want to do the same.

Senator David Norris: Will the Leader answer my question please?
Senator Donie Cassidy: What was that?
Senator David Norris: Will he raise the issue of the apparent leak with the Minister?
Senator Donie Cassidy: Yes, I will. My apologies but I forgot that point. I will convey it in the strongest terms possible to the Minister's office immediately after the Order of Business. It is a serious matter that has been brought to the attention of the House by Senator Norris, who outlined his views with considerable knowledge.

Housing Miscellaneous Provisions Bill 2008 - Committee Stage Debate - 3rd November 2008

Housing Miscellaneous Provisions Bill 2008 - Committee Stage Debate 2008
Senator Ivana Bacik: I move amendment No. 33:
In page 17, subsection (4)(e), line 27, after "alternative" to insert "and appropriate".
The purpose of the amendment is to ensure "appropriate" is inserted after the word "alternative" to ensure accommodation would be not only alternative but appropriate to the household. It is not a large amendment, but it is sensible to make the provision to ensure accommodation is specifically appropriate to the needs of the household. It is a qualification of the existing word, but it does not change in any way the thrust of the section.
Senator David Norris: I support the amendment.
It seems eminently sensible that accommodation should be tailored to the needs of the person or persons seeking it.
Minister of State at the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government (Deputy Michael Finneran): This amendment is unnecessary because the requirement to have regard to alternative accommodation appropriate to the household's needs is adequately reflected already in paragraph (e) as drafted, that is "the availability to the household of alternative accommodation that would meet its housing need;". In those circumstances, I ask Senator Bacik to withdraw her amendment.
Senator David Norris: I wish to comment on that response, although I will, of course, defer to Senator Bacik if she wishes to withdraw her amendment. The Minister of State has expressed a very minimalist view. The phrase "meet its housing need" does not really carry the force of "appropriate". The response is a little bit grudging. Has the Minister of State accepted any amendments so far?
Deputy Michael Finneran: Yes, I was very generous on my previous visit to the House.
Senator David Norris: I cannot quite recall the detail. How generous was the Minister of State?
Deputy Michael Finneran: The record will show that I was generous.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I ask the Minister of State to indicate that he might at least consider accepting this amendment and that we might resume our discussion on it on Report Stage. As Senator Norris has said, to reject this amendment is somewhat grudging. While the terms of subsection (4)(e) clearly specify that the alternative accommodation would meet the housing need of the household, to say it also would be "appropriate" to that need is an important qualification.
Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.
Senator Ivana Bacik: It does not alter the tone or main thrust of the provision but gives it a nuance which would be important for particular households in seeking accommodation.
Senator David Norris: I wish to give a clear and specific example, if I may. I knew of a young man who had various difficulties. He had been subjected to aversion therapy because he was gay. His family was from rural Ireland and was very harsh in that regard. He was seriously distressed by this but, with great courage, pulled himself together. He was allocated a flat in the inner city which certainly met his housing needs. However, some of his neighbours learned of his sexual orientation and made his life a misery. They put excrement through his letter box, tried to burn him out, stole his post and so forth. Eventually I managed to get him accommodation in a sheltered housing complex in Donnybrook which transformed his life.
This is precisely the kind of case that would be addressed by Senator Bacik's amendment. The authorities could clearly say his housing needs were met in that they provided him with an adequate flat which had a kitchen, shower, bedroom and so forth. However, because of the hostility of his neighbours, the accommodation did not prove to be appropriate. He moved into a complex largely occupied by old ladies and got on like a house on fire. They adored him and he was great at doing bits and pieces for them.
That is an example which puts a human face on the issue. It may seem like a slight amendment with which the Minister of State need not bother but Senator Bacik has hit on an important point here. I ask the Minister of State to reflect on the case history I have given in considering this amendment. Of course, he does not have to say "yea" or "nay" now. He can always say he will think about it and we can do battle again on Report Stage.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I am grateful to Senator Norris for providing a very pertinent example of the sort of situation where the authority might be meeting housing needs objectively but, in fact, those needs are not being met in an appropriate way. I ask the Minister of State at least to consider taking on board our comments and revert to the issue on Report Stage. I would be very grateful if he would do so. It is part of the process of debate in this House and I would be grateful if rather than rejecting the amendment out of hand, he might indicate his willingness at least to consider the need for this extra nuance to the provision.
Deputy Michael Finneran: The purpose of the entire section is to ensure needs are met appropriately. This is the essence of why we are changing the way needs are assessed. Therefore, the word "appropriate" is superfluous in subsection (4)(e). We are changing the law to accommodate all situations.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is the amendment being pressed?
Senator Ivana Bacik: Yes.
Amendment put and declared lost.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I move amendment No. 34:
In page 17, subsection (4), between lines 35 and 36, to insert the following:
"(h) additional needs of the household including medical, education, social, and cultural needs required to promote social inclusion and the development of sustainable communities.".
This amendment is more substantial than the previous one. It inserts a new subsection (4)(h) in section 20 with the purpose of broadening the definition of need to include medical, education, social and cultural needs. It addresses how the authorities carry out needs assessments and has a similar purpose as amendment No.33 in that it aims to ensure authorities make a comprehensive needs assessment to allocate accommodation which is appropriate to the needs of individual households. It also requires local authorities to consider the promotion of social inclusion and the development of sustainable communities, which are important aims to include in this legislation. It is important housing authorities would have regard to those aims.
The Minister of State has said that some considerations clearly are built into section 20 already. I am seeking to make them more explicitly thus. I do not think anyone would disagree with the rationale for this proposed amendment, although the Minister of State may not wish to accept it. The aim of the amendment simply is to make explicit something which is an underlying theme already in this legislation. I welcome that and do not want to appear to be critical in a non-constructive way. I am seeking simply to make more explicit the need to ensure needs assessments are carried out comprehensively and in a way which takes into account of all the needs of the household and which ultimately will promote social inclusion and the development of sustainable communities.
Senator David Norris: I support this amendment and wish to return to the case history I related some minutes ago. That unpleasant business might have been avoided if an appropriate assessment of needs had been done in the first place. The young man of whom I spoke would not have been placed in an inappropriate environment. I am all in favour of comprehensive assessments which would include consideration of social inclusion and the development of sustainable communities. That would have solved the problem to which I referred earlier. Consideration of cultural needs, for example, is also important given that our society is much more complex than in the past. In that context, this amendment is appropriate.
Deputy Michael Finneran: This amendment is not appropriate to subsection (4) which deals with the eligibility of households for social housing support by virtue of their current circumstances regarding income, availability of alternative accommodation, etc. The description of the particular housing needs in terms of medical needs and so forth is covered by subsection (6), which provides that:
The Minister may make regulations providing for the matters by reference to which a household’s need for social housing support and the form of such support shall be determined including, but not necessarily limited to, the following:
(a) the description and classification of household need;
(b) the description of specific accommodation requirements according to different categories of household need;
(c) the description of accommodation need based on the composition of the household.
The proposed amendment also refers to the promotion of social inclusion and the development of sustainable communities. These aspects are more appropriate to housing strategies and, in the context of the Bill, to allocation policies as set out in section 22. In those circumstances, I ask the Senator to withdraw the amendment.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I accept there are other places in the Bill where these points could be made but I believe it is useful to insert them at this point in section 20. I have tabled amendments to further sections.
I note the Minister of State's point regarding the regulations provided for in subsection (6) providing for matters by reference to which a household's need for social housing support will be determined. However, subsection (4) is important and is perhaps key to the reality of life for people in households awaiting the allocation of housing.

