Friday, May 30, 2008

Order of Business - 27th May 2008

Order of Business - 27th May 2008

I join Senator Ormonde in asking again for a debate on the Lisbon
treaty, although not quite in the light she wants it. I would like a more balanced debate and I
look forward to an opportunity to provide some of that balance. We have not had a balanced
debate on the matter in the House. I will say more about that later.
I am very grateful to my colleagues, including Senators Frances Fitzgerald, O’Toole, Boyle
and others, for commenting on the absence of legislation about civil partnership. This is extraordinary, and the remarks of the Minister, Deputy Gormley, last night are very worrying. They at least prove I was right to remove my Bill as a mark of the distress I feel at the contempt
with which this subject is being treated. The House was clearly misled.
It is not good enough to say we will now have it in September and it was affected by a
change of Government. It cannot be just that as we were told the matter would be resolved by
31 March, which was well before the change. We have not got the heads of the Bill yet. We
were told clearly and categorically that we would have them, and this is necessary for us to
have the debate.
It has also been suggested that the problem may be due to changes in the Cabinet, particularly
in the post of Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform. It is more than a decade
since we had a debate in this House which led to decriminalisation in this regard. The then
Fianna Fa´ il Government distinguished itself, and in particular the then Minister, Ma´ ire
Geoghegan-Quinn, in her strong cry for liberty and equality. This was reinforced subsequently
by the then Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern.
The remarks of Deputy Bertie Ahern on that subject in that debate were recently resurrected.
A group of people from various parties came out with equally regressive attitudes. I
will say without naming anybody that one of the most vociferous people there subsequently
approached me and told me he had revised his opinion in light of the fact that his son told him
he was also gay. There is not a single Member whose extended families are not touched by
this. We should show a little human decency in this regard.
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator has made his point.
Senator David Norris: The majority of my colleagues on that side spoke very well on that.
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator has made the point to the Leader.
Senator David Norris: The other person suggested was Deputy Coughlan, a very intelligent
person. Let it be remembered that within the course of the last Government, she had the
unenviable distinction of being the only Minister in Europe to have introduced legislation
discriminating against the social rights of gay citizens in this country. That is why people like
myself are worried.
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator has made his point.
Senator David Norris: I acknowledge that we will be discussing Thornton Hall on Thursday,
which I welcome. It would be foolish not to acknowledge the document, Patients, Not Prisoners,
produced by the Central Mental Hospital carers’ group, the Irish Mental Health Coalition and
Schizophrenia Ireland. I ask other Members to acquire it. It discusses co-location of the mental
hospital, which is very worrying to many people.
We should consider Burma again in light of the appalling fact that the junta has extended
by six months the imprisonment of Aung San Suu Kyi.
An Cathaoirleach: The Senator’s time is up.
Senator David Norris: It has also refused to allow non-governmental organisations to travel
beyond Rangoon.

Thursday, May 22, 2008

Order of Business - 22nd May 2008

Order of Business - 22nd May 2008

Senator David Norris: I congratulate our colleague, Senator Bacik, on raising the question of whether it is suitable to imprison women for minor offences. I regret male Members of the Houses are not invited to the meeting on this later because it is important that men, who are coequals as legislators, should be involved in these discussions. The overwhelming majority of the prison population is male and an overwhelming element of that population comes from certain inner city districts in our principal cities. I would like that issue examined and not just the rights of women because what is sauce for the gander is also sauce for the goose.
I refer to the Lisbon treaty, which has been extensively discussed on the Order of Business. Allegations have been made that people have not been told the truth. Sometimes this is the result of a misunderstanding or misinformation but a case I took some years ago to the European Court of Human Rights has been widely canvassed as being a reason for voting "Yes". The case was taken under Council of Europe, not European Union, rules to the European Court of Human Rights, not the European Court of Justice.
I have raised serious questions about militarisation that will continue under the treaty. That is one of the reasons I have considerable problems about it. Will the Leader ask the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment to come to the House to clarify the position of Enterprise Ireland vis-á-vis the European Defence Agency? Who is representing Enterprise Ireland at meetings of the EDA? What type of meetings of the EDA are being attended by EI? How many EDA meetings has EI attended? The Minister for Defence should also attend the House to answer questions. What projects is Ireland involved in within the EDA, which used to be called the European Armaments Group? What do the projects entail? What is their purpose? What are the financial implications for those participating? What, if any, financial contribution is Ireland making or expected to make? Can we have clarity on these matters? Is Ireland part of the EDA's intergovernmental regime for defence procurement? If so, why was there no discussion in the Dáil on the decision to join the EDA or this regime? These are serious matters.
I was laughed at in the House and told I was a flake for raising the question of the increasing militarisation of Europe under the Lisbon treaty. I have clear and specific questions and I would like the relevant Ministers to come to the House to answer them. Will the Minister for Defence define what is "common defence"? I would like him to give us a detailed briefing on the financial implications of Ireland's membership of the EDA The people of Ireland are entitled to clear, factual answers, which should be given in advance of the vote on the treaty.

Private Members Business - Transport 21 - 21st May 2008

Private Members Business - Transport 21 - 21st May 2008
Senator David Norris: I thank Senator Hannigan for sharing his time with me. It is very important, even though times may be difficult, that the Government keeps its nerve and invests in the long-term infrastructure of this country. We have had situations in the past, particularly with the metro, where it was clear that the project was the only logical, sensible solution that would effectively address the traffic congestion in Dublin city but it fell off the agenda because of economic difficulties. The Government must keep its courage on this one.
I am very disappointed, like other Members, that the time for the implementation of the metro has been extended by another two years. We must have absolute commitment on this project. While I am on the subject of the metro, much concern has been expressed about disruption to St. Stephen's Green. I understand that it must take place and I have lost a few votes by writing back to constituents and telling them that I am in favour of the metro and that the green must be dug up. However, it can be done in a sensitive way. I know, for example, in the Middle East that even mature trees can be lifted, tubbed, conserved and then put back in place. I would like a commitment from the Government that this will happen and that the disruption to St. Stephen's Green will be temporary and that the park, which is very much beloved by Dubliners and all Irish citizens, will be reinstated and there will not be ongoing, ugly disturbances. Any entrances to the metro station should be appropriate and, if possible, located outside the perimeter of the green itself. Having said all that, the metro is essential.
I suggest that the Dublin transport authority might take into account the views of Mr. Cormac Rabbitte and examine his Dargan project proposals. Mr. Rabbitte is a serious player in this area and has had very sensible ideas. Governments tend to catch up with him after the event. He has come up with a proposal that would provide us with more than the metro as currently outlined, would be cheaper and would be a fully integrated orbital metro network.
I spoke on the Dublin Transport Authority Bill in this House and was sorry the Minister did not agree to at least one of my amendments which related to the off-street parking of commercial buses, especially private ones. It is insane to have buses all around Mountjoy Square, for example, where there is a crèche and a children's playground. It is very dangerous and I do not see why there should not be a requirement on the bus companies to provide off-street parking for their fleets. The Minister responded that the provision existed in the legislation to which I respond that the wording should be changed from "may" to "shall", that is, the Minister shall require the companies to provide off-street parking because it is a public necessity.
We also discussed the issue of cycle lanes on O'Connell Street. If we are going to provide cycle lanes, there must be consistency and coherence. There is no point in having a cycle lane that starts at one point and then evaporates at a set of traffic lights. Cycle lanes and cyclists must be protected. I have been knocked off my bicycle not once, but twice on O'Connell Street, with the result that I do not cycle down it any more.
I raised a matter during the debate on the Dublin Transport Authority Bill but I know the Minister of State at the Department of Transport is a good Dubliner and may take it on board. This is a city of which we can be proud but not of the Dublin Port tunnel, to which Senator Ellis referred. While it has been effective in removing the articulated traffic from the city centre, its treatment is appalling. The entrance, which is one of the first sights of public note one sees coming from the airport, is ugly, amateurish and stupid. It looks like a bit of an old hoover that has landed from outer space. Why not address it properly and put it in a proper architectural context, to show that we are proud of it? Furthermore, when we are building the metro, let us not build cheap stations. Let us, for a few pence more in global terms, build decent stations which can be used as exhibition halls for reproductions of some of the great treasures we have in our museums.
Acting Chairman (Senator Terry Leyden): The Senator's time is well up and the train is moving on.
Senator David Norris: In that case, I will just mention, en passant, the M3, which is a frightful business. The Minister of State might, if he has a spare moment, read what I said on the Order of Business today about the involvement of Kellogg, Brown & Root in it. We are paying some pretty questionable American companies to desecrate part of the historic landscape around the Hill of Tara.

Statements on the HSE Child Welfare and Protection Services - 21st May 2008

Statements on the HSE Child Welfare and Protection Services - 21st May 2008
Senator David Norris: I thank my colleague, Senator Bacik, for sharing some of her time with me. I also welcome the Minister of State to the House and wish him well in his career. I think he is a very appropriate choice because I happen to know him slightly but I have also been very impressed by the highly capable, intelligent and humane way he has dealt with matters such as this and other politically related matters in the media in recent weeks. As they say in the country, he comes from a good stable. With a father and an uncle like his, he could not but start with good credibility in this area.
I was especially impressed by one part of his speech where he said that: "Two days after the broadcast of the "Prime Time Investigates" programme I met with senior officials from the HSE to discuss, among other topics, the issues raised by that report." It may not be that everything is satisfactory. We know precisely from what Senator Fitzgerald said in a most impassioned speech and also from what Senator Bacik said that things are far from well. That is a good example of what the Minister of State called for in the case of children - early intervention. He intervened early, took action and met people.
I am concerned about other things. Senator Bacik put on the record of the House a number of matters about which I am concerned, as did Senator Fitzgerald. I have been briefed in this area previously by people who are morbidly concerned that if they are employed in this area, their managerial level will find out about it. Will the Minister of State seek to provide a whistle-blower's charter for people within the Health Service Executive? However good "Prime Time Investigates" is, it should not come directly from a television programme but from within and from consultation.

People should feel protected when they voice legitimate concerns to Members of this House. It is not appropriate for Members of the Oireachtas to receive submissions from people who plead with us not to reveal their identities for fear of damaging their careers.
The Minister of State spoke of support for families to reduce the number of children who may become dependent on State care. That is not sufficient and is far too weak. While I abhor comments such as those reported in the British House of Commons that the most dangerous place to be is in the mother's womb, which is a frightful comment to make on the abortion debate, we must be very careful about suggesting that the family is the safest place for a child because that is not always so. Child abuse very frequently takes place within the family. Children need to be protected within the family but if a difficulty exists, it is not appropriate just to produce supports while the child remains in situ. I am thinking here of the case of Ms Maria Colville whose return by the social services to her family resulted in her murder. As a result of that case, Seanad Éireann introduced the guardian ad litem clause to protect vulnerable children in that area. Of the 5,000 children who are at risk, there are many for whom no plans are made or such plans that are made are not followed through. Those children have been seriously let down and are a parallel to the children who were abused in institutions.
I wish to ask the Minister of State a number of questions, one or two of which have already been posed by Senator Bacik. Can he tell the House the percentage of children in the care of the Health Service Executive with an allocated social worker? How many cases does the Minister of State and the HSE believe is appropriate, in terms of good social work practice, for a social worker to have on his or her caseload? How many cases, on average, are allocated to HSE social workers in child and family services? How many cases currently are open within the HSE social work department in child and family services? How many cases are unallocated within the service? I would be grateful if the Minister of State would answer these simple and direct questions.

Statements on the WTO Negotiations - 21st May 2008

Statements on the WTO Negotiations - 21st May 2008
Senator David Norris: I am grateful to my colleague, Senator Joe O'Toole, for sharing his time with me. I heard speakers describe Commissioner Mandelson as acting in a very British manner. This was an unnecessary comment. We should analyse what he is doing. I do not know whether it is British. I am not sure what "British" means in this sense. He has certainly behaved with a lack of caution and taken a fairly bullying approach. Perhaps it links in to the colonial past but we associate ourselves with it in many ways when it puts pressure or a squeeze on some of the least developed countries on the planet. I am glad Senator Joe O'Toole raised this point.
The Minister's speech contains an interesting paragraph where he discusses safeguarding production based in the EU to meet future demands of our population for food and bioenergy. I am glad this was mentioned because population is rarely mentioned, and it must be examined. The problems for departments in every country go back to the explosion in population, about which nobody is talking. The population is at twice the level it was at when I entered Trinity College. During my adult life, the population of the planet has doubled. Perhaps it will do so again during the next 50 years. This is what is putting pressure on agriculture resources.
Senator Joe O'Toole is correct about the dumping of food on the Third World. It is not a level playing field. Often in politics the level playing field approach is advocated. Our activities as part of the European Union mean we are part of an attempt to impose economic partnership agreements with the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries which exceed the demands of the WTO. The demands of the WTO are even unfair, as has been indicated by Senator O'Toole. How much more unfair then are those demands which exceed them and to which we are party? I appeal to the Minister to examine this liberalisation of trade in the selfish interests of the European Union which goes even further than the WTO.

These agreements, as they stand, do not constitute development friendly partnerships, as they go beyond what is required for compliance.
A number of west African ministers have deplored the message exhorted by the European Commission in a statement following a meeting of theirs recently. The African Union Assembly declaration stated, "The process leading to the conclusion of interim EPAs did not build on what was negotiated earlier and, in particular, political and economic pressures are being exerted by the European Commission". Mr. Mandelson was referred to again in the context of the tantrums he threw and bullying engaged in. I have three requests to make of Government. We should back independent evaluations of any impact assessment of what has been agreed in the economic partnership agreements. There should be renegotiation of any aspect and we should reduce it at least to the minimum necessary for WTO compliance. We should allow for complete flexibility for developing countries in any negotiations on trade-related issues such as intellectual property to be led by a developing country. This flows directly from our practice, as Senator O'Toole said, of not only protecting our own farmers but disadvantaging the poorest and least advantaged on the planet.

Order of Business - 21st May 2008

Order of Business - 21st May 2008

Senator David Norris: I strongly support Senator Coffey on his call for debate on the fate of Waterford Glass, which is one of our most historic industries and represents Ireland all over the world. Just yesterday, visitors to the House admired the beautiful Waterford Glass chandeliers that grace this Chamber. I have, however, some concern with regard to Government intervention. We must look back, for example, at its intervention in the case of the banks. That was highly unpopular with taxpayers and the moneys were never repaid. Why should capitalist enterprise be propped up by taxpayers?
I support a debate, but it must be nuanced. Sir Anthony O'Reilly and his empire have made clear their advocacy of the open market and people do not want to shovel bucket loads of cash into his already overloaded pockets in order to sustain Waterford Glass. If taxpayers' money is put into the company, there should be certain guarantees provided. Either the company should be partly nationalised - I would be proud of it as a State enterprise and hope it would work - or guarantees should be provided to the State as a preferential creditor. If the company is an embarrassment to Sir Anthony and he is making a commercial decision that he can no longer support it, let him give the shares to the State. He has plenty of other things in his back pocket. I understand he has previously supported Waterford Glass out of his own pocket. I appreciate his generosity in doing that and understand that he may not wish to do it any longer.
Will the Leader confirm something he said yesterday and give me a date for a discussion in the House with the Minister on the question of the location of the Abbey Theatre? The editorial of Monday's The Irish Times mentioned that the recent unveiling of the proposal for the Carlton site in O'Connell Street illustrates the necessity for a landmark cultural component to counterface the commercial overload of the plan for this key location. I understand a major British retail force will be located on the Carlton site, but there has been no mention of a cultural aspect to the site or any mention of the Abbey Theatre.
I call for debate on the National Roads Authority and its attitude towards the environment. This is biodiversity week, but consider how it is being celebrated in County Meath. The National Roads Authority has contacted Meath County Council and it has franchised out the spraying of the hedgerows with 2,4-D, a highly toxic chemical. This is killing nestlings, destroying a huge variety of plants and fouling the groundwater in the area. One of the reasons given for the spraying was that the massive scale of the motorworks in the area has disturbed noxious weeds so that seeds have been distributed everywhere. The NRA is behind this disturbance. The contract for the spraying has been given to Kellogg, Brown & Root, KBR, which is owned by Halliburton, whose chief executive is-----
An Cathaoirleach: No names please.
Senator David Norris: -----the man described by Hillary Clinton as Darth Vader, Dick Cheney. Therefore, the National Roads Authority is employing Darth Vader to poison the landscape of Meath to celebrate biodiversity week. What a wonderful island we live on.

Statements on Burma - 20th May 2008

Statements on Burma - 20th May 2008


Senator David Norris: I join with my colleagues in welcoming my former comrade on the Joint Committee on Transport, the Minister of State, Deputy Peter Power, to the House. I congratulate him on his elevation and also Deputy Micheál Martin on his assignation to the Department of Foreign Affairs, which is a plum job in Government, even though one must sometimes confront difficult and tragic situations such as this.
This is one of the situations where we are all united. I listened with great interest to the thoughtful contribution of Senator Cummins and also to the considered view of Senator Ann Ormonde. I compliment her on continuing to speak when she had some difficulty, which she courageously managed to overcome. It is welcome that she put her views on the record because it makes it clear that from the Minister down we are all singing from the same hymn sheet.
This was a natural catastrophe. A series of elements must be considered because this was predicted. Two, three and four years ago people talked about the places that would be most vulnerable in the world in terms of global warming and the change in weather systems. A low-lying delta region, the Irrawaddy Delta, was obviously one that would be focussed on. This has happened before and General Tan Shwe ran away from the place where he created the capital, Yangon. He would not face his people in the moment of tragedy.
I am often harshly critical of the Chinese Government and its approach but what a contrast there is in the way the Chinese leadership rolled up its sleeves and showed solidarity with its people when it was confronted by a parallel disaster. That disaster has repercussions for this situation because Chinese attention is understandably and inevitably diverted from its neighbour to coping with its own situation. China will be less able to co-operate with the rest of the world in exerting pressure but it is part of the key. It has given massive military aid to the Burmese Government, which I deplore and regret, and is involved in trade in oil and gas. China is a key player, so this is a double tragedy.
The existing situation was awful. Thanks to the regime there has been accelerating poverty - an impoverishment of its people - ever since it got into power. It continues to persecute all the democratic elements, the best known of which is the heroic woman Aung San Suu Kyi, of whom, I am sorry to say, we have heard little during the recent crisis. I sincerely hope her well-being is protected and that we ensure this through our diplomatic agencies.
Before this cyclone occurred, 75% of the people lived below the poverty line and one third of Burmese children were at least moderately malnourished. The army had the largest forcibly conscripted child soldier element in the world. They cared little for their own people but managed to stagger on because of resources and links with surrounding countries. Thailand has the highest trade balance with the Burmese, principally because of the Thai Government's purchase of natural gas, which is considerable. Thailand is the principle country propping up of the Burmese regime. In 2005, the Burmese Government imposed a massive increase in the domestic price of the essential supplies of oil and gas.
Last autumn, we discussed the riots that took place when a peaceful demonstration led by Buddhist monks was savagely attacked and repressed by the Burmese Government. I drew a contrast between the behaviour of the Chinese Government and the Burmese Government but there is also an internal contrast to be drawn between the ruthless efficiency in the way they galvanised military resources to repress their people and their impotence in confronting this disaster and coming positively to the aid of their people. It is an obscenity that they leave planeloads of aid, food and medical supplies stranded on the tarmac in surrounding countries, that they inhibit the issuing of visas and that they continue their profligate lifestyles despite the fact that the Burmese people are suffering.
There is a role of dishonour, a role of international shame that does not stop with members of the Burmese junta. After the repression and violence visited on the Burmese people, India, China, Malaysia and Thailand continued to negotiate financial arrangements with the Burmese junta.