I note that social housing support has a broad definition in the Bill and therefore this will be a key provision for households that are awaiting supports or the allocation of housing. It would be useful to insert here, as I said, something with which nobody could have a fundamental disagreement. These are policy aims that everybody would support. The aim is to make these explicit in the provision giving the Minister the power to make regulations about how eligibility for social housing support will be determined. It is a crucial subsection for households that are awaiting supports because it gives the Minister the power to make the regulations providing for these criteria. Thus, it is important to include these criteria in the subsection. I will press the amendment.
Senator David Norris: The Minister's response was inadequate and evasive because he relies on sections further on in the Bill, on general and vague phrasing and on ministerial regulations. I have been long enough in this House to know about ministerial regulations. The Minister's hands are not tied in this matter. There is no requirement in this legislation that these things should be included. We rely on the Minister's goodwill. I believe the Minister as I have worked with him in this House for many years, but who knows what the future holds? He might not be there, decent man and all as he is. Since, as Senator Bacik has said, there is no conflict or difficulty in putting it in and reassuring the House, it will not cause any further problems. The only way in which it could cause a problem would be if the Minister did not intend to include this in regulations and strategy and all the other things he mentioned. This is a matter of policy that could appropriately be included at this point.
In light of the Minister's refusal to take on board the previous amendment about appropriate housing, despite the fact that I put on the record what I thought was a very clear case history in which the absence of this kind of provision militated against a citizen of this country, it is all the more pressing that he should accept this amendment. Even supposing it was redundant, it is not doing any damage. The planet will not collapse because of a couple of extra words in ink on a piece of paper - about a quarter of an inch of text. There are no strong, persuasive arguments against accepting it. I will say one thing in which I hope I am not being indiscreet. Both Senator Bacik and I have been extensively briefed by a coalition of groups who work at the coalface. They probably have a fairly good idea of the practical realities on the ground and the need for the inclusion of provisions such as these. They are not inventing amendments just for the hell of it. The Minister did not even take up my hint on the last amendment that he might say he was considering it, even if his tongue was licking his tonsils as he said it. He just ruled it out. That is a little disappointing.
Deputy Michael Finneran: The list suggested by the Senator is drawn from the 1988 Act which, in light of changing housing needs, has proved to be limited in terms of providing an accurate picture of both the nature of housing need and the relative priorities. Indeed, people may have multiple needs which are not adequately captured by the current statutory definitions. The proposed revised classification based on the FEANSTA approach provides for a more developed approach, reflecting the urgency and persistence of different types of needs. This will provide the basis for the development through regulation of a better measure of need in the future. The Senators will know that we are changing from what was in the 1988 Act, and section 20 reflects that. It allows for a broad approach to appropriate need.
Senator David Norris: When will we see the regulations?
Deputy Michael Finneran: Regulations are implemented subsequent to enactment of the legislation.
Amendment put and declared lost.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 36, 37 and 38 are alternatives to No. 35 and should be discussed with that amendment as they would not otherwise have an opportunity to be debated. Is that agreed? Agreed. If amendment No. 35 is agreed, amendments Nos. 36 to 38, inclusive, cannot be moved.
Government amendment No. 35:
In page 17, lines 36 to 45, to delete subsection (5) and substitute the following:
"(5) A household shall not be eligible for social housing support where the household or a member of the household---
(a) was at any time a tenant of a dwelling or site owned or provided by any housing authority under the Housing Acts 1966 to 2008 or provided under Part V of the Planning and Development Act 2000, and
(b) during the 3 years immediately before the carrying out of the social housing assessment, was in arrears of rent in respect of the dwelling or site for an accumulated period of 12 weeks or has otherwise breached a condition of the tenancy agreement in respect of such dwelling or site.".
The intention of section 20(5) is to underline the seriousness of actions such as a breach of tenancy agreement or non-payment of rent. The consequences of these actions are that they are to be taken into consideration by a housing authority in determining that household's eligibility for further support. The subsection as it is currently drafted provides that a household that was previously the tenant or owner of a local authority dwelling or site and was either in arrears of rent for an accumulated period of 12 weeks during a three-year period prior to the carrying out of a social housing assessment, or breached a condition of the tenancy agreement, will be deemed to be ineligible for social housing support.
While it is clear from the text that the rent arrears must have arisen in a three-year period prior to the assessment for ineligibility to arise, it is somewhat ambiguous as to whether the period also applies to a breach of a tenancy agreement. Thus, I am introducing an official amendment to make it clear that only breaches of a tenancy agreement that occurred in the three years immediately prior to the carrying out of a social housing assessment will render the household ineligible for social housing support. This will bring the proposed provision for taking tenancy breaches into account in social housing assessments in line with that for rent arrears. The existing subsection (5) does not confine the breach of a condition of a tenancy agreement to a three-year period immediately prior to the assessment. In view of this, I ask Senators to withdraw amendments Nos. 36 and 37.
With regard to the proposed amendment No. 38, which will include new provisions in this section on moneys due to housing authorities, I do not consider an amendment is necessary. Section 20 does not provide housing authorities with the power to charge rents, sell sites or dwellings, make tenancy agreements etc. These powers are exercised by authorities under other housing Acts and, in the case of charging of rents, under section 31 of this Bill when enacted. Moneys owed to the housing authorities and any provisions in that context are dealt with by section 33 of the Bill, which includes a provision allowing authorities to enter into various repayment arrangements with households regarding moneys owed where undue hardship would arise. I am satisfied that the proposed arrangements provide a sufficient level of relief for the circumstances envisaged by Senator Norris and in view of this I ask him to withdraw the amendment.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I would like to raise a couple of points about the Minister's amendment. Senator Norris will speak about his own amendments, although I support them.
My difficulty with subsection (5) is that it does not appear to contain any discretion.
Senator David Norris: Exactly.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I take the Minister's point that section 33, particularly subsection (5), allows an authority, where it is satisfied a household would suffer undue hardship if it owes money, to enter into an arrangement with the household. My concern is that without Senator Norris's amendment, the Minister's proposed subsection (5) appears to rule out discretion on behalf of the housing authority to do this.
Senator David Norris: Exactly.
Senator Ivana Bacik: There will be difficulty in interpreting how this subsection, together with section 33, is to be read. I am delighted to hear the Minister say that section 33 is intended to cover and perhaps provide discretion, but there does not appear to be discretion in subsection (5). I am concerned about the way in which it is drafted. The reason I am so concerned is not just the use of the words "shall not be eligible" in subsection (5), but also the statement in the new paragraph (b) that the household shall not be eligible either where it was in arrears for the period stipulated or where it had otherwise breached a condition of the tenancy agreement. There are many different types of condition in any tenancy agreement. Of course the housing authority should have the power to withhold housing support where a household has been in breach of a material or fundamental condition or where there has been some major breach, but it seems that this removes discretion from the housing authority for any breach of a condition.

That seems to be far too absolutist in tone and I would have a real concern about the hardship that households might well suffer if this is passed into law. I ask the Minister of State to consider the points I have made and to consider the difficulties a court might have in seeking to interpret section 20(5) as against section 33, which appears to give the discretion - subsection (5) of section 20 does not appear to allow discretion and this is the difficulty with it.
Senator David Norris: Senator Bacik has hit the nail on the head. The whole purpose is to provide discretion. I refer to the two amendments, amendment No. 37, the changing of "shall" to "may" and the substantive amendment No. 38. The whole point of it was to enable a housing authority and the tenant together to make arrangements for the payment of arrears owed and at the same time to allow them to be in receipt of social housing support. That is not included here and I will most definitely put that amendment to a vote. This is absolutely disgraceful. It is dealing with people who are in a real situation of hardship and this very severe penalty could be imposed on somebody if they kept a parrot, a dog or a cat and there was a condition of that kind. They would be debarred from getting the social housing support at the same time as they were being forced to pay the arrears. I wonder if the penny has dropped in the Department as to the kind of economic times into which we are rapidly moving. Many people will be caught in this situation and it is absolutely unacceptable that the Minister of State should take this view and tie down the hands.
The Minister of State asked us to withdraw our amendments. I can tell him I will not be withdrawing this amendment. I am asking the Minister of State to withdraw his amendment and substitute ours, in the interests of decent treatment of these tenants. There are plenty of ways of dealing with tenants who get into arrears and all those powers remain with the local authority. All we are asking for is a bit of flexibility in economic circumstances which cry out for flexibility.
Senator Ivana Bacik: On a point of order and to assist Senator Norris, I note that section 33 explicitly does not apply to section 20. Subsection (1) of section 33 lists the provisions to which it applies but section 20 is not included.
Senator David Norris: Exactly.
Senator Ivana Bacik: Subsection 20(5) which provides the flexibilities states that where there are moneys due under any of the provisions-----
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: That is a point on the Bill, not a point of order.
Senator Ivana Bacik: It is a point of assistance to my friend.
Senator David Norris: It is a point of great assistance and I am grateful to my learned colleague. Section 33(5) states: "Where there are moneys due and owing by a household to a housing authority under any of the provisions to which this section applies and the housing authority is satisfied that the household would otherwise suffer undue hardship the housing authority may, at the household's option, enter into arrangements with the household for the payment of those moneys (together with any interest that may have accrued under subsection (2) by such instalments and at such times as the housing authority considers reasonable in all the circumstances in addition to any rent, charges, fees or loan repayments that the household is paying to the authority."
Senator Ivana Bacik: That does not include section 20.
Senator David Norris: Exactly. They can moderate their demands for repayment but there is nothing there that covers the question of social housing support. I would certainly be of the view that this is an amendment on which this House should be quite firm.
The Minister of State says he has accepted amendments but I cannot remember any of them.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: He accepted a small number.
Senator David Norris: He accepted some of Senator Hannigan's amendments, which I welcome, and that is why he remembers them, but he did not accept any of ours. That means there is no technical difficulty. The Bill has been amended so the question of not amending it because of pressure of time does not arise. I appeal to the Minister of State to look at this again. This provision will pinch people quite hard. I know local authorities are anxious to get arrears of rent and they are entitled to them. However, the whole question of the social policy of Government is involved here, not just the collection of arrears. We are not just dealing with the creation of a debt collection agency, we are dealing with real human problems. The Government's amendment is a mess and I will certainly be voting against it.
Senator Dominic Hannigan: I agree with my colleagues. I remain unhappy with the Government's proposed amendment. However, I must admit that our amendment No. 36 is not as clear as it could be and we will not move that amendment but will reserve the right to retable it on Report Stage.
Senator Paudie Coffey: I ask the Minister of State to clarify paragraph (a) of Government amendment No. 35. Is this amendment intended to avoid any duplication of tenancies? Does it exclude or deprive anybody from seeking a transfer to adjacent local authorities? For example, if somebody is in a tenancy in a city housing authority and they wish to apply for a house in the adjacent county council housing authority, does this amendment preclude them from being assessed by the county authority?
Deputy Michael Finneran: I appreciate Senator Norris's concerns but it is worth putting the issue surrounding rent arrears in context. The differential rent scheme operated by housing authorities is based on the fundamental principle of ability to pay in that the rent is related to the household's income. That is a very affordable form of housing. Research carried out in 2001 on Dublin City Council tenant population suggested that the differential rent scheme plays an important role in combating poverty. Where people get into difficulty in paying rent, ample opportunity is provided for tenants before consideration of the serious step of termination of tenancy.
The provisions in section 31 envisage that a rent scheme would include provisions for temporary waiver of rent on hardship grounds and section 33 includes provision for instalment payments of money due under that section and where hardship arises. These form part of a process of encouraging people to keep up their rent repayments on one hand and having a balanced and fair approach when difficulties arise for a household. Against that background it is only reasonable that a person who is being evicted for arrears would not be immediately considered for another letting, otherwise there would not be an incentive to pay rent. That would not be particularly fair to the majority of tenants who keep up their rent payments. However, I think it is reasonable that this period of ineligibility should be limited and that is the reason I have put forward the official amendment to clarify that consideration would only be given to arrears in a tenancy over the past three years. In light of this clarification, which I believe improves the provision, I ask that the Senator withdraw amendment No. 38.
In response to Senator Bacik, the intention of section 25 is to underline the seriousness of actions such as a breach of tenancy agreement or non-payment of rent. The consequences of these actions are that they are to be taken into consideration by a housing authority in determining the household's eligibility for further support. I wish to put this explanation on the record. While the amendment proposed by the Senators seeks to include some discretion for local authorities in application of this provision, this desire needs to be balanced with the requirement for clarity about eligibility requirements. For that reason, the wording in the official amendment improves the situation.
Senator David Norris: I acknowledge that the Minister of State has made some degree of movement in providing the amendment and that is in response to the amendment that has been put down. However, my problem is that under my amendment local authorities can still do what the Minister of State has just spoken of - they can still evict and charge arrears.