Perhaps they thought this was "constructive engagement", a phrase I first heard in the context of dealings with the military regime in Burma but, does it work? When Burma joined the Association of South East Asian Nations, ASEAN, in 1997 there were 210,000 Burmese refugees in neighbouring countries. Before the cyclone hit and, following this "constructive engagement" by the ASEAN countries, this figure had almost tripled to 750,000.
I referred earlier to the issue of oil. The situation in this regard is instructive and interesting and goes back as far 1871 when the British, who do not have a particularly good record either, were in control and the Rangoon Oil Company was established. During the closing decades of the last century natural gas was discovered. Various groups were involved including the British, French and the Americans. The American companies involved, Texaco and Unocal, behaved in a brutal manner and collaborated with the military junta in the exploitation of the natural resources. This is important because it calls into question the words of President Bush and his wife. Correct though they were, the source of those words actually pollutes them because they have no moral status whatever.
I will provide another contrast for the House, namely, that between President Bush's fine words in chiding the Burmese authorities and his record with regard to Hurricane Katrina. The manner in which he abandoned his own racially inferior groups, as no doubt they were seen in some sections following the hurricane, is a mirror image of what happened in Burma. Let us consider further Unocal, the oil company to which I referred earlier.
In 1996, a human rights suit was filed against Unocal by local villagers whose men were conscripted, forcibly dislodged from their land and whose women were raped, with their children taken away as soldiers. This was to facilitate the construction of a $1.2 billion gas pipeline to take natural gas into Thailand. The suit was settled by Unocal in 2004, which means it admitted a degree of liability, as a result of the unearthing of the situation by international agencies. One woman gave personal testimony of how the soldiers came to her home, shot her husband and killed her baby. Others said their neighbours had been executed in front of them because they refused to leave the area Unocal wanted and so on.
In 1995, the United Nations put out warnings about serious human rights abuses following which Texaco left Burma but Unocal remained and continues to retain a 28% share in the pipeline. Members may wonder where this is leading; it is leading directly to the Bush Administration. The US State Department acknowledged that slave labour was being used and defended Unocal against the suit taken by the local villagers because it believed it was inimical to United States foreign policy and, in particular, to the so-called war on terror.
There are lessons for us all. The international community needs to get involved in the way we have. I was interested to hear the outrage expressed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Martin, whom I have known for many years and who is usually moderate and diplomatic, in the final paragraph of his speech when he excoriated the regime in Burma. I pay tribute to the local people about whom we have heard very little. They have had to struggle through mud and wreckage. We have all heard the descriptions of forests pelted by the cyclone to such an extent the trees were like groups of stalks and of the stench of death coming from the corpses. The scale of the disaster is such that approximately 130,000, possibly 200,000 or 250,000 people have been affected. One phrase seems to sum up the scale of the devastation. Even the efforts now being weakly consented to by the Burmese authorities were described by a local Burmese man as, "Like throwing sesame seeds at a hungry elephant". That is the scale of this disaster. It is welcome that we are all united in our support for the tragic situation in which the Burmese people find themselves and in condemnation of the regime there. I hope to God that tragic as is the situation, it may at last put the skids under that lousy government.

Order of Business - 20th May 2008

Order of Business - 20th May 2008

Senator David Norris: If the Punch and Judy show is over may I state that frequently in this House I stated that both Bush and Blair were liars and nobody ever stopped me. Perhaps this is because they are.

An Cathaoirleach: On the Order of Business.

Senator David Norris: With regard to Libertas and the “No” vote campaign, Senator Regan referred to an interesting piece about the background of a number of these people. A majority of them are employed by-----

An Cathaoirleach: We are not having this debate on the Order of Business.

Senator David Norris: -----an American armaments firm. I will make this point.

An Cathaoirleach: We will debate the matter this week.

Senator David Norris: This strengthens the point I made in this House with regard to my reservations about the military aspects of the Lisbon treaty and the development of the European armaments group and its desire to go into competition with the United States armaments industry. This would be a clear explanation as to why people with links to the United States arms industry-----

An Cathaoirleach: We are not having a debate on the Lisbon treaty today.

Senator David Norris: -----do not want it passed. I do not want it to pass, but for other reasons.

An Cathaoirleach: We are not having a debate on the Lisbon treaty on the Order of Business.

Senator David Norris: I was clarifying an issue for Senator Regan.
I join with colleagues in calling for a debate on the collapse of the social housing programme. This calls into question our very values as a society. We can have the Shelbourne Hotel and the Thornton Hall super-prison but apparently we are spancilled when we try to do something for the most disadvantaged sections of our society.
I happen to live close to some of the areas concerned and I admire and respect the people there. People living on Sean McDermott Street and Dominic Street got together, formed committees and negotiated. Some of their houses and apartments have been vacated and have begun to be demolished. However, once again the prospect of new housing is snatched away from them. Apparently, one of the problems is the increased size of apartments and standards of heating efficiency. This suggests that people are not entitled to a decent standard.

An Cathaoirleach: Is Senator Norris seeking a debate?

Senator David Norris: Yes, because the Government is responsible. It allowed the housing industry to overheat and encouraged it by giving incentives to pals. The new Taoiseach, Deputy Cowen, has a challenge to resolve this problem and reassure the Irish people that the standards are those of which he spoke so movingly in Clara, County Offaly.
No. 38 on the Order Paper is linked because it is an attempt to face up to developers. It is a motion in the name of some Independent Members on the location of the Abbey Theatre. This situation has changed again because of the planning and development issues at the north end of O’Connell Street. There is an opportunity for our national theatre not to be hidden away at the behest of sectoral interests in the IFSC but to be placed where it belongs in the centre of the principal thoroughfare of Dublin. Will the Leader ask the Minister responsible to come to the House to explain where the theatre will be sited?

Dublin Transport Authority Bill 2008 - Committee Stage Resumed - 13th May 2008

Dublin Transport Authority Bill 2008: Committee Stage (Resumed).
SECTION 40.
Debate resumed on amendment No. 37:

In page 34, subsection (1), line 17, to delete paragraph (a).

- (Senator David Norris).
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: I welcome the Minister for Transport. I congratulate him and wish him well on his reappointment.

Minister for Transport (Deputy Noel Dempsey): I thank the Leas-Chathaoirleach.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 37 to 41, inclusive, are being discussed together. Senator Norris was in possession.

Senator David Norris: I do not need to rehearse much of what I had to say on the previous day. This is a series of related amendments that deal with an issue a number of other colleagues have also raised, that is, the exclusion of elected Members of both Houses of the Oireachtas and also of local authorities from membership of the Dublin transport authority. A Member of European Parliament would, by definition, be unsuitable because he or she would be out of the country for long periods. I am not so sure about an outright ban on Members of the Oireachtas because we have a good, active transport committee. I think that to bar a member of that committee from the Dublin transport authority would be regrettable. Barring a person because he or she is a member of a local authority will diminish the possibility for democratic pressure and for people to have their say. As other Members pointed out, if we have an elected Lord Mayor he or she would be disbarred from participating in the Dublin transport authority. I always assumed that the point of having an elected mayor would be for the position to be along the lines of the elected mayoralty in London. Transport has been a key element in the policy mandate of the Mayor of London.
That is all I need to say and I look forward to the Minister’s response.

Senator John Ellis: The last time we debated this I raised the issue of the exclusion of local authority members because I feel it is wrong and we must do something to deal with it. It is very unfair that local authority members should be debarred; at least Oireachtas Members have the right to attend an Oireachtas committee and can raise questions when they do so. In this case even the Lord Mayor could be debarred and that is wrong. I appeal to the Minister to further examine this matter before Report Stage and, if possible, allow local authority members to be members of the board.

Senator David Norris: At least those in Dublin and surrounding counties.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: We have had this discussion already and I do not think we need delay further on it. I indicated last time, when this matter arose, that I am sympathetic to the view of Senators that local authority members should not be excluded from membership of the Dublin transport authority. As I said last week, nothing in section 14, which concerns membership of the authority, precludes the Minister for Transport from appointing a member of a local authority to the Dublin transport authority. I wish to emphasise this. In this section I do not wish to go down the route of naming individuals or classes of people who I think should or should not be a member of the authority. I wish only to use the generic description of people who have an interest, expertise or skill in this area.
In deference to the arguments made by Senators, including Senator Ellis and others, I am indicating my willingness to bring forward an amendment on Report Stage to remove the provisions in section 40 that have the effect of prohibiting a member of a local authority from serving as a member of the Dublin transport authority. As Senator Ellis said, I will retain the provisions relating to Members of the Oireachtas because we are elected to do a full-time job that is onerous enough. Senator Ellis pointed out that Oireachtas Members have the opportunity to appear before committees and I will not change the provisions relating to Oireachtas Members.
Senator Norris raised a point relating to the meaning of section 40(1)(a) and he is concerned that the distinction made may not be clear enough. I have asked the parliamentary draftsman to re-examine this and, if necessary, I will introduce an amendment on Report Stage. The initial view I was given is that this provision is just meant to distinguish between the Taoiseach’s nominees and elected Members of Seanad Éireann. I will see if it is necessary to make the distinction or if this could give rise to confusion. On this basis I ask the Senators to withdraw their amendments as they can be discussed further on Report Stage, if necessary.

Senator Brendan Ryan: In our previous discussions on Committee Stage we agreed that further substantive debate could take place today, under this section, on the issue raised in amendment No. 21, which I tabled. It was felt that the areas were related, in terms of the membership of local authority members.
Given the Minister’s comments today on not excluding members of the board of the Dublin transport authority who subsequently become local authority members, could he agree to having a local authority member on the board by right? This was the thrust of amendment No. 21, which I agreed to withdraw last week on the basis that we would have further discussion on it. I intend to press this amendment on Report Stage.

Senator David Norris: I will not delay the House but I am glad the Minister referred to our previous discussion on Committee Stage on section 40(1)(a). We are invited to hand in our nominations. This may only directly affect the six university seats in the Seanad but we are invited by the provost to hand in our nominations. This means we are nominated and even a person who fails to gain a seat in the House would be automatically ruled out.
I welcome the fact that the Minister is again examining the question of local authorities. I have mixed views about barring Oireachtas Members, though I take the Minister’s point that we have plenty to do in these Houses. If membership of the Dublin transport authority is really a full-time, professional commitment, Oireachtas Members should be ruled out of serving on it.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I ask the Minister, when he is making the amendment he suggested regarding the participation of local authority members, to keep the remit for such members as wide as possible. I am aware that in other parts of the legislation the Minister is quite specific in suggesting that members of the regional authorities or assemblies should be involved in the Dublin transport authority. In any amendment the Minister makes in this regard, he should not be prescriptive about the role a member of a local authority may have. In many cases “ordinary” members of city and county councils may have much expertise in this area because they are members of strategic policy committees or because of their professional backgrounds. However, they may not be members of regional assemblies due to the demands of jobs they hold.
I ask the Minister to provide as broad a remit as possible, to allow all members of the local authority to participate, when he decides how to amend this legislation. This would be a welcome change.

Senator John Ellis: I feel that if we dropped section 40(1)(a) entirely and changed section 40(1)(b) to read “an elected Member or nominated Member of either House of the Oireachtas or the European Parliament”, we could get out of the spot of trouble we are in.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: We can discuss how this will be done on Report Stage. It is possible that we could make this very simple, though sometimes people do not like simple language in legislation.

Senator David Norris: I do.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: If a person becomes a Member of either House of the Oireachtas or the European Parliament that solves the problem. We will look for an agreed way forward on this. I will give consideration to Senator Donohoe’s point. 4 o’clock

Senator David Norris: This opens the whole discussion on Members of the Oireachtas. Senator Donohoe mentioned people with major professional commitments who may still be members of local authorities. That would mean they could not give a full-time commitment. If that is to be opened up, there would be a need to also question membership of the Oireachtas because there is a contradiction there.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments Nos. 38 to 41, inclusive, not moved.
Section 40 agreed to.
Sections 41 and 42 agreed to.
SECTION 43.
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Amendment No. 41a is in the names of Senators Brendan Ryan, Alex White, Michael McCarthy, Phil Prendergast, Dominic Hannigan, Alex Kelly and David Norris.

Senator Brendan Ryan: I move amendment No. 41a:

In page 36, line 12, to delete paragraph (a).

Senator David Norris: Is this amendment in opposition to the section?

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: It is amendment No. 41a, on an additional list, already circulated on 8 May.

Senator Brendan Ryan: This amendment seeks to delete section 43, paragraph (a). An immunity for individuals in good faith on behalf of the authority, in accordance with section 80, would not be objectionable. However, a blanket immunity against any proceedings in respect of the authority itself for failure to act appears to be open to constitutional challenge, according to our advice. The Minister has an amendment which is to delete the section in full. I hope it is in recognition of our amendment and if so, I thank him for that.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: The bad news for Senator Ryan is that when we looked at this again, it was decided that I should withdraw my amendments. I take it we are taking these two together, amendment No. 41a and my amendment to delete section 43. The Government is withdrawing the proposal for the deletion of the section, therefore, Senator Ryan and I are not ad idem, but rather on opposite sides in this regard.

Senator David Norris: Could the Minister explain the rationale behind this dithering?

Deputy Noel Dempsey: It was originally proposed to delete section 43, but we received further legal advice in this regard to what is contained in the section. It is a common provision in legislation establishing State bodies. Its purpose is to ensure no one can seek to claim damages from, inter alia, the authority or a subsidiary of the authority in circumstances where the authority or its subsidiary fails to conform or comply with its statutory functions. In other words, we are ensuring that no one can take a legal action against the authority or its subsidiary body for something it did not do. Basically, there are many people who are willing to take legal action against authorities and their subsidiaries for things they do, or do not do properly. We are not going to offer people the opportunity to take legal action against authorities for things they did not do, as this would serve to further enhance the compensation culture that exists at the moment.
If we remove this provision we shall be opening a can of worms. Given the spirit or intent of Senator Ryan’s proposal, however, it is important to state that there will be no bar on anybody taking an action regarding alleged damage arising from the exercise by the authority, or a subsidiary, of its statutory functions. If somebody does something incorrectly, as a result of which loss or damage is caused, my amendment will ensure people may continue to take action against the authority or subsidiary concerned. We are simply not giving people the right to sue because an authority did not do something.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: Will the Minister clarify two points on this amendment? How common is a clause such as this in legislation setting up an organisation such as the Dublin transport authority? When I read the section, it appeared to that this was a blanket cover to the effect that anybody working for the Dublin transport authority would be immune from prosecution for services he or she was not providing. This seemed to be a very strong indemnity to be offering any employee of the Dublin transport authority.
Even if I take on board the point the Minister has just made, about the need for an employee of the authority to have such immunity, paragraph (d) also offers this immunity to a person who is providing services to the Authority, that is, somebody who is not an employee of the authority but who is just providing services to it. Is it common for a blanket immunity such as this to be offered to somebody who is not an employee of the organisation?

Senator Brendan Ryan: Although our legal advice is that this blanket approach might lead to a constitutional challenge later, I do not intend to press our amendment but I reserve the right to seek to have it reconsidered on Report Stage.
Senator David Norris: It is rather curious behaviour. It is somewhat like the “I stepped in again, you stepped out again” approach. It appears in the Bill, step 1. It is deleted, step 2, and then it is back in, step 3. That does not suggest a very clear and logical approach. I am not fully convinced about the Minister’s action. Is it the case that the Minister does not now propose to delete the section?

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I do not propose to delete it.

Senator David Norris: The Minister is right, particularly since we were talking earlier about safety. If somebody is injured because of a dereliction on the part of a transport authority, particularly if Senator Donohoe has his way and it is running railway trains, buses, boats, canal barges, etc., then the public should have the right to sue. The right to restore something that was proposed to be deleted suggest some degree of dithering but that is a very human quality. Since the Minister has got it right now, we shall absolve him.

Senator John Ellis: We need to be careful about paragraph (d), which refers to “a person providing services to the Authority”. That could very well be construed as a subcontractor to the authority who was negligent should not be exempt from being sued. In the event, it is the authority that will be sued, not the subcontractor if there is negligence, and there should be some way of getting around that, because a loophole exists. It means that if I am contracting to the DTA, I do not have to give tuppence about insurance or anything else, because the authority is the first port of call, and I am exempt. It is the DTA that gets sued.

Senator David Norris: I withdraw my remarks because I am now completely confused. I have been made dizzy by this sort of thing, and it now appears that the immunity is left intact. I am not sure this is a good idea for the reasons I gave when I thought matters were the other way around. I do not see why a citizen should not have a case for redress if he or she is damaged by the actions of the authority. It seems a wide-ranging immunity is to be provided without very clear reasons from the Minister.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: Senator Ellis and I have raised a question about section 43(d). I am not convinced about the need for such a strong immunity for the authority itself. I have, however, a wider concern about whether such immunity should be extended to a third party working for the authority. Will the Minister give an assurance that such a clause is commonplace in enabling legislation establishing new bodies and it cannot be used to excuse poor service or performance by a contracted party?

Deputy Noel Dempsey: Such a provision is contained in the Roads Acts. The Senators are having some difficulty with this clause. I was accused of dithering about it earlier by Senator Norris but he has changed his position four times since we started. There is a certain amount of confusion, largely because of the amendments. I will examine this again on Report Stage.
The provision states no action or other proceedings shall lie or be maintainable against the authority, or a subsidiary of the authority, if it fails to perform or to comply with its statutory duties. I understand the concerns expressed by Senators. If, for example, a subcontractor does bad work on a Luas line and it causes a crash, there are concerns the subcontractor could be immune from prosecution under this provision. I will clarify this on Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 43 agreed to.
SECTION 44.
Acting Chairman (Senator Michael McCarthy): Amendment No. 42 is ruled out of order as it involves a potential charge on the Revenue.