I do not see how under my amendments a local authority would be coerced into immediately rehousing a bad tenant who has been consistently, habitually and deliberately acting in bad faith by not paying rent. The Minister of State's concerns are catered for in the amendments.
I do not think I will press the amendment at this point. I will return to the groups which briefed me on these provisions, present the Minister of State's amendment to them and ask them if they are satisfied with it. I will be surprised if they are for the reasons given. Far be it from me to stand in the way of a ministerial amendment in response to an amendment we tabled and may claim. It might be no harm for all sides to take further advice on the issue.
Senator Ivana Bacik: The Minister of State raised the issue of the interaction of section 33 with section 20. I said a court would have difficulty in reading the two together. On careful reading, it would actually have no difficulty. The provisions of section 33 clearly do not apply to section 20. Section 33 specifies those provisions of the Bill to which it does apply and section 20 is not included among them. Therefore, the discretion allowed to housing authorities under section 33 cannot be incorporated into the provisions of section 20.
My concern about section 20 is that it gives the housing authority no discretion. There is not even a qualification or material condition, to the effect that where a tenancy agreement has been breached by any member of a household, the household becomes ineligible for social housing support, to include dwellings, sales of dwellings, rental accommodation, caravan sites and so forth. Is the Minister of State suggesting there is residual discretion given to the housing authority? If so, I would welcome it but I do not see it mentioned in his amendment. No court would think for one moment that section 33 could apply.
I take Senator Norris's point that he does not wish to press the amendment.
Senator David Norris: I do now.
Senator Ivana Bacik: It needs to be voted on if the Minister of State will not indicate that he might at least look at the points I have raised about this interaction, given that he first mentioned section 33. I do not see how the provisions of that section in its current form could possibly apply to section 20.
Senator Paudie Coffey: Will the Minister of State clarify if the Government's amendment to section 20(5)(a) will have an impact on the transfer of existing tenants from one housing authority to another?
Senator David Norris: I will be pressing my amendments for the simple reason that the Leas-Chathaoirleach has explained to me that if the Government's amendment is allowed to go through, I will not have an opportunity to resubmit my amendment on Report Stage. From brief consultations I have learned, as I imagined, that the amendment is regarded as significant.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Senator Norris will be able to resubmit his amendment on Report Stage by virtue of the fact it has been discussed in the House on Committee Stage.
Senator David Norris: Even if the Minister of State's amendment is passed.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Yes.
Senator David Norris: We shall see. It is an important amendment and the Minister of State has not satisfied me with regard to the question of discretion. He has answered other points but not the ones in which I am interested.
The Minister of State should take carefully into account the interpretation of legislation by my eager young colleague, Senator Bacik, who is a brilliant professor of law at a distinguished university. The Seanad is lucky to have such legal expertise among its ranks. This is the type of thing which the Seanad is for. We have lost Dr. Mary Henry who brought to this House considerable expertise in medical matters but now have someone who can be helpful in advising. I agree with Senator Bacik on how these sections interact and there is a gap.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I am grateful for those entirely undeserved and kind comments. If it is not possible to make an amendment to this provision on Report Stage, the Minister of State might consider addressing the issue in a different way by amending section 33 to make it explicit that it applies to the power of housing authorities to determine whether households are eligible for social housing support under section 20. Section 33 could equally be amended, given that it contains the discretionary provision that Senator Norris wishes to have inserted in section 20.
Deputy Michael Finneran: Regarding Senator Coffey's concerns, it will not apply to transfers between housing authorities. Section 20 does not provide a housing authority with the power to charge rents, sell sites or dwellings, make tenancy agreements, etc. These powers are exercised by authorities under other housing Acts and, in the case of the charging of rents, section 31, when enacted. Sections 31 and 33 deal with rent arrears before eviction. Section 20 deals with situations after eviction for the non-payment of rent arrears. This is an important clarification.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I know why section 33 specifies "where there are moneys due and owing by a household to a housing authority under any of the provisions to which this section applies...". It applies to earlier legislation under which money may be owing and so forth. My difficulty, however, is that section 20(5) gives no discretion to a housing authority. It simply states a "household shall not be eligible for social housing support where the household or a member of the household was ... in arrears of rent in respect of the dwelling or site ... breached a condition of the tenancy agreement". Section 33(5), however, does give discretion but its provisions do not apply to section 20. The provision which Senator Norris wishes to have inserted essentially replicates the discretionary provision of section 33(5) in section 20. I accept section 20 does not give a housing authority power to charge rent and so forth but it does give power to withhold social housing support. Beyond this, it determines the conditions for eligibility. It is too absolutist. No one is denying a housing authority should have the power to withhold social housing support for breaches or the non-payment of rent arrears. Senator Norris's amendment would provide some leeway. The presumption applies that the household would be ineligible but there would be some scope for a housing authority in cases where it felt hardship was involved, particularly in these recessionary times, and could enter arrangements for the payment of moneys. Given that an authority can do this under section 33, I do not see why it cannot be imported in section 20. It would clarify that there was some discretion that a household would not be ineligible in every situation where there were arrears or a breach of a tenancy agreement. My concern is that a housing authority's hands will be tied.
Senator David Norris: Under my amendment, all the powers the Minister of State seeks for a housing authority would survive. It could evict and charge for arrears. Under the Minister of State's amendment, an authority will be required to remove social housing supports. The whole matter of flexibility is left in abeyance. The language in the section of facilitation is taken directly and specifically from other sections; therefore, it is the language used by the Parliamentary Counsel. The Minister of State should be in a position to accept what is, in effect, the very language in which the Bill is drafted. The effect of the Government's amendment does not go fully to meet our objection to the narrowing, constriction and tying of the hands of the local authorities. We seek flexibility and discretion

Deputy Michael Finneran: I acknowledge the sentiments and concerns raised. However, the proposed amendments would raise issues regarding the exercise of any discretion in respect of eligibility. Given the importance of the matter, I am prepared to consider further the mandatory nature of the provision. I propose to undertake this in conjunction with the Chief Parliamentary Counsel. I ask Senators to accept the Government amendment and withdraw their amendment. I will see what I can do following consultation with the Chief Parliamentary Counsel.
Senator David Norris: That is very welcome and I thank the Minister of State for his flexibility. I hope there will be further flexibility. Does this mean the Minister of State is pressing amendment No. 35 or are we all withdrawing amendments so that he can come up with something better?
Deputy Michael Finneran: I am asking that amendment No. 35 be accepted and I will examine how we can accommodate the sentiments and concerns raised by the Senators.
Senator David Norris: Does that specifically relate to discretion?
Deputy Michael Finneran: The proposed amendments would raise issues concerning the exercise of any discretion in respect of eligibility.
Senator David Norris: They would not tie the hands.
Deputy Michael Finneran: I will refer it to the Chief Parliamentary Counsel.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I am grateful that the Minister of State has indicated he will refer it to the Chief Parliamentary Counsel. I ask that the latter might advise on the interaction between section 20 and section 33 and whether it would be possible to import some measure of discretion into that currently absolutist language in section 20(5). If the Chief Parliamentary Counsel will advise on this, we are prepared to reserve our position on this until Report Stage.
Senator David Norris: I want to add an additional rider. This has been a valuable debate and I ask the Minister of State to make available to the Chief Parliamentary Counsel the text of the debate on this section so that our concerns can be taken into account in the context of the debate. I would not be happy if it was a question posed to the Chief Parliamentary Counsel. Is the Minister of State prepared to allow the Chief Parliamentary Counsel to review the debate? It is only half an hour of debate.
Deputy Michael Finneran: I do not see any problem with that. It is only appropriate that the Chief Parliamentary Counsel would acknowledge the broad-ranging debate. I am prepared to examine the issues. While I cannot give guarantees, I will seek further advice from the Chief Parliamentary Counsel.
Amendment agreed to.
Amendments Nos. 36 to 39, inclusive, not moved.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I move amendment No. 40:
In page 18, subsection (6)(b), line 3, to delete "need;" and substitute the following:
"need. In particular housing need assessments must have regard to the need for housing of people who-
(i) are homeless,
(ii) are members of the Travelling Community,
(iii) are living in accommodation that is unfit for human habitation or is materially unsuitable for their adequate housing,
(iv) are living in overcrowded accommodation,
(v) are sharing accommodation with another person or persons and who, in the opinion of the housing authority, have a reasonable requirement for separate accommodation,
(vi) are young persons leaving institutional care or without family accommodation,
(vii) are in need of accommodation for medical or compassionate reasons,
(viii) are elderly,
(ix) are disabled,
(x) are, in the opinion of the housing authority, not reasonably able to meet the cost of the accommodation which they are occupying or to obtain suitable alternative accommodation;"
This seeks to insert a new provision in section 20(6) which is based on previous legislation and provides that the Minister would be empowered to make regulations providing for the matters by reference to which a household's need for social housing support and the form of such support would be determined. There is already a list of three such matters and my amendment inserts a further provision that housing needs assessments must have regard to the need for housing of people who are homeless, members of the Traveller community, and a list of other factors such as where accommodation is unfit for human habitation, overcrowded or where accommodation is shared. It sets out in a more specific way the list of persons especially in need. The existing provisions are returned to the Bill, providing a better foundation upon which the Minister may base regulations.
As Senator Norris has said, I am very grateful to the Make Room coalition which comprises Focus Ireland, the Society of St Vincent de Paul, the Simon Community and Threshold. These front-line housing agencies and homeless support agencies have been very helpful in giving us information. They are of the view that this should be re-inserted into the Bill and would be of assistance to the Minister in outlining the needs to which he or she must have regard.
Deputy Michael Finneran: This amendment is not necessary. Section 20(6) provides that the Minister will make regulations providing for the description and classification of household need. It is intended that these regulations would include a revised classification system for housing needs centred on the severity and persistence of need. It is proposed to base the revised classification system as much as possible on the model devised by FEANSTA, a European body representative of national organisations working with the homeless. The proposed classification system has already been the subject of extensive consultation with the social partners and housing authorities from the perspective of the general and special housing needs. These groups, on the whole, have been in favour of the proposals. Providing the details of such a classification system in regulation will allow the necessary flexibility to adapt the model over time as circumstances and priorities change. This flexibility is not as readily available in primary legislation. I ask the Senator to withdraw the amendment.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I do not intend to press the amendment but I reserve the right to come back to it on Report Stage.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I move amendment No. 41:
In page 18, subsection (7), line 6, to delete "may" and substitute the following:
"shall, within one year of the commencement of this section,".
This is self-explanatory. It seeks to amend section 20(7) not to make any change to its purpose of but to provide a time limit within which it would take effect. I have changed "may" to "shall, within one year of the commencement of this section,", changing from the facilitative, which allows the Minister to make regulations on carrying out social housing assessments, to the mandatory, which requires the Minister to do so within one year of the commencement of the section. Its importance is that it provides that new needs assessments will take place within a year of this section being commenced. Clearly, there is discretion as to when the section will be commenced and we are all realistic about that since it happens with most legislation. There is discretion as to when section 20(7) will take effect but this amendment is to strengthen its purpose, given how important it is that these regulations are made, by ensuring they would be made within one year of commencement. I do not see this as unduly restrictive of the Minister, given that there is always some flexibility as to when the section will be commenced. It provides a timeline for when the regulations will be drawn up in respect of new social housing assessments.
Senator David Norris: I support this valuable and practical amendment. Senator O'Toole tabled a similar amendment with a time requirement in respect of other legislation and it was accepted. In this debate the Minister of State has relied extensively on a promissory note to the effect that this will be dealt with in the regulations. In return for that, it is fair enough that we are given a timeline. We cannot have an indefinite situation where we are waiting for these regulations to be made.

All too easily it could turn into a continuous deferral of matters that are very substantial to the Bill. The Minister has relied extensively on postponing directly addressing certain issues until his regulations come into effect. For that reason, it is incumbent on the Minister to give a target date by which this work must be done. It must not be long-fingered, and the Minister would not wish it to be, but this would provide that degree of impetus.
We are all human. One of the achievements of which I am proudest is that for three and a half years I contributed a page every Thursday to a tabloid evening newspaper, the Evening Herald. I like to think I raised its tone somewhat. I tend to postpone things. I am, by nature, what Sean O'Casey would call a "prognosticator". I am proud that I met the deadline every week for three and a half years. I would have put things off, but the deadline was a help and an incentive. In light of those various factors I would like the Minister to seriously consider this matter. If, upon advice, he finds six months are too short he can return with his own timeline. We must know when this material will come into operation, since the Minister has relied on the regulation provisions so extensively.
Deputy Michael Finneran: This amendment is not necessary. Subsection (7) empowers the Minister to make regulations to set out how an individual assessment of housing needs must be carried out on a household.
Senator David Norris: The Minister is becoming repetitive.
Deputy Michael Finneran: While it is the intention to introduce such regulations as quickly as possible, as discussed regarding other amendments which seek to place an obligation on the Minister to make regulations, this section follows the normal drafting convention to provide the necessary powers. In that circumstance I ask the Senator to withdraw the amendment.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I reserve my position until Report Stage and will not press the amendment now.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I move amendment No. 42:
In page 18, subsection (7), line 7, after "of" to insert "annual".
This amendment appears somewhat similar but is much more forward-looking. It provides, again, for an amendment to subsection (7) that the Minister would make regulations on the carrying out of annual social housing assessments. The purpose is to ensure there is a more regularly updated review of housing assessments. I mentioned this in my speech on Second Stage. There is a serious issue-----
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 42 and 44 are related and may be discussed together.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I should have said the two amendments are being discussed together because amendment No. 44 would delete paragraph (d), which refers to the frequency of reviewing and updating assessments. This is a particular issue because the review and updating of assessments is carried out only every three years. That does not take into account changing circumstances. We are all seeing how rapidly the economic climate, property prices and people's ability to make repayments are changing. Events are moving very quickly and in the real world these matters will move quickly. The Northern Ireland Housing Executive has adopted an annual review of needs assessments. In this jurisdiction we need a much more regular system of reviewing assessments. That is why I asked for the word "annual" to be inserted and for paragraph (d) to be deleted, almost as a corollary of that.
We have a problem with a lack of objective criteria for needs assessments across local authorities. That is probably uncontroversial to say; it is widely accepted. I welcome the general tone of this Bill, which I hope will provide for a more consistent set of criteria. The Bill still leaves ultimate power to local authorities. The powers of the Minister to provide for an overall national system of needs assessment should be much more strengthened in the Bill. That is what I seek to do in this series of amendments, briefed by the agencies I mentioned in the Make Room coalition.
The Northern Ireland model is useful for us because it shows the Housing Executive has recognised that to perform annual reviews is a better and more efficient way to ensure needs assessments are up to date. In Northern Ireland there are also quarterly updates. On Second Stage I said there is a problem generally with this in terms of collecting data from local authorities and I can see how that might be a problem in carrying out reviews. I proposed that the Central Statistics Office, CSO, might have a role here, as it does on Garda figures.
As a criminal lawyer I am very conscious that until very recently crime figures were kept and collated by the Garda Síochána. A very short number of years ago the CSO took over responsibility for collating and keeping a national database of crime statistics. Everybody, including the Garda, regard this as a much better method of keeping crime figures. There is room here for us to also change how we collate our housing data. This would assist in ensuring we could have annual reviews of needs assessments. I ask the Minister to indicate that he might consider inserting the word "annual" into this provision to bring us to an equivalent situation with Northern Ireland and ensure we can keep more efficiently up to date with changing economic circumstances for people in need of housing support.
Senator David Norris: I support this amendment. Senator Bacik made an effective political point when she talked about aligning the legislation in this part of the island with that in the Northern part. It should be particularly keenly felt by a member of Fianna Fáil, which has the aim of reuniting the national territory. That is a good political point. An even more urgent point is the fact that, as Senator Bacik has indicated, the compilation of these statistics is a significant element in policy formation. To formulate policy accurately one needs the most up-to-date statistics and this would assist with that. I support her on this.
Deputy Michael Finneran: I assure the Senator that Minister Margaret Ritchie and I have a good working relationship. She has been in the Customs House with me and I have visited the Bogside and Creggan areas with her.
Senator David Norris: For the sake of balance the Minister will also have to visit the Shankhill
Deputy Michael Finneran: This amendment is not appropriate to this provision. Subsection 7 empowers the Minister to make regulations to set out how an assessment of housing needs will be carried out on an individual household including the form of that assessment and the period within which the housing authority should carry out the assessment after receiving an application. Paragraph (d) of this subsection already provides that the Minister, through regulation, can set out how often an assessment of the circumstances of particular households should be reviewed or updated. It is the intention to move more timely reports on needs than the current tri-annual assessments. Amendment No.44 is related. In those circumstances I ask that the Senator withdraw the amendments.
Senator Ivana Bacik: While I hear what the Minister says, it is important to be a little more specific about how regularly updates and reviews take place. Paragraph (d) refers to frequency of reviewing and updating assessments but it gives no commitment to more regular updating. The tri-annual system is not efficient enough and does not take into account changing circumstances. I would like the Minister to consider what I have said about the CSO. That might be a useful way to collate statistics. I will not press the amendment but reserve the right to do so on Report Stage.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I move amendment No. 43:
In page 18, subsection (7), between lines 12 and 13, to insert the following:
"(c) the maximum period in which an applicant for social housing or housing support shall stay in accommodation designated as emergency;".
Again, this seeks to amend subsection (7) by inserting a new provision specifying that the Minister, in his regulations, would specify the maximum period in which an applicant for social housing or housing support shall stay in accommodation designated as emergency.