Amendment No. 42 not moved.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 43:

In page 38, subsection (10), line 24, after “Authority” to insert the following:

“but must in the first instance be open to competitive tender to all public transport operators”.
We have had full discussions about amendments of this kind already. The Dublin transport authority should play a more active role in stimulating competition for new routes and modes of public transport. It is about ensuring taxpayers’ money is well spent and the routes and capacity are in place to deal with the growing population of the greater Dublin area.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: The Senator wants all public transport networks to be open to competitive tender. Section 44(9) allows the authority to exploit commercial opportunities arising from its functions under Part 3. This includes aspects such as public transport infrastructure, public passenger transport services, integration measures, traffic management, research and information. Section 44(10) enables the authority, or a third party on its behalf, to exercise that right.
I want to avoid becoming too prescriptive in this section. It would be impossible to list all commercial opportunities that may arise. Accordingly, the purpose of section 44 is not to be prescriptive but leave the authority the sufficient latitude and flexibility to enable it to act commercially where the opportunity arises. It is not possible to foresee every case in which there may be a need for a competitive tender process. In some commercial opportunities, no need may arise.
The Dublin transport authority will be subject to the necessary procurement legislation where it applies. The section, as it stands, gives greater flexibility and will not preclude competitive tendering. I will, therefore, not accept the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 44 agreed to.
Sections 45 to 48, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 49.
Government amendment No. 44:

In page 41, subsection (2), line 50, to delete ”section 48“ and substitute ”subsection (1)”.
Amendment agreed to.
Section 49, as amended, agreed to.
Sections 50 and 51 agreed to.
NEW SECTION.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 45:

In page 42, before section 52, to insert the following new section:

”52.-(1) The Authority shall issue additional public service contracts where it can be shown by any person or body corporate that-

(a) there is a requirement for such service in the general economic interest; and

(b) a public service operator has the capacity to provide such a service.

(2) The Authority shall ensure there is a facility in the Authority to accept and consider any such proposal under subsection (1).”.
The amendment arises from my concerns over the immense power vested in the authority over Dublin’s transport network. The Bill allows the authority to be both a regulator and provider of transport services. This creates a conflict of interest for the authority which could cause problems.
Under section 52 the authority will have exclusive power to determine what it believes are the needs of Dublin’s commuters and the organisations involved in providing public transport. The amendment seeks to allow another body, either Dublin Bus or a private operator, to express a belief that there is a requirement for the expansion of a service or the provision of an additional service, and to ask the Dublin transport authority to consider this request and publish a view whether it believes this additional service is needed and whether it will provide it. Also, if the authority will not provide it, it should explain why this is the case.
I have tried to make the amendment more reasonable by making clear that the organisation seeking to demonstrate that an additional transport capacity is needed must be able to demonstrate that is in the clear economic interest of the region, as laid out in the early sections of this Bill. We must also ensure the operator has the capacity to provide the service. We do not want frivolous organisations wasting the time of the public and the Dublin transport authority by putting forward recommendations for services they are not able to provide.
The amendment asks the Dublin transport authority to consider the proposals and recommendations from other organisations in the greater Dublin region to dilute in some way the power this organisation will have and allow it to consider competing views. I hope in some cases that these competing views, if met, would be in the interests of commuters in the Dublin region.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: These sections are important, as the Senator has said. Before I address the specific amendment, it is important to put in place the background to this overall chapter. As Senators have said and as they will know from the Bill, the immediate results that will flow from the chapter we are discussing here are that the procurement of all public transport services in the greater Dublin area will be done by the Dublin transport authority, which is important. This will involve the authority entering into public transport service contracts with all prospective transport operators.
In the case of public bus and rail passenger services, contracts will only be entered into where a public service obligation, PSO, is identified by the authority. Contracts will have to comply with EU law and in particular with the new EU Regulation 1370/2007/EC which establishes a new framework for PSO contracts for bus and rail passenger services and comes into effect on 3 December 2009.
This chapter has been the focus of much attention. When I first introduced the Bill to Government, the Attorney General made his views known on this on the basis of what was happening in Europe at the time with the PSO regulation. Given this, we needed to alter the Bill to take the PSO regulation fully into account. Everything that is in this chapter and these sections is very carefully worded to ensure we comply with EU law and the PSO regulation, which, as I said, will come into effect on 3 December 2009.
The specific structure we have adopted with regard to the making of the direct award of contracts with the CIE companies has been prepared with particular reference to the need to migrate from where we are at present to full regulation in 2009. That is the general background. The Bill is very carefully worded in this regard.
With regard to the amendment, Chapter 2 of Part 3 of the Bill establishes a comprehensive framework which will give the authority the power to secure the provision of public passenger transport services through the making of public service transport contracts. Section 48 envisages that the authority may enter into such contracts following open tendering in respect of public bus passenger services, metro services and light rail services. It also provides that public bus and rail services can be secured by means of direct award contracts. However, section 52, which relates specifically to the making of direct award contracts, provides that in the case of public bus passenger services, such contracts will only apply to the continued provision of the services currently being provided by Dublin Bus and Bus Éireann. Accordingly, the future growth in the market for subvented public bus services can only be pursued by way of open tendering.
The intent of the Senator’s proposed amendment is already addressed in the overall provisions of this chapter of the Bill. I specifically cite the provisions of sections 48 and 52, to which I referred. These have been carefully prepared and drafted to ensure they are fully in line with the provisions of the EU regulation, which, as the Senator appreciates, has direct application in this regard.
The Senator’s amendment includes the words “shall issue additional public service contracts”. This leaves the authority with no discretion as to how it might provide a public transport service. That is a not a route we want to go down because options must be available to the authority. The intent of the Senator’s amendment is addressed already in these sections which fully comply with the EU PSO requirements in place.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: The Minister’s response indicates clearly that this is one of the pivotal sections in the Bill, which I acknowledge. I also take on board his point regarding the language of my amendment. The concern we should all share with regard to the Bill is that we might get a phrase or clause wrong in such a way that creates vulnerability for an organisation in determining future transport policy in Ireland.
I have a particular concern. Let us say a private operator is operating in another European market and wants to become involved in the provision of transport in Ireland. By legally challenging part of this legislation, the operator would remove the ability of the Government to create policy and might try to force the policy direction of this country via legal action.
There are a number of points I would like the Minister to address. First, is he confirming in this clause that the Dublin transport authority will be what I believe is called the competent local authority for the provision of transport within the Dublin region? If so, will the authority which decides on local transport matters outside of the greater Dublin area still be the Department of Transport and the Minister? Is there a conflict between having the competent local authority, the Dublin transport authority, deciding transport policy within the greater Dublin area and the Department of Transport deciding transport policy for the region outside this area? Could this conflict in any way create an opening for legal challenge to this legislation at some point in the future?
Second, if we are confirming that the Dublin transport authority is the competent local authority for transport issues within the greater Dublin area, does this in any way affect the ability of the new organisation to offer direct award contracts to organisations such as Dublin Bus and Iarnród Éireann? As the Minister acknowledged, if we are wrong on any of these points, it will open this legislation to challenge by private companies who might want to influence the way we provide transport in Ireland.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: On the Senator’s specific questions, which are valid, the DTA will be the competent authority for transport in the greater Dublin area. The Department of Transport will continue to be the competent authority outside the greater Dublin area. As stated in a newspaper article on the Bill, the Government is not handing over all policy-making power and will still be responsible for transport policy. The DTA will be acting on behalf of the Minister as a competent authority, not as a competent local authority per se. The Minister is also a competent authority.
Comments were made to the effect that the Minister for Transport is mentioned 183 times in the Bill. I make no apologies for that because I believe, in respect of any organisation we set up, that Ministers should be accountable to the Houses for policy and the implementation thereof. Every Member of the Oireachtas would agree with this. I am, therefore, not handing over all policy-making functions in respect of transport in the greater Dublin area. I will be asking the DTA to execute the policy and any of the decisions it will make will be subject to ministerial approval, as is right. This meets the Senator’s concerns.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I thank the Minister for his response. He has clarified that within the greater Dublin area, the DTA will be the competent local body while elsewhere it will be the Department of Transport. I am teasing out this point because it is of pivotal importance to this legislation and how the authority will work.
Will the Minister explain the position on routes that do not originate within the greater Dublin area but which are important to the smooth operation of the transport system run by the authority? What will be the deciding body regarding decisions on such routes? Consider, for example, decisions on fares or the frequency of buses on a bus route that begins outside the greater Dublin area. The Minister said the Department of Transport will be responsible for the region outside the greater Dublin area and that the DTA will be responsible for the area within. If the route begins outside the greater Dublin area, will the DTA or the Department be responsible for making decisions on how it will operate?

Deputy Noel Dempsey: To reiterate, we are concerned here with competent authorities. The Department of Transport is a competent authority and the DTA will be part of that authority. That is the position, particularly under EU legislation. On the specific point on publicly funded transport services - provided, for example, by Bus Éireann or Iarnród Éireann - that commence or terminate beyond the greater Dublin area and which would be regarded as being essentially part of public transport services in the greater Dublin area, section 54 provides that the Minister can, by order, designate services for the purpose of the section. He may also designate such services as the subject of exclusive rights subject to the granting of licences under the Road Transport Act 1932 or the subsequent legislative amendments thereto. Section 54(4) states: “The Authority shall enter into direct award contracts, which impose public service obligations, with Bus Éireann or Irish Rail in respect of the public passenger transport services to which this section relates.” The Minister will make the order and the DTA will execute it.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I thank the Minister for his clarification. I will withdraw my amendment, particularly in light of his points. However, this area is ripe for confusion or exploitation in that the Department of Transport will be the national deciding body on transport policy while the Dublin transport authority will be operating in the greater Dublin area. The Oireachtas and those involved in the provision of transport in the Dublin area will need to monitor this.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
SECTION 52.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 46:

In page 42, subsection (1), after line 47, to insert the following:

”(d) Any new such public service contract within the greater Dublin area shall be offered first to Dublin Bus and or Bus Eireann.”.
The Minister has more or less addressed this amendment already because he suggested a European directive required the existence of an open, public and competitive regime. While I favour the existing service providers, particularly where there is a social element, I take it he will reiterate that answer, in which case I will have to accept it.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 47 not moved.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 48:

In page 43, subsection (4), line 15, to delete “5 years” and substitute “10 years”.
At an earlier stage of our consideration of the Bill the Minister was lyrical on the need for what he described as a “level playing field” in these areas. If one is giving ten years to other providers, it seems that public service providers should be given exactly the same treatment. Perhaps the Minister will explain to me the distinction between them, which I do not understand.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: The new EU regulation on public service obligations creates the framework that dictates how member states can award exclusive rights and pay compensation for public bus and passenger services in respect of which the public service obligations have been imposed. A specific right is provided for in the regulation to allow one to do this. Under the regulation, which will apply from 3 December 2009, and which will come into full effect on 3 December 2019, member states are being encouraged to take gradual measures to comply with its provision. The chapter we are talking about in the Bill provides for the first time in Irish transport law a contracting regime to govern the subvention of public bus and rail passenger services in respect of which public service obligations apply.
Section 52 establishes that the three CIE companies will have exclusive rights to provide the services that are the subject of State financial support at present and for growth in respect of rail services, subject to future legislative change. In the case of bus services, the exclusive right also is subject to the grant of bus route licences to private bus operators under the Road Transport Act 1932. Direct award contracts will be entered into to support the provision of the services that are encapsulated in such exclusive rights.
Section 48 provides that future growth in the market for subvented public services in respect of which the authority has determined that a public service obligation applies will be addressed by way of contracts resulting from an open tendering process. However, section 52 proposes that the initial direct award contracts in respect of bus services provided by Dublin Bus and Bus Éireann will be for a period of five years. It also provides for the review of such contracts and for the making of subsequent contracts.
As for the Senator’s point that the initial direct award contracts are limited to a five-year period, this provision, allied to the review provisions and the power to enter into subsequent direct award contracts, ensures the provisions of EU Regulation No. 1370/2007 will be fully complied with within the timeframe envisaged in that regulation. This section and chapter were carefully crafted to ensure the exclusive rights being granted to the CIE companies, as well as the direct award contracts which relate to them, will be fully in line with Ireland’s obligations under the regulations. Accordingly, I ask the Senator to withdraw the proposed amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 49:

In page 43, subsection (5)(a), lines 19 and 20, to delete “unilaterally make amendments to such contract” and substitute the following:

“can amend such direct award in objectively justified cases and in a proportionate manner”.
This is a precautionary amendment because the powers granted to the Minister in this regard are quite serious and swingeing. The section pertains to carrying out a review and so on and there is another related amendment a little further on. My amendment includes a provision that this should be objectively justified and the action should be taken in a proportionate manner. I am sure this is exactly what the Minister would wish. He would not wish to be disproportionate and he would desire such cases to be objectively justified and I propose to include this wording as a form of safety net.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: This chapter relates to the legislative basis for the procurement of bus, rail, metro and light rail public passenger transport services by the Dublin transport authority in the greater Dublin area. As for public bus and rail services, procurement will arise only where a public service obligation is determined and there is a consequent requirement to subvent the operation of such services. The approach adopted in this chapter in respect of the determination of public service obligations again is consistent with the EU public service obligation regulation which provides for the making of a determination that such an obligation is to be applied as a matter for the competent authority. In the case of public bus and rail passenger services in the greater Dublin area, such a role is being given to the authority.
For that reason, as well as the associated responsibility given to it to ensure funding for the delivery of the services in respect of which the public service obligation relates is in compliance with Regulation No. 1370/2007, the authority must be empowered to carry out reviews of the public service contracts at its exclusive discretion. This is encapsulated in section 52(5). Obviously, the authority cannot act unilaterally, inappropriately or disproportionately in cases such as this. It will be obliged to act in a fair manner and as its actions will be subject to judicial review, the companies are fully protected.

Senator David Norris: While the Minister’s response again makes clear that this section is in compliance with the European directive, nothing in my amendment is in conflict with it. Although the Minister has more or less stated this would be the manner in which the authority would act in any case, enabling an authority to act unilaterally in such a way is a strong power. I propose the inclusion of a safeguard of precisely the kind the Minister considers will be the manner in which the authority will act in any case. It is not in conflict with any provisions contained in the European regulations.
I will read the Minister’s further comments with great interest. However, I must apologise to the House as I have a long-standing engagement that I must fulfil and for which I am already late. Consequently, I have asked Senator Donohoe to move the subsequent amendments in my name. While I greatly regret that I will not have an opportunity to be eloquent on the subject of St. Stephen’s Green, I understand the Bill’s Report Stage debate will take place on another day and I may be able to wax eloquent on the subject of the green on that occasion. I again apologise to the Minister and the House. I do not intend any discourtesy and I am grateful to Senator Donohoe for agreeing to technically move my amendments. This does not mean he is ideologically committed to them but he simply is doing me a democratic service.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 50:

In page 43, subsection (5)(b), line 23, after “services”to insert the following:

“in objectively justified cases and in a proportionate manner”.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: As was the case with amendment No. 45, the capacity to review direct award contracts must rest with the authority. However, in the case of a review under section 52(5)(b), the authority must engage in a public consultation process provided for in section 52(5)(d). As part of that process, the authority is required to consult the service provider as well as other potential interested parties, including the users of the services, before it makes the amendment. The authority also is required, under section 52(5)(e), to publish a report as to the reasons it promoted the amendments made as a result of a review under section 52(5)(b). This section provides the opportunity for all interested parties to make their views known to the authority and as I consider the approach set out is appropriate in the circumstances, I ask the Senator to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Thursday, May 15, 2008

Order of Business - 15th May 2008

Order of Business - 15th May 2008

Senator David Norris: I agree with Senator O'Toole about the manner in which the proposed changes in the HSE have been handled. It has been done in a clumsy and unfeeling fashion. There is a human context to the proposed changes with people facing mortgage repayments and so forth and it must be managed sensitively. On the other hand, it is appropriate that we examine whether there is excess fat at managerial level that can be cut out.
Before Christmas I was informed of a case where a woman lobbied for a form of treatment for her child and others who suffer from a particular syndrome. It was agreed upon and two managers were appointed. However, the recruitment embargo in public health then came up, leaving two managers being paid, no medical personnel employed and no delivery of service. It is insane. If this is widespread in the HSE, I would be glad if some surgery were performed.
A Council of Foreign Ministers meeting in several weeks will discuss economic partnership agreements. These operate very significantly to the disadvantage of Third World countries, particularly in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific. These countries have been bullied and browbeaten.

Mr. Mandelson in particular has been accused very widely of bullying these people. The Foreign Minister of the Cook Islands accused him of throwing tantrums to force them into a position of accepting a situation that was inimical to the well-being and financial prospects of his country. The Minister for Trade in Samoa said they suffered the indignity of the rudeness of Commissioner Mandelson to all the Pacific island ministers who were present.
They are trying to force the reduction or abolition of tariffs on a scale that is far beyond what is required by the World Trade Organisation. It is sheer economic selfishness and neoliberal economics, and is one of the reasons I have spoken out against the intensification of this policy under the Lisbon treaty. We already have it. If the Government wants to prove to the Irish people that we have a humane streak and we will stand out, as we did in the past-----
An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is the Senator calling for a debate?
Senator David Norris: Very clearly, I have something to ask. For example, the west African ministers said they deplored the pressure exerted by the European Commission and the African Union said that the process leading to the conclusion of interim economic partnership agreements did not build on what was negotiated earlier and was a result of pressure being exerted. I want to make three points. First, the Government should clearly and specifically ask for independent evaluations and impact assessments of what has been agreed already because this will impact on education, health, social welfare and infrastructure in these countries. Second, there should be renegotiation of any aspect that is found unsatisfactory and a reduction to the minimum necessary to comply with the WTO. Third, flexibility should be granted to these developing countries. We have already colonised them. The European countries colonised these areas in the 19th century and raped them of their natural resources. Now, we are continuing this process and using the European Union to drive them further back into economic slavery.

Order of Business - 14th May 2008

Order of Business - 14th May 2008
Senator David Norris: I appreciate the Chair's decision to allow me to speak. I congratulate the former Senator, Deputy Mansergh, on being appointed as a Minister of State. The portfolio that has been allocated to him may appear to have been downgraded, but it is up to him to make it clear that is not the case. Perhaps he could do that by coming to this House at an early date to discuss some of the motions on the Order Paper, such as No. 4, which relates to the Abbey Theatre. The redevelopment of the theatre has been held up for a long time by the peculiar selfishness and greed of certain developers and the pusillanimous attitude of the central authorities in not dealing with and confronting the problem. There was a legal issue at stake, but it has apparently been resolved. The possibility that the Abbey Theatre, which is a national cultural institution, could be moved to the north end of O'Connell Street, which everybody agrees is the best place for it, is starting to open up again. The authorities gave up on that prospect too soon. I suggest that the Minister of State, Deputy Mansergh, should come to the House.
Senator Paul Coghlan: Hear, hear.
Senator David Norris: His appointment as Minister of State with responsibility for the arts is an interesting one. While it may appear that the position has been downgraded, I do not believe that is the case. This responsibility has been given to an active person who has been a senior advisor to many taoisigh and carries a great deal of weight at Government level.
While I share Senator Donohoe's concerns about the effect of certain works on St. Stephen's Green, we should look at the matter in a positive way. We should ask the Minister for Transport to come to the House to discuss this issue. Perhaps we will get an opportunity to do so in the context of the final section of the transport Bill. International practice has shown that it is quite possible to take up mature trees, tub them, maintain them and eventually replace them. We need a commitment that St. Stephen's Green, which is loved by Irish people, will be restored as it is.
I will conclude by speaking about the metro stations. I feel strongly that we are in danger of doing the usual Irish thing of spoiling the ship for a hap'orth of tar. The Dublin Port tunnel has been a considerable success in diverting articulated trucks away from the city centre. What have we done with it? We are not proud of it. We are ashamed of it. We have left it there in a hobbledehoy fashion. As I said in a letter to the newspapers, it looks like a bit of an old hoover that landed from outer space. If we were to spend approximately €150,000 to dress it up properly, we could make a statement about how proud we are of it.
Let us ensure that we will not have horrible, crude, exposed concrete in the metro stations. Let us use artefacts from the National Museum in recessed glass cases, like they do in the Louvre métro station in Paris. For God's sake, let us spend a little bit extra and be proud of our culture and city.