This is an important amendment which would commit the Minister to providing for a maximum period after which a housing authority would have an obligation to provide a household with alternative long-term housing accommodation. It is consistent with Government policy. This is a significant amendment that would provide for an important and enforceable new provision. It is important that it be made because it would give teeth to the Government's homelessness strategy. While it would be a departure - I do not pretend it would be something new to the Bill - it would also commit the Government to that to which it is already committed politically in the homelessness strategy which states households should not be left in emergency accommodation beyond six months. There is an aspiration and a political commitment to adhere to a maximum period beyond which households should not be left in emergency accommodation. In the amendment I am seeking to give to teeth to this commitment and have specified in the legislation that the Minister would designate a maximum period. The Minister could choose to designate a longer period. It may not need to be as tight as six months but that is the period at which the Government is aiming. There is no justification in a developed country in 2008 for leaving households longer than six months in emergency accommodation.
This is an important provision that would give teeth to the legislation. It would deal somewhat with the issue of homelessness which we raised in earlier debates on Committee Stage. Many of us have suggested there might be more in the Bill to tackle homelessness but this measure would give teeth to an important commitment the Government has already given. It is not against the Government's strategy. I, therefore, ask the Minister of State to consider inserting in the legislation the power to specify a maximum period. Given that the legislation states the Minister may make regulations, it would not tie the Minister's hands. I am not seeking to do this, rather I am asking that the Minister consider that within the regulations there should be the power to specify a maximum period beyond which households should not be left in emergency accommodation.
Senator David Norris: Again, I find myself in strong agreement with Senator Bacik. Six months is plenty of time for it to be considered an emergency but I warn about one aspect. We have had emergency legislation on the Statute Book since the time of the Second World War. For political purposes, therefore, emergencies can be lasting. I support and reinforce what Senator Bacik said because I have a personal memory, as I am sure the Senator does, of hearing the Minister of State speak effectively and tellingly on the precise subject of the Government's aim to move people out of emergency housing within six months. That is what he said in his Second Stage contribution a week or two ago in the House.
It is important to register again that the Minister would not be required to do this if it presented an awkwardness but it would facilitate him in doing it. I cannot imagine an objection, therefore, and will be profoundly shocked if the Minister of States says the amendment is not necessary. We are developing an oral formulaic response, whereby I could practically parrot some of the Minister of State's replies in advance. I ask him to consider the amendment. The Minister was extremely good on this issue on Second Stage but for persons in bed and breakfast accommodation who have to be out on the streets of a city all day and for part of the evening, particularly those with families, six months is a very long time to have to endure such hardship.
Senator Ivana Bacik: Hear, hear.
Senator David Norris: On these grounds I ask the Minister of State to accept the amendment which would not tie the Minister's hands. It may not be necessary but it depends on the Minister of State's view of necessity. Nothing is necessary. We are not necessary. This Parliament is not necessary for the continued functioning of the universe. It all depends on how lasting the Minister of States's view of necessity is. I hope he will not start his reply by saying the amendment is not necessary. In the universal scheme of things it may not be necessary and the inhabitants, if such there be, of Mars are unlikely to be affected by it but people in this limited jurisdiction would be in a practical way. I believe the Minister of State would want to move in that direction.
Deputy Michael Finneran: The proposed amendment is not appropriate to the subsection.
Senator David Norris: At least, it is a variation of the theme.
Deputy Michael Finneran: Subsection (7) empowers the Minister to make regulations to set out how an assessment of housing need will be carried out on an individual household. The aim of housing policy is to provide accommodation for households not in a position to provide it for themselves. In this context, the particular goals have been set in the new homelessness strategy, The Way Home, relating to the elimination of long-term occupancy of emergency homeless accommodation. It is appropriate to set such goals as policy rather than a legislative objective. Eliminating long-term occupancy of emergency homeless accommodation will require careful planning and organisation at local level with support from central government. It will be achieved by an adequate supply of long-term housing in each local area to address current and projected needs, adequate community support services for households vulnerable to homelessness, accessible mental health and addiction services, and effective interventions by the homeless services.
As I explained to Senators on the previous occasion, The Way Home contains a number of actions, the majority of which have deadlines for completion under each strategy aim. It also includes performance indicators relating to each strategy aim. These will form the basis of a more detailed implementation which will assign lead roles and specific timetables to achieve the important national objective of ensuring that by 2010 no one will be in emergency accommodation for more than six months. A range of actions are required to make this and other elements of the strategy work. One of the most important issues from the legislative perspective is the commitment to introduce statutory local based homeless action plans. In practice, implementation has already started. A circular has been issued to all local authorities providing further details of action plans and advising them to commence work on updating their existing plans. It also advises them about their local homeless forum and the formation of the management group for each local homeless forum.
We are working on bringing forward a necessary legislative provision in conjunction with a more broadly based implementation plan. It is envisaged in The Way Home that these plans, as well as containing an overall vision and objective, will include output targets and timescales for achievement. The associated actions to be included in the plans must take account of the local position, as the experience of the homeless varies throughout the country. The plans must have regard to the national implementation plan and the guidelines that will be issued by my Department. In the light of this ongoing work, I ask the Senator to withdraw her amendment.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I thank the Minister of State for his full response. However, I am concerned to hear him say that he would prefer to see the laudable goals outlined in The Way Home, the homelessness strategy, which I welcome, as policy rather than legislative objectives. That may undermine significantly whether these goals are achievable because if they are not given legislative backing, they will remain only as aspirations. The Minister of State might clarify this because he went on to say he envisaged some legislative provision. I accept that local considerations need to be taken into account. I was glad to hear the Minister of State say he wanted plans at local level to include output targets and timescales. I would like him to clarify whether the plans will have legislative backing in other legislation.

Even taking into account variations in local areas and in the meaning of emergency accommodation, we all are well aware such accommodation has meant families with young children being forced to stay in bed and breakfast accommodation and having to wander the streets aimlessly between breakfast and bed time. That is not in anyone's interest.
Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.
Senator Ivana Bacik: As Senator Norris said, six months is too long a time for any parent of young children or any individual to be left in such emergency accommodation. I will consider what the Minister of State said because I do not want to dismiss it out of hand, but I am concerned he said these important goals such as limiting the time people spend in emergency accommodation would be policy aspirations rather than legislative objectives. Will he clarify whether legislation will be introduced to give teeth to this goal in the homeless strategy?
Senator David Norris: I support Senator Bacik. The Minister of State has explained this as a policy whereas legislation is the implementation of policy. He has been very clear in this area about the policy he strongly advocates and it would be a pity to miss this opportunity to implement the policy or at least to provide a framework within which it can be implemented. I am a little disturbed at his reluctance to accept an amendment that is in clear alignment with his own policy. It proposes to implement the policy, which is the purpose of legislation. If the policy only exists as a pious aspiration, it will have no impact on the lived experience of people in Dublin.
Deputy Michael Finneran: There is a commitment to introduce statutory-based local homeless action plans. The way to give legislative effect to this goal is to put those plans in place. We are working on the legislation.
An Cathaoirleach: Is the amendment being pressed?
Senator Ivana Bacik: I am obliged to the Minister of State. In that circumstance, I will not press the amendment but I reserve the right to do so on Report Stage.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Senator David Norris: The Minister of State will presumably be laying the draft regulations before the Houses of the Oireachtas. Perhaps he will clarify whether this will happen and whether this will be taken with debate because we are familiar with a number of situations where matters were taken without debate. I am assuming that these regulations will be laid before the Houses, although not perhaps in draft form. It may be that the advice of a committee that has a focus on this area, among others, would be very helpful at the draft stage before they come to the House, which might make for a more efficient management of business. It seems an appropriate amendment and I support it.
Deputy Michael Finneran: This amendment is not necessary. Section 3(3) provides that every regulation under this Act shall be laid before the Oireachtas and resolutions may be passed to annul the regulation.
Senator Paudie Coffey: I concur with Senator Norris. In my short time in the House, I have often encountered situations where regulations are brought before the House without debate and we do not get the opportunity to further consult on and debate the various issues. We in Fine Gael believe it would be appropriate that any draft regulations should go before the joint committee. This would enhance its role in consulting with the various stakeholders and would assist the Minister in finalising his regulations in that it would have a broader and more consultative basis before he finalises them, which would be appropriate. For that reason, I will be pressing the amendment.
Deputy Michael Finneran: As I have said, the amendment is not necessary. The regulations are laid before the House and the House has the entitlement to pass the resolution to annul the regulation. That is the democratic right of the House.
Amendment put.
Amendment declared lost.

Senator Paudie Coffey: I move amendment No. 53:
In page 20, subsection (5), between lines 4 and 5, to insert the following:
"(d) allocation on the basis of need.".
This amendment proposes that allocations be made on the basis of need. This requirement must be enshrined in law so that all housing authorities are clear in this regard.
Deputy Michael Finneran: This amendment is unnecessary. The principle upon which housing authority schemes are founded is allocation on the basis of need, as provided for by section 22 as a whole. Subsection (5) provides a mechanism whereby, within a general allocation on the basis of need, housing authorities may reserve a portion of dwellings within the stock to cater for particular groups with particular types of needs, including the homeless, Travellers and single-adult households.
Senator Paudie Coffey: I thank the Minister of State for his explanation. I withdraw the amendment on the basis that it may be resubmitted on Report Stage.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 54 in the name of Senator Norris is out of order as it involves a potential charge on the Revenue.
Senator David Norris: Will the Leas-Chathaoirleach explain how this is so? The amendment relates to the establishment of an appeals commission.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: The legal advice I have is that it involves a potential charge on the Exchequer.
Amendment No. 54 not moved.
Question proposed: "That section 22 stand part of the Bill."
Senator David Norris: I regret that my amendment No. 54 was ruled out of order. It is most frustrating. I strongly object to the notion that it cannot be moved because it would involve a charge to the Exchequer. Does this refer to the establishment of the commission, the payment of salaries and so on? We routinely pass similar provisions in the House. The decision to rule the amendment out of order highlights the farce under which this House is precluded from discussing any proposal involving money. The time for a re-examination of this restriction is long overdue and it should be done within the overall review of the working of the Seanad.
This is an issue the House should debate. Even though my amendment cannot be taken, I have a perfect entitlement to discuss the need for an appeals commission, as provided for in the amendment, in the debate on the section. Some 21,000 people applied for support during a previous regime, of which 9,000 were declared ineligible. No analysis was done of the reasons for these rejections. Some may have arisen as a result of non-delivery within the postal system of the correct forms. In many cases, applicants were deemed ineligible because they did not reply to letters and circulars from the authorities. This raises the question of literacy, particularly in the case of homeless people. There may well be a concealed problem of illiteracy which accounts for the fact that some applicants did not reply to certain correspondence.
Will the Minister of State consider my proposal to establish an appeals commission notwithstanding the ridiculous situation whereby I am precluded from doing so on the basis that it might create a charge on the Exchequer? That restriction is a farce and it makes the entire proceedings of this House ridiculous.
Deputy Michael Finneran: It is open to any member of the public to present concerns on issues such as this to the Office of the Ombudsman.
Senator David Norris: That is a weak response. The Ombudsman is not the answer to everything.
Deputy Michael Finneran: Section 22 provides that housing authorities put in place an allocation scheme for the provision of social housing supports to eligible households. It replaces section 11 of the Housing Act 1988.

Order of Business - 3rd December 2008

Order of Business - 3rd December 2008
Senator David Norris: Many Members have spoken about the very difficult economic situation in which we find ourselves. It would be useful for the House to take up a couple of examples of this. I have from time to time indicated some of these, particularly in the context of the abolition of the Combat Poverty Agency and various other agencies, but I will not go on about this again. However, I wish to deal with two examples on which I ask the Leader to consider having a debate.
The first example is that of taxis. Due to circumstances beyond my control, I am now reliant on taxis when I am not able to walk because of the weather and so on. I make it a practice never to take a taxi off the rank for a short journey. I wait some way away from the rank and hail a taxi because I consider it very unfair when people wait a long time and I simply would not do it.
I often get taxis from O'Connell Street to Leinster House. Two days ago, on a beautiful morning like this with perfectly fine weather and the sun shining, one of the taxi men called me and asked me if I knew the Westin Hotel on Westmoreland Street. I told him I did and that I could practically see the hotel from where I stood. He told me that the hotel was where his passenger, a young, fit woman, had asked him to take her - from the Gresham Hotel to the Westin Hotel on perfectly good day.
I told this story to the taxi driver I used this morning to do some other messages. He told me about the place known as the Kesh where the taxis are held at Dublin Airport before being moved up to the airport in small groups. This man had been waiting two hours before he was moved up. A young executive woman with her laptop came out from the arrivals area and asked him to take her to Cloghran House, which is the headquarters of the Dublin Airport Authority. It is visible from where she was standing and is about as far as from here to the Merrion Street gate of Leinster House. He asked her whether she knew where it was and she replied: "I know exactly where it is. Take me." He agreed because he is required to. The fare indicator did not move. The minimum fare is €4.10 and that is what he got. She proffered a €5 note and held out her hand for the 90 cent change.
I appeal to the public to have some consideration at this time. The driver of another taxi I took yesterday, a very decent young man, has not paid his mortgage in three and half months and is in fear of what is happening to his family, including three small children.
The industry is not properly regulated so there is a flood of taxis. It is good that we are able to get taxis so easily but some of the incoming population, for example, are exempt from the requirement to know where the routes are - they simply do not know. This is the sort of issue that should be brought to the attention of the Minister and I ask the Leader to do that in advance of this debate. Last week, I got a taxi outside Leinster House and asked to be taken to North Great George's Street. I told the driver it was North Great George's Street, not South Great George's Street, and asked whether he knew where it is. With a puzzled expression he told me it was near Wexford Street. I told him it was not and that it was on the other side of the river. He asked me: "What river?" The whole system needs to be examined.
An Cathaoirleach: The point has been made.
Senator David Norris: I wish to raise another matter concerning the decent sheep farmers outside Agriculture House. The Minister owes them a statement with regard to the situation pertaining to CAP and single farm payment funds he has received, which amount to approximately €23 million. There has been no indication he will help out the sheep farmers who are in a very difficult situation. He has perfect capacity to immediately make an announcement of €20 maintenance per ewe, and I ask him to do this.
We have seen the beet industry disappear completely. Beef is in trouble because of imports from Brazil. Cappoquin Chickens went down the drain. I do not know whether it has been resuscitated somehow. All areas of farm production seem to be vulnerable in this awful climate which is cataclysmic. People talk about meltdown, they say that it is unprecedented and that they do not know how to face it. The least we should do is secure good agricultural produce and the livelihoods of people who work in that area.
Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: Hear, hear.
Senator David Norris: My grandfather was a farmer, but he would not allow my uncle to take up the farming business because, he said, it was so cruel. It is as cruel now as it was during the days of the economic war and we owe it to those decent young farmers to do something for them.