Order of Business - 13th May 2008

Order of Business - 13th May 2008
Senator David Norris: I welcome the fact that the House will be continuing statements on the Lisbon treaty because it is important that people like me, who have what I consider to be an honourable and reasoned position against the treaty, should have an opportunity to speak.
I hope that on this occasion, unlike the last time I spoke on the Bill, some of it may actually be noticed. It is only fair that there should be balance, particularly because we are not going to get it from the Referendum Commission. The Government made damned sure it neutered that body and took away from it the power which it had previously to put both sides of the argument, for and against, before the people. That was removed by this Government since the last referendum.
I believe in being fair, and in being so to the Taoiseach, Deputy Cowen. He was honest. He said he had not read the treaty from cover to cover in detail. What Senator Regan said was a partial truth, a half-truth, that was used in a partisan way.
Senator Dan Boyle: Look who is talking.
Senator David Norris: That does not seem to me to be helpful but if Senator Regan persists in being helpful in this manner to the Taoiseach, I would advise him to sit on the "No" side and be helpful to the people because then they will all vote "No" in this matter.
Although I take this position, it does not mean that I wish to associate myself comfortably with everyone else who takes this position because there are, as there are on the other side, some troubling elements who do not always tell the truth. I was horrified to hear people speaking on this in the context of the Roscommon Hospital situation. To get people to vote against the Lisbon treaty simply on local parochial grounds of self-interest about a hospital is a flagrant and cynical abuse of that vote. I would not welcome such support. I wish to have people who have a reasoned, calm and rational viewpoint and who will raise questions such as the clear commitment of the European Union, enshrined in the Lisbon treaty, to continue and sharpen the process of liberalising the markets, to open up the markets of the poorest and least developed countries on the globe which were raped in the 19th century by the colonising powers and which we are now going to pillage economically at the behest of people such as Mr. Mandelson.
People on the other side of the argument are not telling the truth when they say, as has been said regularly, that in terms of human rights legislation we would not have had the decriminalisation of homosexual behaviour without the European Court of Justice. It had nothing to do with that court, nor to do with the European Union. I ought to know. I was, after all, the litigant. It was the European Court of Human Rights which is a function, not of the European Union, but of the Council of Europe.
I wish that the honourable judge who was on the radio at lunchtime would answer a couple of questions. He said he would do as much. I would like him to let the Irish people know about the European Defence Association, so coyly renamed from the former European Armaments Group. We know that we would be tying ourselves in with countries that are still committed to the manufacture and use of cluster munitions.
I ask the Leader to give Members a debate on Burma. I gather there is to be some kind of an agreed position on the issue. I welcome that and the opportunity for it to go through with some small degree of debate. When this matter was raised previously it was before the disaster of the cyclone. The country has now had that disaster and I wish to send my sympathy, and that of everyone else in the House, I am sure, not just to the Burmese people but also to the Chinese people who have had the catastrophe of the earthquake in central China. I believe we can reasonably draw comparison between the behaviour of the Chinese premier who immediately got involved in this, and the disgusting behaviour of the military junta.
With regard to No. 19, motion 4 on the Order Paper concerning the Abbey Theatre, could we invite the new Minister for Arts, Sports and Tourism, Deputy Cullen, to come to the House? It would be an opportunity to impose that issue as a planning matter and get the Abbey Theatre where it should be, on the Carlton site in the middle of O'Connell Street.

Monday, May 12, 2008

Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs - 31st January 2008 - Palestinian Development and Humanitarian Aid

Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs - 31st January 2008 Palestinian Development and Humanitarian Aid: Discussion with Irish NGOs and Irish Aid. ^
Senator David Norris: I welcome this morning's meeting and the contributions that have been made. I wish to put on the record that I have long supported the right of the state of Israel to exist and challenged the obscenity that is anti-Semitism whether it occurs here, in Europe or the Middle East. I feel I must put this on the record and show my credentials because I am highly critical of the Israeli Government and its policies and the European Union.
Deputy Higgins clearly made his point on the significance of the Palestinian election; we may not like Hamas but, having heard of à la carte Catholicism, this matter has given an example of à la carte democracy. We have refused to recognise the perfectly legitimate and internationally validated election of a legitimate authority, simply because we do not like it. In my book that puts a very peculiar gloss on democracy. I understand Mr. McMahon's difficulties but I find the following statement coy:
Irish Aid has also contributed towards public service salaries in Palestine, including teachers' salaries. This amounted to €1 million last year and was channelled through a temporary mechanism managed by the European Commission.
That was a squalid deal that was let out and the attitude of the European Union was utterly shameful. The international community, particularly the European Union and our Government, has signally failed to vindicate the bare, essential human rights of the Palestinian people. This is why I feel outraged about this situation.
The people in Gaza have had an appalling time and I know this because I have visited the area and know it reasonably well. The conditions there are shocking. I have condemned the rocket attacks emanating from the area but they are the responsibility of maverick mobile units that do not necessarily represent the local population. Members of these units disperse as soon as the rockets are fired and the Israelis then hit back at local civilians, resulting in terror.
There has been a deliberate, callous and continuous strangulation of Gaza. An Israeli Minister said those in Gaza will not die as a result but will only lose some weight and I find this comment shameful. That individual should have been severely chastised for making a joke of the suffering of others. Ireland is complicit in what I believe is a war crime because under Article 4 of the Geneva Convention collective punishment, which this is, is defined as such. The difference is that these mobile units are not an official organ of a Palestinian state; they are rogue elements that are condemned by the international community. My problem with the Israeli response to the situation in Gaza is that military actions and actions by civilian authorities, such as the closing of power stations, are carried out with the political sanction of the Israeli Government and are supported by that state's armed forces. In my book this is a distinction that should be recognised.
The need for action was mentioned and I have been criticised by people who strongly support the state of Israel for making certain recommendations in the past. For example, I suggested that the human rights protocols attached to the external association agreement between Israel and the European Union should be applied. An even milder suggestion is that we should establish a monitoring mechanism; what is the point of having human rights protocols if we ignore war crimes? Can we at least establish a mechanism to monitor the human rights situation in the light of events in Gaza? Is this too much to ask? Are we afraid of knowing what is going on?
The cutting of electricity supply to Gaza does not merely result in people sitting in the dark and missing their favourite television programmes; it results in infants dying in incubators, elderly people having respirators switched off and vaccines perishing because they are not properly refrigerated. It is not a question of discomfort and people losing a bit of weight, it is a question of people dying and we have a responsibility in this matter. It is tragic for the people of Palestine that Gaza has become for them the equivalent of the land of bondage. As Deputy Higgins and others asked, what sort of conditions must exist when half the population of a territory escapes through a breach in a wall?
My distinguished colleague, Deputy Shatter, asked whether the wall has affected suicide bombings. It appears that it has and I welcome every life that is saved. I used to get the bus home next door to the Sbarro pizzeria where an entire family was wiped out by a suicide bombing so I am not on the side of the bombers. However, the same result would have been achieved had the wall been built legally on Israeli territory, rather than being used in a massive illegal land grab. This is where I have problems with the wall. Had it been built legally the Israeli Government would not have been able to incorporate illegal settlements into Israeli territory. This is the answer to Deputy Shatter's question on the issue.
There is also a question of disproportionality. There are remarkable people in Israel of whom I have spoken previously in this committee. Physicians for Human Rights includes the most distinguished doctors in Israel who queue in rain and mud to treat their fellow human beings in these camps. These doctors are mocked by mere squirts of soldiers of 18 years of age. I ask those present today to consider what their feelings would be if confronted by the kinds of incidents recounted by Richard Crowley in his splendid recent book on this situation. He tells of a Palestinian farmer, who was not politically active and whose family had inhabited the area for many generations, who was stopped and arbitrarily refused permission to visit the next village by two people, a Russian and an American. He was a human being in his own land.
I suggest to the Chairman that a group from this committee could visit the area as one did previously.
Chairman: I will come to that matter.
Senator David Norris: As the Chairman may know, I have been involved in two illegally settled occupied villages, Susya and At-Tuwani in south Hebron, through my former partner, Ezra Yitzhak Nawi. The people there are deprived of precisely what we have spoken of - clean water, electricity and basic medical services. A programme has been established to change this. I held a fundraising event and, thanks to the generosity of the Irish people, I am delighted to say €55,000 was raised to help the villages, some of which was channelled through Trócaire. I have received pictures of the wind-based electricity generators and solar panels that are now there and clean water is accessible but I am afraid the Israelis will demolish all this. Deputy Shatter has asked what has happened to these projects and the money involved but this is a question he could legitimately direct at the Israeli Embassy. Many projects have been destroyed and I would like this committee to extend its protection to the villages of Susya and At-Tuwani to ensure basic resources there for ordinary, non-political people are safeguarded. I do not feel this destruction should go without strong criticism from this committee. We should be vigilant of developments in these villages as they are representative of the bigger issue.
It is a tragic situation and I sympathise with both sides; I know the town of Stirot and so on. We must ensure that there is proportionality.

We have absolutely failed to vindicate the human rights of Palestinians at the most basic level. Only through their vindication will we be able to move towards peace for both peoples of that troubled land.

Friday, May 09, 2008

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 9th April 2008 - Discussion with Tibet Support Group Ireland.

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 9th April 2008 - Situation in Tibet: Discussion with Tibet Support Group - Ireland.

Business of Joint Committee.
Chairman: Deputy Higgins is out of the country but would have been very keen to be here. I remind members and those in the Visitors Gallery to ensure their mobile phones are switched off completely for the duration of the meeting as, even if in silent mode, they cause interference with the recording equipment in committee rooms.
The minutes of the meeting of 2 April have been circulated. Are they agreed? Agreed.
Item No. 2 is a motion on the ongoing situation in Tibet proposed by Senator Norris and seconded by Deputy Higgins. If the Senator and Deputy agree, I propose to take the motion following the presentation by our guests today. Is that agreed?

Senator David Norris: That is reasonable because it means we will be better informed following the contribution of our friends from Tibet Support Group Ireland.

Chairman: That is agreed.

Situation in Tibet: Discussion with Tibet Support Group - Ireland.
Chairman: I welcome Mr. Anthony O’Brien, Mr. Neil Steedman and Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang and look forward to their presentation. The subject of the discussion is the ongoing and very worrying situation in Tibet. As we are all aware, the situation in Tibet has become an issue of major international concern in recent weeks. There have been extensive reports of protests and demonstrations by the Tibetan people in the capital, Lhasa, and other locations in Tibet in defence of their human rights and religious freedom. What has worried the international community particularly is the response of the Chinese authorities to these events. Many reports from Tibet have told of severe human rights abuses by the Chinese military authorities in their attempts to crack down on the protesters and end the demonstrations. There have been reports of extensive loss of life, while access by journalists to the region has been curtailed.
From his place of exile in India, the Dalai Lama has spoken of his deep concern at events unfolding in Tibet. He has said he is deeply saddened and concerned by the use of arms to suppress the peaceful demonstration of the Tibetan people’s aspirations that has resulted in unrest in Tibet causing many deaths, casualties, detentions and injuries. He has said that because of his moral obligation and responsibility to the Tibetan people he has repeatedly asked the Chinese leadership to immediately stop its suppression in all parts of Tibet and withdraw its armed police and troops. He has said that if this brings results, he will advise Tibetans to stop all current protests. In addition, Ms Nancy Pelosi, the Speaker of the US House of Representatives, who met the Dalai Lama on 21 March introduced a resolution in the House of Representatives on 3 April which, among other things, called on China to cease the crackdown, release prisoners, provide unrestricted access for journalists and independent international monitors to Tibet. It also called on the Chinese authorities to engage in dialogue with the Dalai Lama. In the broader international community there have been many calls for restraint by the Chinese authorities. There have also been calls for a boycott of the Olympic Games to be held in Beijing in August.
It is against this background of growing international concern about what is happening in Tibet and especially about reports of human rights violations that the committee has invited members of the Tibet Support Group - Ireland to make a presentation to it today. Before I ask them to make their presentation, I draw attention to the fact that while Members of both Houses of the Oireachtas enjoy absolute privilege in respect of utterances made in committee, witnesses do not enjoy such privilege. Accordingly, caution should be exercised, particularly with regard to references of a personal nature.
I invite Mr. Steedman to address the committee.

Mr. Neil Steedman: On behalf of all the members of the Tibet Support Group - Ireland, I thank the Chairman and members of the committee for giving us the opportunity to brief them on the situation that prevails throughout Tibet, particularly in the past four weeks.
Our written submission comprises ten documents. The first is a briefing document on the current situation in Tibet, prepared by Tibet Support Group - lreland, the main points of which will be included in my verbal presentation. Also included is the report of the International Campaign for Tibet of 3 April which provides more details about specific demonstrations up to that date. Other documents include: the resolution from Ms Nancy Pelosi in the House of Representatives; a statement issued by the Dalai Lama to all Tibetans on 6 April; an appeal from the Dalai Lama to all Chinese people worldwide, issued on 28 March; and a document entitled, Turning Point for Tibet, by Lodi Gyaltsen Gyari, published on 3 April. Lodi Gyari is the Dalai Lama’s special envoy and leads the dialogue between the Tibetan Government in exile and the Chinese Government.
The written submission also includes an excellent article entitled, The Dalai Lama’s Plot to Split and Humiliate China, by Gabriel Lafitte. As members may gather, the title is very much tongue in cheek. The article outlines what is happening and what is likely to happen in terms of the imprisonment, torture and extraction of so-called confessions by Tibetans. We have also included an interesting article entitled, A Chinese View from Taiwan, by Ruan Ming who was a member of the Chinese Communist Party and an adviser to Hu Yaobang. He is now living in Taiwan where he is an adviser to the President. He puts forward his own views as to what has instigated the current difficulties in Tibet.
We have also supplied members with a press release issued by the International Commission of Jurists on 18 March which called for an international investigation. The final document is entitled, Tracking the Steel Dragon: How China’s Economic Policies and the Railway are Transforming Tibet, a major report recently published by the International Campaign for Tibet. As it is 260 pages long, I doubt if members have had a chance to read it in full. However, if they find time between now and the next break, I urge them to do so. It provides an in-depth and clear analysis of the situation in Tibet. For now, if they could read the four-page executive summary and the seven pages of recommendations, that would be fine.
After my verbal presentation, any questions that members may have can, I hope, be answered by one of us. I will answer political questions; economic and environmental questions will be answered by my colleague, Mr. Anthony O’Brien, while questions about the current realities of life in Tibet will be answered by committee member Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang who was born in Tibet and escaped over the Himalayas at the age of 17 years, as approximately 2,000 Tibetans do annually, a journey which takes about one month. In her group 30 left Lhasa but only eight survived to reach Nepal.
First, given his announcement last Wednesday, we take the opportunity to again express publicly our appreciation of the Taoiseach’s support, not only for his decision to meet the Dalai Lama when he last visited Dublin but also for his support of the Tibetan people’s right to self-determination which he publicly expressed while in opposition and also, to our pleasant surprise, as Taoiseach on a visit to Beijing. We wish the incoming Taoiseach, Deputy Brian Cowen, well and hope he will maintain Ireland’s support for the Tibetan people’s right to self-determination that Frank Aiken so strongly voiced at the United Nations from 1959 to 1965 and that the Taoiseach has reiterated in recent years.
The events in Tibet in the past four weeks have not come out of the blue, but are the result of nearly 60 years of occupation, economic marginalisation, human rights abuses and oppression of the culture, language and religion of the Tibetan people by China. This merciless repression, the term used by the Chinese, has been intensified in the past two to three years by an even more hardline policy imposed by Politburo member, Wang Lequan; Li Dezhu, head of the ethnic affairs commission, and Zhang Qingli, the current party secretary of what the Chinese call the Tibet Autonomous Region, TAR. The opening of the Golmud to Lhasa railway in July 2006 also intensified the plantation of Chinese settlers and the economic marginalisation of Tibetans.
The main causes of recent events are the 60 years of repression, hard-line policies and the railway, not the forthcoming Olympic Games in Beijing. The latter is, however, an influencing factor, not only for Tibetans who obviously know that the eyes of the world will be focused on China’s response to any demonstrations in Tibet against Chinese misrule but also for the Chinese Government, for which the Olympic Games may provide convenient cover for a policy of provoking such a situation in a bid to solve the Tibetan problem. The document, A Chinese View from Taiwan, to which I referred, is by a former CCP official, Ruan Ming, who claims that the CCP has carefully staged the incidents in Tibet in order to force the Dalai Lama to resign and to justify future repression of the Tibetans.
Compared with the situation prior to the 1988 protests, conditions in Tibet are now even worse. Then the demonstrations were mainly confined to the Lhasa region but today demonstrations are taking place throughout all three provinces of Tibet, as well as in the Chinese provincial capitals of Chengdu and Lanzhou and even Beijing. Then the demonstrations were mainly confined to the Lhasa region but today they take place throughout all three provinces of Tibet - U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo - as well as in Chinese provincial capitals Chengdu and Lanzhou, and even one in Beijing. The Tibetan government-in-exile’s current figure for confirmed dead is 140, while the Tibetan community in exile estimate, from telephone calls from all over Tibet, that it is at least 300 to 400. Some estimates rise towards the thousands. It is difficult to determine. The Chinese continue to make house-to-house searches and thousands of Tibetans have been arrested and imprisoned. China has moved tens of thousands of additional troops to lock down all Tibetan areas, all journalists and tourists have been expelled, many places have had their water and food supplies cut off and people are being shot if they leave the house.
Despite all this, protests are continuing throughout Tibet. Last Thursday, for example, at least eight Tibetans were killed in Tongkor near Kardze in Kham, which is now part of western Sichuan. Armed police fired on a crowd of several hundred monks and lay people after an incident in which monks were detained when they objected to an intensified “patriotic re-education” programme, including photographs of the Dalai Lama being thrown to the ground and the monks being ordered to denounce the Dalai Lama, which is a typical Chinese action.
More recently, just two days ago, in Tawu, in Kardze, Sichuan province, due to the protest by the nuns from Ratroe Nunnery on 2 April, armed forces continued to impose tight restrictions at the nunnery and, in addition, also announced that patriotic re-education classes would be started soon.
I have a message from Tibet that came out today and if Mr. O’Brien can find it, I will add it in later.
What can and should the Irish Government and this committee do in response? Silences of complicity, half-hearted declarations and other capitulations to commercial, diplomatic or sporting interests, at the expense of fundamental principles of human rights, including the Tibetan people’s right to self-determination, would be grossly inadequate and bring a loss of democratic credibility to Ireland.
The Irish Government and its EU partners should recognise that the EU/China dialogue has failed miserably. I draw the committee’s attention to one comment from the statement by Lodi Gyari, the Dalai Lama’s chief representative in talks with Beijing. In this case, he is speaking of the talks between the Tibetans and the Chinese:

It is imperative that those governments advising both sides to continue with the dialogue process ask the Chinese leadership to provide assurance of real and concrete progress in the dialogue process.
The same should apply to the EU’s dialogue process with China. Real, tangible targets should be set and China should be held accountable if they are not met. This EU/China dialogue has been going on since 1997 and the situation now is far worse than it was then.
This committee should take the US Speaker of the House of Representatives, Ms Nancy Pelosi’s, proposed House Resolution 1077 as a model and immediately bring similar motions to the Dáil and Seanad. I was not aware that Senator Norris has already tabled a motion and I know nothing about it, but I welcome his move. In particular, as Ms Nancy Pelosi’s resolution does, this committee and the Irish Government should call on the EU to seek to establish an office in Lhasa to monitor political, economic and cultural developments in Tibet and to provide consular protection and citizen services in emergencies, and not to permit China to open any further diplomatic missions within the EU unless such an office is established in Lhasa. I realise it will be much more difficult to get 27 countries to agree to that than one country in the case of the US, but difficulty should not dampen the efforts to try to achieve it.
The Minister for Arts, Sport and Tourism, whoever he or she may be in four weeks’ time, should announce that he or she will not attend the opening ceremony of the Beijing Olympic Games in August next. A representative of the Irish Government, or Member of Dáil Éireann or Seanad Éireann, should not attend the opening ceremony. Might I point out here that we, the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan community are not asking for a boycott of the Olympic Games. What we are asking for is a boycott of the political propaganda event that the Chinese are making of the opening ceremony. The committee may have questions about that later.
All Members of the Dáil and Seanad should urge members of the Olympic Council of Ireland and of the Irish Olympic team - the individual athletes - not to participate in the opening ceremony. By all means, let them go and have their games, let them take part, let them win medals and stand up on the podium if they win, but they should not take part in such a propaganda exercise.
In Ireland, Government funding is withdrawn from any golf club that chooses not to accept women as full members. At the very minimum, Government funding should be withdrawn from the Olympic Council of Ireland if it chooses to take part in such a propaganda exercise that the Chinese have made it. I have seen several people on the television stating sport and politics should not mix. It is the Chinese who are making this Olympic Games into a political event for very deliberate reasons.
The Irish Government should consider how it can help Tibetan people directly - those within Tibet, those living as refugees in India and Nepal, or those living in Ireland. There is now a community of approximately 25 Tibetans living in Ireland.
We thank the committee again for its invitation to make this submission and now invite members questions, which, I hope, one or other of us can answer.

Chairman: I thank Mr. Steedman for that summarised introduction.

Deputy Billy Timmins: I thank Mr. Steedman for his contribution. We, in Fine Gael, oppose the position China has taken in Tibet and how in recent years the Han Chinese appear to go into Lhasa and take over businesses and positions of power. My understanding is that the population of Lhasa has greatly increased in recent years, particularly since the opening of the railway in 2006. What is the background of the Chinese coming into Lhasa? Are they coming from one region in China? Is it an orchestrated settlement campaign or are there economic opportunities that individual Chinese people see and seek to exploit?
We have always been conscious of Tibet and it hits the television screen to a greater extent at various times. Has it been relatively calm prior to 2006? Would I be right in my understanding that people in Tibet saw the establishment of that railway link as something that would benefit them, that it was something they welcomed prior to 2006 but now they are not so sure? Was there unrest prior to that over the past decade?
On the specific points Mr. Steedman raised, one of the actions we called for in recent weeks is that the Government extend an invitation to the Dalai Lama to visit Ireland when he comes to London. I understand he will come to London in May. The Minister informed me that it is not the role of the Government. It does what it can but it will not invite someone who it sees effectively as the head of a religious order. Maybe this committee should extend a invitation to the Dalai Lama to address the committee. I do not know whether that is practical in the timeframe or if it is possible, but it is something we should do given that the Government cannot do it. The Dalai Lama was in Derry in the recent past and a representative of the Government met him on that occasion. I would like Mr. Steedman’s views on the practicality of that.
Of the five issues Mr. Steedman raised, the first is reasonable and I support that. I have an open mind on the second issue. No Irish Government representative has been invited to the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games to date. I note that some Governments have been invited but I was informed by the Minister in the Dáil this morning that no political representative of the Irish Government has been invited.
I have an open mind on this issue and I also refer to the fourth action in this context. I oppose the notion of the athletes boycotting the opening ceremony. Sport and politics should be separate. Meaningless gestures involving athletes taking the hard decisions are an easy cop out. It might be populist but it is not the road to go down. Reference is made in the documents to the loss of democratic credibility by Ireland. Notwithstanding that, I do not favour embroiling sportspeople in this issue.
The fifth paragraph refers to the Government helping Tibetans in Nepal and refuges in Indian and Tibet. I am very supportive of that and, hopefully, Irish Aid can examine how it can assist. The organisation provides funding to the region generally, although none of the countries is a programme country. However, it could improve on this.
Mr. Steedman mentioned the motion tabled in the US House of Representatives. The EU should set up an office in Lhasa but it might not be desirable or practical to prevent China from extending its diplomatic representation in the EU. Each member state has a sovereign decision to make on its foreign policy and, therefore, this would not be achievable and would not benefit anyone. China has many faults but it might have moved somewhat in recent times, albeit slowly. That may not be the case with regard to Tibet.
Mr. Steedman stated in his submission that things are worse than before. While I appreciate that, I think back to Tiananmen Square. I do not say the Chinese are great because they did not turn the tanks on the public but the country has a population of 1.4 billion, three times larger than the EU. It uses half the world’s cement. This will be a long, slow process. One of the documents refers to the environmental impact of development decisions and states the EU should act with China in addressing environmental issues. There is no point in us turning off a light bulb in Ireland if half the world’s cement is being used in an environmentally unfriendly manner.
I am also conscious of China’s involvement in Africa. European countries have plundered the continent through the centuries and they have provided token aid in recent years. I would not like the Chinese to do the same. They are extracting minerals from Africa currently and one cannot oppose the concept of trade provided that it happens on a fair basis.
Reference was made to “silence of complicity” by Mr. Steedman. Exports from Ireland to China in 2006 amounted to €800 million and last year it increased to €1.2 billion. This trade primarily involved computers and chemicals. Ireland imported more than €4 billion worth of Chinese goods in 2006 and this increased to almost €5 billion in 2007. How come in the five actions Mr. Steedman proposes we should take, notwithstanding his opening statement, he does not say we should examine the trade implications, which is our strongest weapon if we are serious? I do not say we should but if we are serous about this, is this not something we should consider?
Several trade missions to China have been undertaken since the late 1990s headed by the President, the Minister for Finance and the Taoiseach. I read all the speeches they made and only one contained a fleeting reference to human rights issues, as they sought to increase trade between both countries. Does Mr. Steedman have a view on that? Are we moral cowards behind it all? How is it that in the five measures he proposes he does not refer to reducing trade? I wish to put the following question to everyone present. Do we have Chinese goods in our homes? I hazard a guess that I have some and I am sure Senator Norris might have an odd-----

Senator David Norris: Not a Chinese thing, not a newspaper owned by Rupert Murdoch and, following the Deputy’s contribution, not a leaflet from Fine Gael either.

Deputy Billy Timmins: We know the Senator’s letterbox is bolted up so we do not bother.

Chairman: Other members are waiting.

Deputy Billy Timmins: I am finished. It is not often I consume the time of the committee, unlike other members. When I get into a flow, please refrain from interrupting. I thank the Chairman.

Deputy Rory O’Hanlon: I thank Mr. Steedman for his presentation. We are all concerned about human rights in China and Tibet. The Government has raised the issue on many occasions both in Dublin and Beijing. I am particularly concerned about the loss of life and people being imprisoned in Tibet. Access to Tibet for independent observers and the media should be easier in order that accurate information about what is happening can be gathered. I would like violence to end in the country and I have an open mind on whether Ireland or other countries should boycott the Olympic Games. Dialogue is fundamentally important and I would like to see dialogue between China and Tibet. For example, only when dialogue took place was progress made in Northern Ireland. Perhaps that is the way forward. I agree with Deputy Timmins that when the Dalai Lama visits Britain, we should invite him to appear before the committee.

Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: The Labour Party is very concerned about recent events in Tibet. We had hoped the awarding of the Olympic Games to Beijing would have led to improvements in human rights in both China and Tibet, with particular reference to mass public executions, press restrictions, access to information and freedom in Tibet. Unfortunately, the awarding of the Olympic Games has not led to the benefits envisaged in the human rights area.
The motion tabled by Senator Norris and my party seeks an opening of dialogue between the Tibetan people and the Chinese authorities. Tibetans seek autonomy for their region, not independence. Within China, limited autonomy exists in a number of regions. China has special administrative zones such as Hong Kong and Macau. The Tibetans seek an autonomous region and the Dalai Lama has stated this is not about independence. The Chinese are engaged in a campaign of misinformation stating the goal is independence.
As Deputy O’Hanlon said, dialogue is the way forward and we have learned that from our own experiences over the past number of decades. The motion, if passed by the committee and the Houses, will demonstrate there is a sense that the Chinese need to act in this regard. We do not call for a boycott of the Olympic Games, as that would be in nobody’s interest. However, dialogue is the way forward and we are pushing for the motion to be passed.

Senator David Norris: I welcome the delegation from the Tibet solidarity group, whose work I know and value very much. I am sorry Deputy Timmins has left because it was in part a spectacular own goal by Fine Gael to suggest that the Tibetan people welcomed the railway. I very much doubt it but perhaps we will hear that some aspects may be welcomed.

Chairman: I think Deputy Timmins stated it was welcomed initially and subsequently the situation seems to have changed.

Senator David Norris: The Chairman is most helpful and I thank him for his gracious assistance.

Chairman: I am not really asleep here.

Senator David Norris: Is the Chairman applying for entry to Fine Gael?

Chairman: I am making notes on the Senator’s wonderful contribution.

Senator David Norris: I thank the Chairman.

Chairman: I would like to digest it.

Senator David Norris: I would be surprised if it were welcomed, but I suppose it is possible. There is no doubt that the Chinese have driven an economic burst in Tibet, but it has benefitted the Chinese. Let us remember there has been a cultural genocide in Tibet. There are approximately 6 million Tibetans and approximately 8 million Han Chinese and they are being smothered. This is the serious political issue. If we examine the language employed by the Chinese authorities, we see it is not exactly peaceful. I heard them state they will crush the separatists and smash the revolt. Today at lunchtime on the radio, the puppet governor of Tibet spoke about extreme measures, total repression and stated that people would be severely punished for protesting.
This makes an important point about politicisation. It is a shameful thing and a terrible reproach to all of us that the Olympic torch should be driven through Tibet. To do so is to drive a stake through the heart of democracy in flagrant defiance of the human rights of the people in Tibet. I visited China many times and I admire the Chinese people. I admire their culture and history. They are an ancient noble people. I have also been to Tibet and I have seen the results of the policy. It is arrogance and a most appalling, patronising attitude on the part of the Chinese to state that they are required to drag the Tibetans into the 21st century.
With regard to the political issue, I welcome the wise words of Deputy O’Hanlon. He retained an open mind about the question of the boycott because he understood the nature of the boycott as explained so excellently by Mr. Steedman. I will return to this matter. I greatly welcome his suggestion that the Dalai Lama should be invited to this committee. This is a real breath of fresh air and innovative thinking. I strongly support this and suggest we act upon it this very day and that the committee write to the Minister for Foreign Affairs expressing this view.

The briefing we received is mixed. At the beginning, the Department of Foreign Affairs acknowledges that China occupied Tibet. One occupies something which is separate. One occupies another country. It mentions the annexation of Tibet. One does not annex a province. One annexes an independent country. There has been a slide and regrettably we appear to have acceded to the notion that Tibet is part of China although we clearly know morally it is not. It is perfectly separate.
In James Joyce’s Ulysses, a discussion takes place on the nature of nationality and what comes up are language, religion and geographical separation. Tibet qualifies under every single heading. I can state this because I have been to Tibet as well as to China. Cement was mentioned. The first things one sees when one enters Lhasa is the most enormous cement factory I have seen in my life. It is not there for the benefit of the Tibetans. It is so vast it has its own housing estate, electricity and railway. It is an enormous city. I was in another city, a traditional Tibetan city the name of which I forget. It was encased in a Chinese military establishment. It becomes a metaphor for the experience of Tibetans. It is in a type of sarcophagus, like the one encasing the nuclear station which exploded in Russia.
It is a terrible situation and it is a political situation. The games are political. Perhaps in an ideal world they would be separate but they are not. We know this perfectly well and we are blinding ourselves if we think they are not. Will somebody tell me why the leaders of so many countries propose to turn up there? They are people who would not know the difference between jujitsu and an egg and spoon race. They are not going there because they are admirers of athletic prowess. They are going because they can do side deals. Follow the money, honey. This is what it is all about. We know this perfectly well. It is the same reason the committee we established in the Seanad to inquire into rendition, which we now know did take place through Shannon Airport, collapsed. Follow the money, honey. Deputy Timmins was quite right on this aspect of it.
I hope the athletes will absent themselves. I return to James Joyce, who stated at the Literary and Historical Society in UCD in 1903 that absence is the highest form of presence. In this case, this is exactly what would happen. By absenting themselves, the athletes would be morally present to make a dignified non-violent protest against the occupation, dismemberment and cultural genocide taking place in Tibet.
I sadly welcome the clarification on Ireland’s position. We seem to have slid into accepting the one China policy. At least it is now out in the open because I wondered. In 1959, Frank Aiken, a remarkable man who was a Fianna Fáil Minister for Foreign Affairs, ensured Ireland was one of two countries which supported the human rights of the Tibetans when they were, as the Department of Foreign Affairs briefing note states, invaded, occupied and annexed. David Andrews, whom I have the honour of knowing well and with whom I worked, has taken a similar principled position.
I was a member of this committee when Michael O’Kennedy asked how the policy had changed without recourse to the Irish Parliament or this committee. Perhaps the Chinese Ambassador changed it. He wrote in The Irish Times informing the Irish people what our policy was. Again, it is the money. The athletes could boycott the opening ceremony and could still compete. One understands - we are all human - people who have trained hard, are going for gold and want to represent and honour their countries. They will be competing with athletes from all over the world and that should go ahead. However, let us make this small protest.
I do not mean to denigrate but after all, it is only a game. In Tibet, we are talking of death, murder and what seriously amounts to genocide. I hope we will encourage athletes to make this dignified protest. It does not conflict with any of the obligations of the athletes towards their hosts. In the circumstances which confront us, we can do no less.
References were made to motions tabled in my name on Tibet. I have had the honour of meeting the Dalai Lama on several occasions, in this country, Scotland and Dharamsala. What moved me so immensely on the last occasion I met him, which was in India, was that he told me he was praying not only for the welfare of his own people but for the spiritual and moral welfare of the Chinese who were damaging themselves by their barbaric actions inside Tibet. It is well worth reading his reasoned and passionate appeal to people. It is a gentle appeal. When he states he is moved to tears when he thinks about the tragedy in Tibet many people in this country also feel the same.
To her eternal credit, Mary Robinson also met the Dalai Lama and it was a skilful piece of work by a wonderful woman who recognised what she used to describe to me as the margin of appreciation. She was the first person of that standing in our society and she opened the way. I honour President Mary McAleese for meeting him as well and the Minister of State, Deputy Michael Kitt. I hope a strong position will be taken on Tibet to defend human rights.
I look forward to our own mild motion which simply asks the Government to do what it may well be doing already, that is, to encourage the Chinese to open dialogue with the Dalai Lama. I am sure there will be other suggestions from other people and I hope we can pass some of these motions unanimously.
I would like those who believe sport and politics should be kept separate to remember that they are not. Perhaps they should be but they are not. This situation was calculated to be exploited by the Chinese. Thank God for the courage of the reporters of Reporters San Frontières who interrupted the ceremony and hung a poster. Thank God for journalists with the courage and decency which statesmen and stateswomen have not had so far.
We should follow in that tradition and recognise that sport and politics on this occasion are inextricably mixed and we would be mad, cowardly and foolish to pass up the opportunity to act in this modest, moderate way and to request our athletes to absent themselves and allow the Irish flag to pass with dignity unaccompanied by our athletes as an indication of our commitment to democracy. That will register with China because very little else we do will. It is little to ask in the face of what is going on in Tibet.

Senator Mark Daly: I support the calls for the Dalai Lama to appear before the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. If he comes here, we should ask that he is met by the highest officeholder in the land, the Taoiseach, and afforded every courtesy. The leader of any country which suffers as Tibet does should be met with courtesy and dignity by the leaders of our country. The people would expect nothing less. Yesterday the President of the European Parliament addressed the Seanad. The Senators among us might suggest that the Dalai Lama also do so.
In ancient Greece their athletes came together in times of war but this is akin to the 1936 Berlin Olympics. It will be used by China as a publicity exercise. We should make a statement in support of Tibetans who have died and acknowledge the Tibetans’ right to self-determination because, as a country, we know what that experience is like.
In terms of a boycott by athletes, I feel for the athletes because they are in the middle of what is turning into a political storm. The 1936 Olympics, however, was precursor to worse things. Perhaps some of my learned colleagues will explain this to me, but I read reports that some Olympic councils have told their athletes not to speak out against China, including New Zealand and possibly Britain. If they have done so, it beggars belief that democratic countries have told their athletes not to voice their opinions, if they have an opinion. These are athletes, they are not politicians. It is our job to speak out. If the Irish flag was not accompanied as it moved through the Olympic stadium, it would be a powerful message that we do not support China’s actions.
I also support Resolution 1077 by the US House of Representatives which I believe is going through at the moment and other resolutions. We need dialogue to take place and we need the relevant authorities in the EU to set targets. Dialogue has been going on for 11 years and we need targets along with that. I will add to Senator Norris’s motion later.