Statements on Fas - 2nd December 2008

Statements on Fas - 2nd December 2008
Senator David Norris: Thank you, a Chathaoirligh. I may not need all that time, but then I frequently say that and find I have not quite finished within the time.
This is an important debate. My colleague and friend, Senator Ross, has called for this debate over a considerable period of years. In some instances I have agreed with him, in particular some years ago when he proposed, and I seconded, a motion to examine the vexed question of political nominees to State boards. That was an important element and it is one of the matters highlighted in this debate. We also felt, when the Trinity Bill was being debated in the House, there was sometimes a danger in overloading important boards with State nominees.

However, on a previous occasion a number of years ago when Senator Ross raised the matter of FÁS I took a slightly different view because I felt it was important to frontload the important work the organisation was doing. I did so at the time because I was living in a position of considerable privilege in the north inner city and I was aware the unemployment level in the area was 85%, which is staggering. When I presented this statistic to members of the European Commission in Brussels during a visit sponsored by Mr. Brendan Halligan, they refused to believe it and they sent officials to discover whether this could be true. Areas of Dublin some years ago had levels of unemployment higher than Naples. I was involved in the work FÁS did through the James Joyce Centre, which could not have continued to operate without the organisation's assistance. Every single penny was accounted for at that level and that casts into some relief the squandering of money but that needs to be nuanced as well.
In the current climate, it is comparatively easy for radio programmes and popular newspapers to stir up partially justified outrage but moderation and accuracy are also needed. For example, Fine Gael has made a meal out of this. I often agree with the party but I was not terribly impressed by the performance of Deputy Varadkar on radio, except for his theatrical propensity, which I admire. He got Deputy Harney's name wrong and he called for the resignation of Deputy Mary Hanafin several times. That was not corrected but perhaps everybody knew who he was talking of, although that does not suggest the remorseless attention to detail he requires of other people. The Sunday Independent got the year wrong, which was corrected subsequently. A radio reporter accused the Green Party, so ably represented in the House by Senators Boyle and de Búrca, of putting out a statement of support, which apparently did not happen. These are three instances of inaccuracy, which one would not expect of people who had long prepared an attack on certain levels of FÁS.
I mentioned the matter of representation on the FÁS board. The chairman is Peter McLoone, former president of the ICTU. Perhaps I should not name these people, even though this has been done widely. The board also comprises representatives of the Ministers for Enterprise, Trade and Employment, Education and Science, Finance and Social and Family Affairs, the trade union sector and employers, including a representative of one of the largest and most successful builders in the country. Is that appropriate? Certain people have objected to the involvement of the social partners but the same people, mostly on this side of the House, object to the whole idea of social partnership. I do not but I understand their reserve. It is a highly principled position to take because they refer to the short circuiting of the parliamentary process. However, they have a wide representative capacity and they have what Gerry Adams used to call their mandate and it would ill behove Members who were elected with a small number of votes on the basis of delegated universal suffrage to-----
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Senator included.
Senator David Norris: No, I beg the Senator's pardon. He is showing his novelty in this House.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: The Senator has the most elite constituency in the country.
An Cathaoirleach: Senator Norris, without interruption.
Senator David Norris: I am elected by the votes of a constituency that has 55,000 wonderfully qualified degree holding Irish citizens unlike the Senator who fishes around in a measly little pond of 1,000 votes with the others.
Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: That is unfair.
An Cathaoirleach: We are discussing FÁS.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: Expand TCD.
Senator David Norris: It is accurate, not unfair, and I will not waste more time on this.
Senator Fidelma Healy Eames: If it is not accurate, the Senator should not say it.
Senator David Norris: What I say is accurate.
As a result of a series of investigations, the Committee of Public Accounts is examining the issues. The newspaper controversy has in a valuable way highlighted the inadequacies of the committee system, for example, the lack of compellability. Unless there is a serious constitutional problem, the committee should have the power to compel witnesses. It is absurd that a courageous journalist must spend such an amount on the information that could not be obtained by the PAC. The previous Government through Mr. McCreevy introduced swingeing costs under the Freedom of Information Act 1997 and a five-year moratorium on certain Government information. This was criticised last weekend by the Ombudsman, Ms Emily O'Reilly, who stated in the Sunday Independent, "Before the fees, a journalist could simply rattle a request off from his [I am surprised she did not say 'or her'] desk, whereas now the additional red tape of getting the fee puts many of them off, as is proven in the drop-off in requests,". The newspaper was charged €2,500 for the requests.
The net effect of the series of investigations was that Mr. Molloy was forced to resign. That will cost the taxpayer €500,000 in severance payments, €35,000 a year and God knows how much else, including the cost of replacing him. I have consistently spoken passionately about the destruction of the Combat Poverty Agency and the humiliation and neutering of the Irish Human Rights Commission but another damaging blow has been struck against FÁS during a period when unemployment is on the increase. This also raises questions about the decentralisation programme.
There has not been a great saving. Senator Ross has done the State some service. He is courageous because he has trodden on a considerable number of important toes, which is a dangerous exercise. He has become a whistleblower. I am not bothered by the bill for hair, which is rubbish. People should read the letter written by the senior Irish diplomat, Mr. Michael Lillis, who indicated the significance of what was achieved in Florida and he also put on the record his considerable admiration for Mr. Molloy. In the context of balance and fairness, during recent high level negotiations when Ireland had the Presidency of the European Union, Mr. Molloy engaged in a great deal of high-flown entertaining on behalf of the country, for which he paid out of his own pocket. In fairness to this man, about whom I know very little, he committed suicide on radio by saying he was entitled to flights and by making two contradictory statements, which were that he needed to fly first class in order to arrive fresh and to be downgraded to bring his wife with him.