Deputy Michael Noonan: I thank Mr. Steedman and his delegation not only for the excellent presentation but for providing us with a copy of it in advance and for all the ancillary documentation. It allowed the committee to prepare in a manner which is not always possible. I support the call made by my colleague, Deputy Timmins, that the Dalai Lama be invited to appear before the committee. The Chairman might raise the following matter with his colleague, the Minister for Foreign Affairs. As I understand, the Irish position is that the Government recognises the Dalai Lama as a renowned world spiritual leader but that it does not recognise him as a political leader. Consequently, if he appears before the committee, which I would like him to do, are we to exchange views on spirituality or are we permitted to ask political questions? The Chairman might clarify that.
The Government’s position seems to be quite clear. Mr. Steedman suggested that the Government should support the right of the Tibetan people to self-determination. I understand the Dalai Lama is prepared to accept the sovereignty of China even though he was appointed head of state of Tibet in the 1950s and is now in exile. Is Mr. Steedman saying the same thing in different ways, that is, that the sovereignty of China would be recognised, that this is the view of the Tibetan movement under the Dalai Lama and that the demand is not so much for self-determination but for the farthest extent of autonomy available? In looking for autonomy, is it under the umbrella of one China, two systems or is there some other formulation? I presume there is no contradiction between the position Mr. Steedman stated today and that of the Dalai Lama as briefed to us.

Senator Ann Ormonde: I support the call for dialogue. It is the essence of success in any situation and we should open that dialogue. I am sorry that the situation has worsened. I have watched television programmes and have seen the human rights abuses, including torture, detention and arrests. I could not watch such programmes without speaking out. It is very important that we invite the Dalai Lama as it would be a good occasion for us to express our views. I am not sure we should boycott the Olympic Games. We should not mix sport and politics.

A Senator: It is just the opening ceremony.

Senator Ann Ormonde: That may be so but I do not believe we should mix sport and politics. If we can get around this without doing that, we should do so. I support the motion to enter into dialogue as soon as possible.

Chairman: I call Senator Chris Andrews.

Deputy Chris Andrews: I thank Mr. Steedman and his delegation for the very concise, clear and balanced contribution. I am happy to be here in whatever capacity.

Senator David Norris: The Deputy would be very welcome in the Seanad.

Deputy Chris Andrews: Any House will do.

Chairman: The Deputy looked so senatorial.

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Deputy Chris Andrews: Thank you. I thank the delegation for its presentation. It is important we receive clarification on a number of issues, as there is confusion in regard to the boycott. Tibet Support Group-Ireland is looking not for a boycott of the Olympic Games but an abstention from the opening ceremony by officialdom and the Olympic Council of Ireland. This course of action, if taken, would not impact on the athletes who do not decide where the Olympic Games are held. We would not get agreement in this regard. Therefore, we must be practical.
Senator Daly asked if athletes were speaking out on this issue. Athletes have spoken out about it. Team Darfur, a group of international athletes competing in the Olympic Games, has spoken out. The setting up of this organisation indicates athletes are not happy about what is happening. Perhaps they should issue a clear statement expressing their dissatisfaction at China’s actions not alone in Tibet but in Darfur.
As Senator Norris stated, sports and politics are closely linked, although this should not be the case. The reality, however, is that China has politicised the Olympic Games.

Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.

Deputy Chris Andrews: Bringing the torch through Lhasa was a political act. It is similar to members of the Orange Order trying to walk through Catholic areas and communities in Northern Ireland.

Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.

Deputy Chris Andrews: If that is not a political or provocative act, I do not know what is. Given the similarities between Irish and Tibetan history, it would be extremely disappointing from an Irish point of view if we did not express our dissatisfaction. The Chinese have clearly politicised the Olympic Games by bringing the torch through various places and asking ambassadors to carry it through London. That was a political act.
It is a red herring that politics and sports are not linked; it is a notion that does not stand up to serious scrutiny. In 1908 Ireland became the first country to boycott the Olympics Games which were held in London. For this reason we should not get up on our high horse and say we are above boycotting the games. The proposed boycott would be a specific and targeted action. It would demonstrate Ireland’s disapproval of what was happening in Tibet. The Government and the Olympic Council of Ireland should not attend the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games unless genuine and meaningful negotiations take place.
I thank the delegation for attending. I will continue to support its reasonable request for support. I wish it well.

Deputy Billy Timmins: I am sorry I missed Senator Norris’s initial contribution. Lest there be any misunderstanding about my question on the railway, as I understand it, the Chinese authorities, prior to the construction of the railway line, created the impression that the Tibetans would welcome it. I am seeking to establish what was the view of the Tibetans prior to construction of the railway line and what did they believe it would achieve.

Chairman: I ask Mr. Steedman to bear in mind that we cannot stay here all night. Another meeting is due to be held in this room at 5 p.m.

Mr. Neil Steedman: I thank members for their comments, each of which is most welcome and deeply appreciated. I have found the information I was missing during my initial presentation. I would like to read for members a message I received yesterday from a Tibetan following a telephone call from his family:

They express extreme concerns about many neighbours and other Tibetans who are being rounded up with no explanation. There are constant raids and people disappearing every day for no apparent reason. Some have used the term “second cultural revolution” to describe what is to come in Tibet. That is certainly the fear of the Tibetans in Tibet. People are apparently cleaning their houses to rid of or hide any pictures of His Holiness. People in Lhasa are fearing the worst possible consequences but their hopes are not diminished.
According to my notes, Deputies and Senators have made at least 34 points and I will try to cover all of them as best I can. I thank members, in particular Deputy Timmins, for their references to Irish Aid. Many of them spoke about the possibility of inviting His Holiness to Ireland.
I will clarify a matter for Deputy Timmins. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, explained during our meeting with him that, according to protocol, the Irish Government could not invite a religious leader, be it the Dalai Lama or the Pope, to visit Ireland. However, he went on to say that if His Holiness were to come to Ireland, the Government would be more than happy to meet him and make all the necessary arrangements in that regard, namely, security and so on. I understood this to mean that if we could get the Dalai Lama to come to Ireland, the Government would be happy to meet him. Deputy Noonan asked the pertinent question that if the Dalai Lama did visit Ireland, would one have to limit oneself to asking him religious questions. If the Government is happy to meet him, I doubt they will have a half hour debate on Buddhist philosophy and enlightenment. Mr. O’Brien will reply to the questions on the Olympic Games.
We understood Deputy Timmins’s question was about the railway and the short answer is no; the Chinese were wrong. The vast majority of Tibetans were fearful of it. Some may have looked on it as an advantage but the vast majority were and still are fearful of it.
Mr. O’Brien will respond to some of the questions asked, following which Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang will outline the situation for Tibetans and whether there was a deliberate policy on immigration.

Mr. Anthony O’Brien: I thank the committee for meeting us. I would like to address, in particular, Deputy Timmins’s questions about the railway and economic opportunities in Tibet and why it is that the Chinese are being planted there. Chinese people gain great advantages in going to Tibet because they are subsidised in so doing. It is a government-sponsored move. In the 1980s a Chinese demographer, whose name escapes me, said Tibet could support 100 million Chinese people. We must take into account the size of Tibet which is often referred to in the media as the Himalayan enclave or kingdom. The Himalayas lie at the southern border of Tibet which stretches to approximately 1.5 million square kilometres.
On the economic opportunities in Tibet, there are several reasons the Chinese are there. As in the case of Sudan, they are there primarily to extract its mineral resources. The oil reserves are reckoned to amount to trillions of barrels in the Taklimakan Basin where the country borders on Shinjang. There are 120 useful industrial minerals in Tibet - known in Chinese as Xizang Zhizou which means “western treasure basket” - including gold, coal and uranium.
The other aspect of the Chinese presence in Tibet, which also connects directly to the railway, is the military presence. Tibet is like a huge fortress in the middle of Asia. The average altitude in Tibet is 15,000 ft. and the Himalayas and other mountain ranges are all around it. Thus, it gives China a military edge over its competitive neighbour, India, and China has not yet got a settled border with India. An interesting article, partly contributed to by the Chinese scholar Mr. Steedman, showed that the border between what is now Chinese Tibet and India was settled at the Simla convention by the British in 1903, 1908 or thereabouts. At that time Britain was dealing with Tibet as an independent country because the Qing dynasty had collapsed. There was no Chinese presence of any note in Tibet. Britain was playing its game against Russia and when the Simla convention settled that border between India and what is now China, it settled it with Tibet, but China does not recognise it. In some of the recent articles on this discussion, reference was made to the danger of the Indian Government’s position with China right on its border and so many unsettled territories from Kashmir right across to Arunachal Pradesh.
One aspect of the railway line which is never discussed is that the Chinese railway does not finish in Lhasa. It stops there and it is the main station, but it is due to be extended southwards to Gyangze and Shigatse, which are the two other large cities just behind the Himalayas. One of the reasons for this is that China has large military depots in Golmud where the Lhasa link starts, in which it has rail-based nuclear missiles. This means that with the railway coming down behind the Himalayas, China can, in a matter of hours or a day at most, move these missiles to just behind the Himalayas if it decides things are getting rough with India. It can also quickly move in masses of troops. The recent “Dispatches” documentary on Tibet showed western journalists who at that stage were in eastern Tibet and western China filming military convoys, stretching a distance of four or five miles, moving into Tibet. The scale of this activity is vast.
There are, therefore, mineral resources in Tibet. People who live there receive subsidies. By and large the Chinese do not like living in Tibet because of its high altitude. Also none of the food they like to eat grows there and it has to be transported in.
With regard to the Chinese presence in Tibet, Senator Norris said there were 8 million Chinese and approximately 6 million Tibetans. There are 6 million Tibetans in greater Tibet, which is Tibet as the Tibetans recognise it and not the Tibet autonomous region, which has 2.5 million Tibetans. When the Chinese invaded in 1951, they annexed just over half of the landmass of Tibet. The northern province Amdo is now Qinghai and the southern province of Kham is distributed between Gansu, Yunnan and Sichuan. Lhasa is only one city in Tibet. Interestingly, most of the protests have been happening not even in the autonomous region of Tibet - where everything is locked down so tight one cannot come out of one’s house and the same now applies right across Tibet - but in Amdo and Kham. Lhasa, as a city, is now an area covering something more than 35 sq km comprising Chinese buildings, a large proportion of which are owned and developed by the military. Approximately 1 sq km is Tibetan and even there the Chinese carried out extensive demolition of the old Tibetan quarter in recent years. Members will note I used the term “Tibetan quarter”, as it is not even a Tibetan city. The Chinese carried out a large amount of demolition to ensure their personnel carriers and tanks could get down the streets. The tanks were rolling on the streets of Lhasa after these recent protests. That was filmed by some Western journalists.
The Chinese presence in Tibet is strategic, economic and to provide room for its people. Interestingly, the one-child policy does not apply in Tibet as strictly as it does in China. Many Chinese immigrants go there to have another child.
That fairly extensively deals with the position there. Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang will tell the members what is it like to live under the boot, as it were, of the Chinese.

Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang: Will I speak about what happened in Tibet?

Mr. Anthony O’Brien: Explain the Lhasa immigration - the pan-Chinese movement.

Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang: The first time the Chinese began work on the railway in Lhasa, the line from China to Tibet, many Tibetan people were angry about it. They asked the Chinese not to do that and wrote many letters but the Chinese did not listen. China wanted to move some of its population to Lhasa to change Tibetans’ traditions and culture and they also wanted to change the mindset of members of the young generation, such as myself. The Chinese sell alcohol and cigarettes very cheaply. One can buy a cigarette for 2 cent or 3 cent. One can drink all night and discos are open all night. One can get in free to a disco during the week and there are also many gambling houses. One can gamble with one’s house and other material things, but they are only material things.
I was born in Tibet. I do not know when I was born because I was separated from my mum when I was two years of age. That was a disaster in my life. I escaped from Tibet when I was 17 years old. I know what the Chinese are doing to my people. I know what is going on. Let us be clear about this, China has no right to be in Tibet. When I lived in Tibet I could not go to school. We paid a different rate of tax and did not get anything. We paid for the Chinese Government. My parents and I worked. I worked when I was seven years old. I was separated from my parents because I was not allowed to live with them and I went to live with my aunt. The Chinese killed my brother. He was a good student and he went to study in Beijing. My dad and my relatives paid for him to go to school there. He returned to Tibet when he was 22 years old and on his return the Chinese killed him because he was intelligent and had a very good education.
Tibet is an independent country because my family can be traced back seven centuries. Each generation had a book which was passed down and now belongs to my parents. It clearly shows that Tibet is an independent country, far removed from China. That is the first point. The second point is that position of Tibetan girls is worst in China. If a girl has a baby, they put it down the toilet. If one is ill and has no money, one cannot go to the hospital and one might die. Tibetan children have no authorisation to go to school. In my city young Chinese girls and boys carry their school bags and go to school. I dream that I could have gone to school and have done something different.
My family is Tibetan. My English is not good. My grandfather is the leader of my small village. When the Chinese came in 1946 they went back because they believed it was much easier. The Chinese killed my grandfather when he was 42 years old. At that time my father was three. Ten children were left and five died because of hunger. They could not get any food. They have never stopped their coercive policies in Tibet right up to the third generation - my generation. It was very hard for Tibetans to live in Tibet with the Chinese. They have to ask for everything they need and whatever one gets has to be paid for.
For those who say the Olympic Games have nothing to do with politics I have a very good answer. The Chinese Government forced the peasants and the poor people to construct the Olympic stadium without pay. I must ask whether members of the committee would be happy to attend the opening ceremony in the knowledge that these poor people did not receive a penny for the work they did. I do not believe anybody would be happy to attend such a ceremony if he or she really respects human life and has regard for human rights. This has nothing to do with politics. The Chinese Government did wrong in this regard, while flaunting its economy to the world, yet neglecting to pay the workers who constructed the buildings for the Olympic Games.
In constructing the stadium they demolished a good deal of housing in which poor people lived, to show the world China is a rich country. Many of the people who built the stadium had nowhere to sleep at night. Their hands were broken in the construction process, just to show the world that China is a very rich country. Even the Chinese themselves do not condone this behaviour by the Government. EU member states should be aware of the facade behind the Chinese propaganda and respect human rights. If they do not, it makes little difference, and their representatives should attend the opening ceremony. However, if they have regard for the evidence, as I have outlined, then they cannot attend.

Mr. Neil Steedman: A million Chinese have been displaced to construct the Olympic facilities which have been built by prison inmates and unpaid poor labourers. Deputy Noonan raised a very good point about self-determination and general autonomy and asked about the situation in that regard. I refer him to point No. 7 in the Dalai Lama’s statement to the Tibetans. Deputy Timmins pointed out that we had referred to the trade implications. Some of those in the Tibetan movement ask for a boycott of Chinese goods. We do not, and it is fair to say that a majority of the Tibetan group does not. Neither does the Dalai Lama.
The Chinese comprise a fifth of the world’s population and there is no reason, in the normal course of events, why the rest of the world should not trade with China - aside from the difficulty of getting hardware or electrical goods without buying Chinese goods. However, we say the Irish Government and the EU should adopt far tougher policies as to the working conditions in Chinese factories. In particular any trade carried out with companies either sourcing materials or goods from Tibet, as opposed to China, should strictly adhere to very specific guidelines which the Tibetan Government in exile has laid down. These are more than reasonable and may be found on its website. I thank the committee very much for inviting us.

Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang: We are not seeking a boycott of the Olympic Games, although we do not believe EU or Irish representatives should attend the opening ceremony.
My English is not very good, but if it was I could bear witness to the terrible things that have happened in my life since I was two years old, but which I am unable to speak of. If the committee has regard for human rights it will appreciate the enormity of the coercion being exercised on Tibet by China. Six of my family are dead and I must bear witness to that each day and to the plight of many other Tibetan families. Children are locked into toilets and young girls are forced into prostitution, which is terrible. If people really respected human life and human rights then the ceremony of the Olympic Games should not be allowed to take place in China, because of the terrible things that are happening there.
Not only do they not respect Tibetans, but neither do they have regard for their own Chinese people. I love Chinese people and indeed, all the peoples of the world. I want one day to become free and see everybody happy. If there is enough food to feed people and preserve life, that will help sustain happy families, and that is the main thing. The Dalai Lama is seeking respect for human rights, not looking to assert his authority. People should be allowed to practise the religion they believe in. If we are not allowed this, we cannot do anything. If Ireland and the EU respect that position, their representatives should not attend the opening ceremony of the Olympic Games in China because that will break people’s hearts, instead of showing solidarity with them.

Chairman: I thank Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang for her very clear contribution. Everyone has understood it clearly. She speaks much better English than she believes. Her speech is very clear.
I thank Mr. Steedman and Mr. O’Brien for coming along as well. The question was raised about the Dalai Lama. I have just noted here what point No. 7 said. The Dalai Lama was seeking genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the sovereign People’s Republic of China, to preserve their identity, promote their religious and cultural heritage and protect human rights. It has been suggested that we should invite the Dalai Lama to come and meet us. If members are agreed we shall get in touch with the Dalai Lama’s office to invite him to meet the committee, on either a formal or informal basis, during his forthcoming visit to the UK.

The question of human rights abuses has been raised very eloquently. We will take up the issue of human rights abuses in Tibet with the Minister for Foreign Affairs and ask that Ireland push for a strong EU position on Tibet at the meeting between the European Union and China on human rights in Ljubljana in Slovenia on 15 May 2008, which is very soon. Several members raised the question of having an EU office in Lhasa. We will write to the Minister and make a request in this regard, with the agreement of members. These are the main points. The different views on the Olympic Games have been recorded and we will make them known to the Minister.

Senator David Norris: I am a rather confrontational person and I apologise if I have ruffled feathers, although I am sure my old friends across from me will not bear any grudge. Considering what has been said by Ms Tsering Lhamo Gwathsang, I believe strongly it would be indecent of us not to consider our position with regard to the Olympic committee. It has been made very clear that it is just a matter of asking the athletes not to attend the opening ceremony. They will still compete and we hope they will win medals. The request in this regard was so passionate and direct, that I beg my colleagues to agree to it. It is a practical step that we have been asked to make.
I am entitled to state - in the presence of my friend Senator Mark Daly - that Senator Ormonde, who expressed worry and originally believed there should be no boycott, changed her mind on the proposal. This was before we heard Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang. I appeal to my colleagues to recognise the passionate defence, ignore my loud mouth and ignorant remarks and think of this young woman and what she has suffered.

Deputy Billy Timmins: We agree that no Government representative should attend the opening ceremony, although I am aware that none has been invited. We would prefer to leave athletes out of our considerations. We certainly appreciate the very powerful contribution Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang has made. We will take up the issues separately.

Deputy Chris Andrews: I have written to Pat Hickey of the Olympic Council of Ireland asking him to abstain but I have not yet heard back. I hope he will pass on my views.

Senator Mark Daly: I support my colleagues Deputy Chris Andrews and Senator Norris. I second the proposal that the Olympic Council of Ireland should ask that our athletes not attend the opening ceremony.

Chairman: We can convey to the Government the views of the committee on Government attendance at the opening ceremony.

Senator David Norris: That is nonsense and I will not stand for it. I am really furious. There is genocide and murder taking place. I say with tears in my eyes that not accepting the proposal would be a shame on this committee, including the Chairman, Deputy Timmins and his colleague Deputy Noonan, whom I believed had more guts and feeling. They are alienating the Irish people, who will be sickened by us.

Chairman: I was trying to ask the Senator to move his motion.

Deputy Billy Timmins: Senator Norris displayed intolerance for which he condemns others. I ask him to withdraw his remarks.

Senator David Norris: I will not.

Deputy Billy Timmins: He has no monopoly on moral indignation and should not come in here and lecture us. He put forward no proposal to cut back on trade. My side of the House is the only one that brought up the issue. Senator Norris made no proposal on it.

Senator David Norris: The Deputy will not-----

Senator Mark Daly: The Dalai Lama has not asked for trade cuts.

Deputy Billy Timmins: On the use of the soft option-----

Chairman: Senators and Deputies-----

Deputy Billy Timmins: Government officials, yes, but not the soft option-----

Chairman: Senator Norris has a motion before the committee.

Deputy Michael Noonan: Senator Norris launched a personal attack on me. I did not express any view on the Olympics today.

Senator David Norris: That is why I said it.

Deputy Michael Noonan: The Senator does not know where I stand.

Senator David Norris: Exactly.

Deputy Michael Noonan: Senator Norris is such an autocrat he can now see into my mind.

Chairman: Senator Norris and Deputy Noonan-----

Deputy Billy Timmins: I regret that Senator Norris has sought-----

Chairman: We have heard all the contributions.

Deputy Billy Timmins: -----to make a political issue out of this matter when, by and large, we certainly realise the terrible difficulties the Tibetans are enduring. We condemn the Chinese unreservedly. I regret that the Senator-----

Chairman: Everybody recognises that.

Ms Tsering Lhamo Gawathsang: I have very good proof of the situation in my country and I have expressed my emotion in this regard today. It is not easy for me. I was separated from my parents when I was two years old because of the Chinese and escaped when I was 17. That is not easy. We cannot force the committee to adopt a particular stance but if the members really respect human rights and human beings, they should support us.

Chairman: Let us be clear that there is no question of members not respecting human rights. Very definite actions are being taken by the committee and the Government will be asked to take them.

Deputy Billy Timmins: I ask that the Chinese ambassador be invited before the committee so we can raise these issues with him. It is very important-----

Mr. Anthony O’Brien: One essential point that we miss and which needs to be stated clearly is that the Tibetan Government in exile and Ministers of the Dalai Lama have been negotiating with the Chinese behind the scenes for the past six years and more. Every single time, the Chinese move the goalposts and do not engage. It should be made clear that when we are talking about a dialogue - the EU dialogue has produced no improvement in human rights at all - it must somehow be made concrete. God only knows how to do it but it must happen.

Chairman: That is related to what I said in summing up. We will ask the Government to take into account the points made on the attendance of Government representatives at the opening ceremony.

Situation in Tibet: Motion.
Chairman: Does Senator Norris wish to move his motion?

Senator David Norris: Yes, I would be happy to do so. I move:

That the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs should ask the Irish Government to support moves to have the Chinese engage in dialogue with the Dalai Lama.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I second the motion.

Question put and agreed to.
:
Senator David Norris: I accept Deputy Timmins's proposal to invite the Chinese ambassador before the committee. It is a reasonable and wise suggestion. It is laughable to say we will tell the Irish delegation it need not attend. Deputy Timmins stated that we have not been invited. It is an empty gesture to say we will not go to the party to which we have not been invited. God almighty, I may be thick but I do not believe I am that thick.

Senator Mark Daly: Deputy Andrews brought up the issue of the 1908 Olympics. When we sought help from the international community, nobody would speak up. Silence is a form of complicity. One hundred years later, we should not be silent. If someone had made a gesture in 1908, we would have appreciated it. I support Senator Norris’s motion.

Deputy Michael Noonan: In the first instance, Senator Norris’s motion should be tabled before the Fianna Fáil parliamentary party to obtain the support of the Government.

Senator Mark Daly: For which motion?

Deputy Billy Timmins: Senator Norris’s motion.

Deputy Michael Noonan: The one the Senator is suggesting now.

Chairman: The motion has been agreed unanimously. The clerk to the committee will prepare a message for the clerks of the Dáil and the Seanad to the effect that the motion has been agreed. We will also notify the Minister for Foreign Affairs and take the other steps the member suggested.

Senator David Norris: Can I ask for guidance? The Chairman accepted certain suggestions. I made a proposal and it was seconded by Senator Daly. Is there no way it can be taken now?

Chairman: If Senator Norris wants to table another motion for another day, he is entitled to do so.

Senator David Norris: It cannot be taken now.

Chairman: No, notice must be given.

Deputy Chris Andrews: Members have more in common than they believe. It would appear to an onlooker that there is so much division when in fact members generally support the broad principle of supporting the Tibetan people. It would be a shame if the impression were given that there is considerable division because there is not.

Deputy Michael Noonan: There is only the one in Senator Norris’s head. He is ascribing views to Fine Gael members that they do not hold.

Deputy Chris Andrews: It is important to note that there is common support.

Chairman: I accept that entirely.

The joint committee went into private session at 5.10 p.m. and adjourned at 5.31 p.m. sine die.

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 2nd April 2008 - Global Pandemics: Discussion with Global Fund.

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 2nd April 2008 - Global Pandemics: Discussion with Global Fund.

Senator David Norris: I welcome our distinguished guest. In response to one of the points, I would say that a number of us are involved with parliamentary representatives who support the UNFPA. We have a grouping here that is very effective and assists in debates by providing us with efficient and detailed briefings which are very useful. Many of us support this initiative.
I noted the same trends as my colleague, Deputy Michael D. Higgins, with regard to funding. It is worrying that the United States plays such a relatively insignificant role and also frequently, under the Bush Administration, attaches conditions of a moral nature, which is completely regrettable in a scientific area and an area which deals with the treatment of human beings. While there may not be time for the professor to address this issue given that there is so little time, there is a worrying development in regard to TB. The Chairman referred to our national history with regard to TB but now as a by-product of AIDS there is the development of drug resistant TB. If time permits I would appreciate a comment on that issue.
My final question and comment is the business, which a number of colleagues have raised, of gender equity and so on, but they neglected to mention the other rather coy phrase “sexual minorities”. I wonder how many sexual minorities there are. Is there a wonderful efflorescence of sexual minorities? I can think of one in particular, homosexual men, gay men. I have had experience of going to the meetings of the interparliamentary union in India and being the only person to raise there, about ten years ago, the question, which was a time bomb. I discovered that in the previous year the first national conference on AIDS had been held in the Ashok Palace Hotel and it excluded by police force women sex workers, or as we used to call them, prostitutes and gay men, who wanted to take part.

Many of us here have the privilege in northern Europe of being able to speak openly about these issues. There is a real political difficulty in the east, in Asia and in Muslim countries. We owe it to these people to indicate our very strong support for gay men who, certainly in the west, were simultaneously attacked as being the principal mechanism of transmission and then ignored. The professor should know of our strong support. I doubt if any of my colleagues would dissociate themselves from that.

Chairman: The professor does not have to answer all those questions.

Professor Michel Kazatchkine: If I were to do so we would be in session for many more hours. I will run through a few of them. I thank members for raising so many important points. I will answer a number of points raised by Deputy Higgins about contributions. He is correct in suggesting one should examine the figure per capita as much as absolute numbers. It is true that the US has made an unprecedented effort with regard to AIDS with the $15 billion for the President’s emergency plan for AIDS relief, PEPFAR I, programme and President Bush’s request for $30 billion, which is now being considered by Congress and the US Senate, for the PEPFAR II programme. When one examines the percentage of GDP the US gives to development, it is far below the mean European figures. As Europeans we can be proud of the effort of Europe, which is supporting close to 65% of Global Fund funding. Many EU countries have committed to increasing overseas development aid towards 0.56% and then 0.7% of GDP. Ireland is among the high donors. I measure this as the percentage of overseas development aid that goes to Global Fund, which is 2.65% in Ireland’s case. The highest donor gives 3% of overseas development aid to Global Fund and the mean is approximately 1.9-2.1%. Ireland is among the strong donors.
China is investing in bilateral efforts, particularly in infrastructure and with regard to malaria. It is not linking with the multilateral groups on the ground and with Global Fund but these developments are recent and we must build relationships. China is a small donor to Global Fund, giving tens of millions but receiving $440 million from our portfolio in China.
I look forward to the next three years as years when the contributions Global Fund receives from rapidly emerging economies will increase. We are targeting fundraising efforts at the Chinese Government, India and Russia, which is the best example. Russia has been a beneficiary of Global Fund to the extent of $270 million. Last year, Russia decided to reimburse all the funds it has received by 2010. I would like to use that model to address China, India and Brazil. The patterns of donors will change and the growing economies in Asia will be represented in Global Fund donors.
I thank several members for raising the impact we have. This is where the advocacy of members is needed. Some may say that since there is impact and people hear marvellous results about malaria, they do not have to worry anymore about AIDS and other diseases. This could lead to complacency but we need the opposite attitude. Here is a global issue that the world is coming together to tackle. We are making significant progress but let us eradicate malaria and make an impact on tuberculosis. It is amazing that the world is still confronted with an increasing epidemic of tuberculosis in 2008.
Deputy Ardagh referred to philanthropists. There are two ways in which they invest money. The main investment of Mr. Gates and Mr. Buffet is in technology or research, upstream investment. However, at the Toronto AIDS conference two years ago, Bill Gates committed €500 million to the Global Fund. He is giving us €100 million per year for the next three years. I am in close contact with Bill and Melinda Gates and their foundation and hope its work will expand with the Buffet money. Their key investment is in the area of future technology.
A question was raised about the spread of AIDS. Several years ago, we were concerned that AIDS could spread throughout the world if we did not deal with it urgently. It is now fairly clear from an epidemiological perspective that two types of epidemic exist in the world. The first is the African, or I would even say the southern African, epidemic, which is a generalised epidemic of unbelievable scope. Next week I will travel to Swaziland, where one person in three is infected by HIV. In the rest of the world, epidemics are concentrated among, for example, intravenous drug users or homosexual men. We should be able to stop these epidemics because we can access these people for treatment fairly easily. However, the issue of how we deal with southern Africa is very difficult to address, particularly in respect of prevention. I do not think there is any hidden or unknown aspect to the progression of the epidemic.
With regard to the point made on multi-drug resistant tuberculosis, not only is the AIDS epidemic extremely worrying in southern Africa but now we are also concerned about the tuberculosis epidemic and resistant tuberculosis. HIV-AIDS and tuberculosis are linked because people whose immune systems are compromised by AIDS are particularly vulnerable to tuberculosis. We now see the spread of multi-drug resistant tuberculosis in eastern Europe and Central Asia. The Global Fund is currently the only funder of resistant tuberculosis prevention and treatment. I recently visited Georgia to open a new facility for multi-drug resistant tuberculosis. We are the only provider of multi-drug resistant tuberculosis in the world. The support of this committee for our activities in that regard is therefore very important.
I was asked about administration but I am unclear on the question. The Global Fund is extremely cheap from an administrative perspective. We are spending between 4% and 6% on overheads. We have a comprehensive funding policy so that, whenever we approve a programme for €10 million or €100 million, we immediately put that money aside in the bank so we are sure there is no risk to continuity. That money goes to the World Bank, which invests it, and the returns on our investments pay our administrative costs. Every euro that Ireland contributes to the Global Fund goes to the developing world. We are proud that Geneva does not retain a single euro.
Several questions were asked regarding the feminisation of the epidemic, which is currently a major issue in southern Africa. The risk for a young woman to acquire HIV-AIDS is about six times that of a young man. That means prevention must include education for young women, although obviously it must also focus on men. There are limits to what we can do. One can educate, court or inform as much as possible. When these young women are confronted with poverty and violence there is no way to respond for them. If they have to sell sex for money because they are hungry, no education effort will help. Some members spoke about the socio-cultural context. These diseases cannot be separated from the overall context of the fight against poverty and for human rights.
I should address some remarks by Deputy Noonan and others on audits and how we can be accountable apart from the five-year evaluation. We are the only development funding agency that works according to a performance-based funding model. When we sign a grant with a country, that country sets a number of objectives, for example by three years it wants to reach 20,000 people with anti-retroviral treatment. The country will aim to reach 5,000 people in year one, 10,000 in year two and 15,000 in year three and request annual budgets accordingly. We will disburse the first tranche and will not disburse the second tranche before objective one is reached and we see how the money related to that objective is spent. Every six months - or every three months for countries we examine more carefully - our principal recipients give us reports on the programme achievements and the budget that has been spent.
We also have independent auditors in countries, usually accounting firms such as KPMG or PricewaterhouseCoopers, which we subcontract. Every six or three months these people send us a similar report to the one we request from the principal recipient. If the two reports are consistent and if the programme achievements have been achieved I disburse the second tranche. If there is inconsistency between the two reports, we investigate. One of the members mentioned the risk of corruption, of which we are very conscious. A few months ago The Irish Times published a report on a country I cannot name, and which was not named in the newspaper because it is the subject of a police investigation. The report was on some of the Global Fund’s money being used inappropriately in an African country. That report was correct. From time to time I receive such evidence. Because of our legitimacy, because we are global and our board comprises donors and recipients, public sector and civil society, the Global Fund is the only board with the strength and legitimacy to tell a country we are discontinuing the grant. For a bilateral country it is difficult to suspend bilateral efforts because bilateral efforts often have some political visibility purposes. I will stop here.

Chairman: We must wind up because we are going to be put out, never mind Professor Kazatchkine.

Professor Michel Kazatchkine: As members may know, we have suspended grants in Ukraine, Uganda and in a few other countries and are threatening some countries with temporary suspensions, so we have strict control over corruption. Let us keep our fingers crossed. We have been doing reasonably well, particularly if one thinks of the very large flows of money through the Global Fund.

Chairman: I thank Professor Kazatchkine. People are mostly concerned about where governments receive money directly and wish to ensure it gets through to where it is needed. We have visited various places and seen audits being conducted, even by our own officials. It is an issue which is raised in the media and elsewhere.
The delegation is very much on top of its brief, as is very obvious to everybody present and clear from the presentation made and replies given to questions. We all agree that if there is to be an impact, it must not lead to complacency. That is very important. We must aim for total eradication. We are all much more aware of the great work being done by the Global Fund in combating the scourge of AIDS, malaria and TB. Coping with the challenges posed by these pandemics is not an easy task but it is welcome that the delegation is focused on the issue.
Professor Kazatchkine is to be congratulated on the work he has done in his first year as director of the Global Fund and we wish him every success with his future plans. We will communicate and keep in close contact with him. We will also follow up on the invitations mentioned. I again thank the delegation.

The joint committee went into private session at 1.42 p.m. and adjourned at 1.45 p.m. until 3.30 p.m. on Wednesday, 9 April 2008.

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 13th February 2008 - Irish Aid Annual Report 2006

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 13th February 2008 - Irish Aid Annual Report 2006

Senator David Norris: I am glad the Minister of State and his advisers have found the time to attend today. The appointment of the Minister of State was extremely appropriate. I had the pleasure of serving with him in Seanad Éireann and I know of the genuine commitment and passion which both he and his brother have for these issues. I found many of the earlier contributions interesting, including Deputy Shatter’s. I was intrigued by his implicit call for a return to empire, which is something that should be examined closely by this committee.

Deputy Alan Shatter: I was merely citing a fact in the context of the economic work being done. I was not suggesting anyone should again colonise anybody. Senator Norris can never resist the opportunity to misrepresent something I said. It is becoming something of a political addiction on the Senator’s part.

Senator David Norris: I am following in the glorious tradition of Deputy Shatter, who has made an entire political career out of that approach, and today’s contribution was a remarkable instance of it. I believe it is an important issue and I deprecate mean-minded attempts to use this committee to stifle the expression of a viewpoint by raising questions concerning the funding of organisations which are extremely reputable. I was present at the meeting Christian Aid attended and its spokespersons condemned suicide bombings, which Deputy Shatter heard.

Deputy Alan Shatter: I was referring to the report it published.

Senator David Norris: Let us not have any more of that nonsense. The report was a fine report and was balanced. I have got to know the part of the world to which it refers quite well over the past 35 years and have actually visited the area with Christian Aid. I strongly urge the Minister of State to continue to provide funding.
Deputy Shatter raises relevant questions in regard to the prudent management of Irish Aid. There must be a balance and one must listen to the voices of both Deputy Shatter and Deputy Higgins who has wide experience in this issue. There is no doubt about the regimes in Uganda and Ethiopia. Some of the countries to which we have referred have a very large prison population, which gives rise to human rights issues, in circumstances where the infrastructure is so depleted that they are incapable of providing prisoners with what international authorities, including the WHO, regard as the minimum required subsistence nourishment. Prisoners must be fed, if it is possible at all, from outside and that indicts all of us. It is a very real human rights issue.
It is very difficult to deal with issues such as that arising in Darfur and the Irish Government is trying to take an honourable stand. I very much welcome the action of Steven Spielberg in removing himself from the advisory committee on the Beijing Olympic Games because of the situation in Darfur. Such a public stance, taken by an international celebrity, is very important and must be put in the context of attempts by the British Olympic committee to stifle comment by any of their athletes, which is very regrettable. Can the Minister of State comment on that?
I very much welcome the increasing percentage of GNP we now devote to this area. However, our position is becoming weaker all the time because we have the attitude that by making aid available we can gain leverage with some of these regimes, many of which are very corrupt. It is being undermined consistently and in a massive way by the colonialist and imperialist adventures of the People’s Republic of China. That country is in the market with much more money than we have and a huge appetite for the natural resources of the continent of Africa. It has no qualms whatever about dealing directly with tyrants and dictators, handing over enormous sums of money in exchange for the raw materials it needs for its expanding economy. This greatly reduces our leverage because these unrepresentative governments can say, “We do not need you. We have cobalt. We have diamonds. We will flog them to the Chinese.” This is a serious political problem and I ask the Minister of State to comment.
The situation in East Timor was first raised by Deputy Deasy and it is very worrying. We have had José Ramos-Horta in Dublin on numerous occasions. He has had meetings with this committee and he worked very closely over the years with Tom Hyland. Will the Minister of State indicate the degree of contact with Mr. Hyland? I had a couple of meetings with him after Christmas when he was here. Does he have any official standing? Is Ireland still in contact with him? The legitimate government of Horta and Xanana Guzmao deserves as much international and visible support as possible because there are discordant, disgruntled elements from Fretilin and the rest of them. We need to show solidarity.
I also welcome the opening of the information centre in O’Connell Street. I am being slightly parochial because it is just around the corner from where I live. It is quite striking. Just last night I was passing it and saw a very large video display which is eye-catching. People are drawn towards these issues by virtue of that video display.
I want to return to one of my various obsessions which is population. The enormous explosion in population is one of the issues that underlies a great deal of the tensions and the struggle for resources such as minerals or basic resources such as water. It has an impact on health and on human rights. I also commend the Government for its continued support of the UNFPA and its Irish representative group.
I draw the Minister of State’s attention to the existence within the Oireachtas of the all-party interest group on sexual reproductive health rights, population and development. This is a key area, in particular the question of population and its links to development and health. Very often they are ignored and undermined. I welcome the support of the Government. Irish Aid’s health policy mentions universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights. This is very significant and very important, particularly in the case of countries retreating from these points. I ask the Minister of State to consider attending one of the meetings of this all-party Oireachtas group, particularly with regard to the population issues, the right to reproductive and sexual health and rights and the question of maternal and infant mortality in these countries.
I also refer to the squalid and horrible practice of female genital mutilation that continues in these countries and the impact this should have on issues of human rights and asylum. It is not a simple black and white question. We cannot undertake to receive as asylum-seekers every person who finds themselves in this situation.
I hope I did not take up too much time but as it is now only 9.35 a.m. we have plenty of time left before lunch.

Chairman: We know what to do with the clocks for the next meeting.

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 1st February 2008 - Palestinian Dev. and Humanitarian Aid

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - Palestinian Development and Humanitarian Aid - 1st February 2008.

Senator David Norris: I welcome this morning’s meeting and the contributions that have been made. I have long supported the right of the state of Israel to exist and challenged the obscenity that is anti-Semitism whether it occurs here, in Europe or the Middle East. I must show my credentials because I am highly critical of the Israeli Government and its policies and the European Union.
Deputy Higgins clearly made his point on the significance of the Palestinian election; we may not like Hamas but, having heard of à la carte Catholicism, this matter has given an example of à la carte democracy. We have refused to recognise the perfectly legitimate and internationally validated election of a legitimate authority, simply because we do not like it. In my book that puts a very peculiar gloss on democracy. I understand Mr. McMahon’s difficulties but I find the following statement coy:

Irish Aid has also contributed towards public service salaries in Palestine, including teachers’ salaries. This amounted to €1 million last year and was channelled through a temporary mechanism managed by the European Commission.
That was a squalid deal that was let out and the attitude of the European Union was utterly shameful. The international community, particularly the European Union and our Government, has signally failed to vindicate the bare, essential human rights of the Palestinian people. This is why I feel outraged about this situation.
The people in Gaza have had an appalling time and I know this because I have visited the area and know it reasonably well. The conditions there are shocking. I have condemned the rocket attacks emanating from the area but they are the responsibility of maverick mobile units that do not necessarily represent the local population. Members of these units disperse as soon as the rockets are fired and the Israelis then hit back at local civilians, resulting in terror.
There has been a deliberate, callous and continuous strangulation of Gaza. An Israeli Minister said those in Gaza will not die as a result but will only lose some weight and I find this comment shameful. That individual should have been severely chastised for making a joke of the suffering of others. Ireland is complicit in what I believe is a war crime because under Article 4 of the Geneva Convention collective punishment, which this is, is defined as such. The difference is that these mobile units are not an official organ of a Palestinian state; they are rogue elements that are condemned by the international community. My problem with the Israeli response to the situation in Gaza is that military actions and actions by civilian authorities, such as the closing of power stations, are carried out with the political sanction of the Israeli Government and are supported by that state’s armed forces. In my book this is a distinction that should be recognised.
The need for action was mentioned and I have been criticised by people who strongly support the state of Israel for making certain recommendations in the past. For example, I suggested that the human rights protocols attached to the external association agreement between Israel and the European Union should be applied. An even milder suggestion is that we should establish a monitoring mechanism; what is the point of having human rights protocols if we ignore war crimes? Can we at least establish a mechanism to monitor the human rights situation in the light of events in Gaza? Is this too much to ask? Are we afraid of knowing what is going on?
The cutting of electricity supply to Gaza does not merely result in people sitting in the dark and missing their favourite television programmes; it results in infants dying in incubators, elderly people having respirators switched off and vaccines perishing because they are not properly refrigerated. It is not a question of discomfort and people losing a bit of weight, it is a question of people dying and we have a responsibility in this matter. It is tragic for the people of Palestine that Gaza has become for them the equivalent of the land of bondage. As Deputy Higgins and others asked, what sort of conditions must exist when half the population of a territory escapes through a breach in a wall?
My distinguished colleague, Deputy Shatter, asked whether the wall has affected suicide bombings. It appears that it has and I welcome every life that is saved. I used to get the bus home next door to the Sbarro pizzeria where an entire family was wiped out by a suicide bombing so I am not on the side of the bombers. However, the same result would have been achieved had the wall been built legally on Israeli territory, rather than being used in a massive illegal land grab. This is where I have problems with the wall. Had it been built legally the Israeli Government would not have been able to incorporate illegal settlements into Israeli territory. This is the answer to Deputy Shatter’s question on the issue.
There is also a question of disproportionality. There are remarkable people in Israel of whom I have spoken previously in this committee. Physicians for Human Rights includes the most distinguished doctors in Israel who queue in rain and mud to treat their fellow human beings in these camps. These doctors are mocked by mere squirts of soldiers of 18 years of age. I ask those present today to consider what their feelings would be if confronted by the kinds of incidents recounted by Richard Crowley in his splendid recent book on this situation. He tells of a Palestinian farmer, who was not politically active and whose family had inhabited the area for many generations, who was stopped and arbitrarily refused permission to visit the next village by two people, a Russian and an American. He was a human being in his own land.
I suggest to the Chairman that a group from this committee could visit the area as one did previously.

Chairman: I will come to that matter.

Senator David Norris: As the Chairman may know, I have been involved in two illegally settled occupied villages, Susya and At-Tuwani in south Hebron, through my former partner, Ezra Yitzhak Nawi. The people there are deprived of precisely what we have spoken of - clean water, electricity and basic medical services. A programme has been established to change this. I held a fundraising event and, thanks to the generosity of the Irish people, I am delighted to say €55,000 was raised to help the villages, some of which was channelled through Trócaire. I have received pictures of the wind-based electricity generators and solar panels that are now there and clean water is accessible but I am afraid the Israelis will demolish all this. Deputy Shatter has asked what has happened to these projects and the money involved but this is a question he could legitimately direct at the Israeli Embassy. Many projects have been destroyed and I would like this committee to extend its protection to the villages of Susya and At-Tuwani to ensure basic resources there for ordinary, non-political people are safeguarded. I do not feel this destruction should go without strong criticism from this committee. We should be vigilant of developments in these villages as they are representative of the bigger issue.
It is a tragic situation and I sympathise with both sides; I know the town of Stirot and so on. We must ensure that there is proportionality. We have absolutely failed to vindicate the human rights of Palestinians at the most basic level. Only through their vindication will we be able to move towards peace for both peoples of that troubled land.

Deputy Michael Noonan: I will direct my question to Mr. McMahon. The Chairman recently met the Israeli ambassador and circulated a note to us about the meeting. The note stated “The Ambassador said he was aware that Ireland provided funding to the Palestinians, adding that he was not 100% sure that some of the money was going where it was intended”. That seems to be a diplomatic allegation of either misappropriation or misdirection of Irish Aid funding. Could Mr. McMahon inform us of whether there is any basis to this and what it is?

Deputy Seán Ardagh: I am new to the committee, so the witnesses will excuse me if I do not know as much about the situation as some of the members who have already spoken. It appears that it would be in the interests of Israel to have the economic circumstances of the Palestinian people dramatically improved. As we have seen in other parts of the world, when economic circumstances improve people’s desire to pick up arms decreases dramatically. In this regard, free movement between Gaza and the West Bank and access to the markets of the outside world would significantly enhance the economic viability of Palestine. My question relates, to return to what Senator Norris said, to the proportionality of Israel’s response in not allowing free movement or access to outside markets. Is that level of response proportionate in comparison to the responses of other countries in difficult circumstances? I know one cannot be matched with the other, but I am sure there are institutes and think-tanks around the world which have examined this in detail. Is the response proportionate or is it way out of line?

Senator Mark Daly: I am deeply disturbed by what Deputy Noonan said. I was not aware of the allegation by the Israeli ambassador, Dr. Zion Evrony, that Irish aid was not going to where we had intended. I understand that it is going where it is intended. I suggest that we write to the ambassador and ask him whether he has evidence for this.

Chairman: It was not an allegation. It was just a question.

Senator Mark Daly: It was as good as an allegation. If one said that in Kerry it would be an allegation.

Senator David Norris: Kerry is full of allegations.

Senator Mark Daly: And I know all the alligators.
If the Israeli ambassador has any evidence of our taxpayers’ money going where it is not intended he should provide it and if he cannot provide it he should write us an apology.

Senator Ivor Callely: I congratulate the agencies on the work they are undertaking and encourage them to keep it up. It is much appreciated. We all understand that the political and humanitarian situation continues to worsen, as has been outlined. It is regrettable to see the continuation of poverty, violence and human rights abuses, particularly because of the length of time it has been going on. We are talking about 60 years of this. As a child I can remember hearing about the West Bank, Gaza, the Palestinians and the Israelis but not quite understanding it. It is regrettable that although so much is being poured into the area by so many different authorities, no great progress is being made. If, as we all agree is likely, the conflict between the Israelis and the Palestinians deepens, all that will happen is a worsening of the humanitarian crisis, particularly inside the Gaza Strip.
While I appreciate and welcome the call by Christian Aid and Trócaire for the committee to respond - maybe some day we will deal with this in detail - the international community has failed to respond. With the fund of expertise and energy that is out there and available to help, is there any extra mile we can go towards coming up with a mechanism? I have noted some of the suggestions for a monitoring body and, as mentioned by Deputy Michael D. Higgins, a secretariat. What other issues have been mentioned in the various international discussions on this issue?
I wish to pay tribute to Mr. Brendan McMahon, the director of the emergency and recovery section of Irish Aid. He has done tremendous work over the last 18 months and I wish him continued success in his endeavours, as I do to Trócaire and Christian Aid.

Deputy Rory O’Hanlon: I thank the panel for a very good presentation. We have talked a lot about the humanitarian situation. The obvious solution to that is to find a political end to the conflict. Do the panel members have any views on where we should be going from here? I agree with the point made by Deputy Shatter that when there is an atrocity it tends to delay progress between the protagonists. What we saw in Northern Ireland was that it was only when we got beyond the politics of the last atrocity - when we had politicians of vision who were able to rise above that - that we saw any progress. What are the views of the panel members on where the political solution is going or whether there is anything we can do?

Chairman: We have all had an opportunity to speak, so we will take the replies. Would Mr. Kilcullen, Mr. Bell, Ms Boden or Mr. McMahon like to reply?

Mr. Brendan McMahon: I will go first.

Chairman: We do not expect you to resolve everything.

Mr. Brendan McMahon: I will deal with the issue raised by Deputies Noonan and Shatter about where the aid money is going. I can assure the members that Irish Aid is very careful about monitoring and evaluating everything it does, which includes our programme in Palestine. Mechanisms for this are built into the programme and the role of our representative office in Ramallah is crucial in this regard. We are aware of these allegations from the publication NGO Monitor. The Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Michael Kitt, met with the Israeli ambassador and provided the necessary assurances that our money is going exactly where it is intended and that everything is above board. Those assurances were accepted by the Israeli ambassador. I would like to set this matter to rest.

Deputy Alan Shatter: I asked Mr. McMahon to explain to what extent we could detail the concrete results of the aid we send to the area, and I asked about the total amount of aid in the past ten years.

Mr. Brendan McMahon: I do not have the figure for the past ten years. I will have to write to the Deputy about that. I will also write to the Deputy with regard to the evaluations carried out on the programmes we have funded.

Deputy Alan Shatter: These programmes are very important and I do not want to give the impression that I disapprove of them. I agree with what was said by another speaker, namely, improving the economy of both the West Bank and Gaza is very important. There is also a major importance in bringing the violence to an end. Until that happens there will not be a viable peace process. It is important that we know we are spending our money and that we think it is working satisfactorily but also what the concrete outcomes are.
Over a ten-year continuum a huge amount of money has been spent in the area, not just from Ireland but across Europe and other parts of the world. I do not say this to undermine Irish Aid or the work of Mr. McMahon but there was a major problem of corruption in that area. It is part of the reason Hamas was successful in the election. There was a reaction against the corruption endemic in an earlier Palestinian administration. It is of major importance that it is no longer taking place and that we know that money is being used in projects that have come to fruition. It would be of interest to the committee to know that.
We have committed ourselves to contributing €40 million arising from the donor conference towards the end of last year. It is important that the public believes what we are doing is credible and that funds are not being siphoned off for other purposes. What are the concrete outcomes of our expenditure over the past decade? It is an important issue. I wish the delegation well in its work this year.
I expected Senator Norris to say what he said and it is becoming repetitive. The problem is that one cannot criticise the Israelis if some infrastructure is the subject of destruction when there is a war zone and they seek to defend themselves against rocket attacks. We must end the violence. The problem we all have with Hamas is that it is not interested in the peace process. It will not end the violence and will not recognise the Israeli state. It has used Gaza as a launching pad for rockets. The arguments about proportionate or disproportionate retaliation are extraordinarily spurious. I do not know what Senator Norris is suggesting. On 16 January 2008, it was estimated that 100 rockets were fired from the Gaza Strip into Israel. Is Senator Norris suggesting that an appropriate and proportionate response would be to send 100 rockets back into the Gaza Strip? I disagree with this.

Senator David Norris: Is Deputy Shatter suggesting the British Army should have bombed Dundalk during the Provo campaign? It is the same argument.

Deputy Darragh O’Brien: Deputies asked a number of questions of the delegation.

Deputy Alan Shatter: The Senator knows the stupidity of that response.

Senator David Norris: I do not need to be lectured on my boringness, repetitiveness and stupidity by someone who exhibits those same qualities in the same measure.

Deputy Alan Shatter: Economically, we will not solve the problem and reap the benefits of Irish aid until the violence ends. Unfortunately, we will dissipate some resources in the context of the ongoing violence.

Chairman: Deputy Shatter must appreciate that everyone at this meeting appreciates these difficulties. There is no difference between us on that matter.

Deputy Alan Shatter: There is substantial difference of emphasis, based on the contributions made by some people.

Chairman: It is a question of how to get a lasting solution.

Deputy Rory O’Hanlon: Is it possible to hear some of our guests because we are being called to vote?

Chairman: We took the trouble to examine Irish aid and what is happening. We will discuss it later but everything we saw was going directly to the people intended. There is also the question of other moneys.

Mr. William Bell: I thank the committee for the opportunity to appear before it on behalf of Christian Aid and Trócaire. The debate that this meeting is turning into demonstrates the level of polarisation and passion on both sides. We could take this as a microcosm of the situation in the Middle East, demonstrating why we are in the current stalemate.

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - Extraordinary Rendition and Cluster Munitions Motion - 19th December 2007

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 19th December 2007 - Extraordinary Rendition: Discussion with the Irish Human Rights Commission and Department and the Cluster Munitions Motion.

Chairman: I remind members and those in the Gallery to ensure their mobile phones are switched off completely for the duration of the meeting as they cause interference with the recording equipment in committee rooms even if on silent mode.

Senator David Norris: Deputy Michael D. Higgins indicated to me that because he is involved in a debate in the Dáil he probably will not be able to attend. Perhaps his apologies should be recorded.

Chairman: I understand that Deputy Michael D. Higgins will attend the meeting if he can and I will note what Senator Norris stated.
The minutes of the meeting of 12 December 2007 were circulated. Are there any matters arising? No. There being no matters arising are the minutes agreed? Agreed.
Before proceeding to the main item on our agenda, I wish to draw the attention of the committee to the news that on Monday, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia announced he would grant a pardon to a young Saudi woman who was the victim of a most appalling rape. It will be recalled that at our meeting of 21 November 2007 members expressed their shock at the news which had just broken that a court in Saudi Arabia had increased the sentence on this young woman from 99 lashes to 200 lashes with six months in jail because she raised her case in public.
Following the suggestion of members at that meeting, I immediately wrote on behalf of the committee to the Saudi Arabian ambassador to Ireland, based in London, conveying the committee’s strongest condemnation of the court’s decision. In my letter, I asked that our views be conveyed to the authorities in Riyadh.
I am aware our protest at the court’s decision was but one of a large outpouring of protests from around the world as what was rightly seen as a grave abuse of the human rights of this young woman. Nonetheless, I hope the protest from the committee contributed in some small way in bringing about the pardon announced on Monday by King Abdullah. I am sure members will join me in welcoming this positive development.

Deputy Billy Timmins: I welcome this development and would like to think the letter from this committee went in some small way towards assisting in the change of opinion.

Senator David Norris: It was timely that we acted in the way we did but this is just a fire brigade action and does not deal with the underlying principle. It is a public relations exercise to demonstrate the magnanimity of the Saudi Arabian ruler but fails to address the heart of the matter, namely that these persons should not be treated in this manner. The situation continues in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere. A number of us have drawn the committee’s attention to the appalling record of human rights abuses in countries such as Iran. It is not good enough to let the authorities away with a public relations exercise while leaving the underlying principle untouched. They will continue to behave in this way by mistreating and abusing their citizens. It was disgraceful that the woman was condemned in the first place when it should have been her attackers who were blamed. It is an outrageous business and I hope no letter of thanks or congratulations will issue from this committee. If we do write, we should express our hope that the principle of injustice underlying these situations will at last be addressed in their societies.

Chairman: The next matter on the agenda is Ireland’s pledge of €40 million to help the Palestinians. On a separate issue, the committee might join me in conveying our congratulations to our former colleague, the Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs, Deputy Michael Kitt, who is now responsible for Ireland’s overseas development programme. He announced yesterday at the international donors’ conference in Paris that Ireland would pledge €40 million over the next three to four years to help Palestinians in their development efforts. These funds will help the Palestinian Authority as it builds institutions of democracy and encourages sustainable economic development, as well as provide vital social services to the Palestinian people, particularly the poorest sections of society.

Extraordinary Rendition: Discussion with the Irish Human Rights Commission and Departments.
Chairman: Before we start, I advise witnesses that whereas Members of the Houses enjoy absolute privilege in respect of utterances made in committee, witnesses do not enjoy absolute privilege. Accordingly, caution should be exercised, particularly with regard to references of a personal nature.
I welcome the delegation from the Irish Human Rights Commission, which includes Dr. Maurice Manning, president, Ms Suzanne Egan, commissioner, and Mr. Des Hogan, director of inquiry and legal services. I also welcome Mr. Rory Montgomery and his colleagues from the Department of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Ken O’Leary from the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and Mr. John Murphy and Mr. Dick Davis from the Department of Transport.
The subject of today’s discussion is extraordinary rendition, a practice whereby terrorist suspects are allegedly abducted abroad and brought to other countries for interrogation at secret locations.

Senator David Norris: The Chairman used the word “allegedly”. This practice has been proven in a number of international courts.

Chairman: I am about to say that.

Senator David Norris: The word “allegedly” should be deleted from the Chairman’s script.

Chairman: Both situations exist in terms of allegations and proofs.

Senator David Norris: The Chairman described it in general form as “a practice whereby terrorist suspects are allegedly abducted”. It is not alleged; it is a proven fact. Rendition takes place.

Chairman: We shall note the Senator’s comments. Following the terrorist attacks on New York on 11 September 2001, this practice, although shrouded in secrecy, appears to have increased. Reports of the practice became public in 2005 following newspaper coverage in the United States and reports from human rights agencies. Deep concerns about this illegal practice and the torture and other forms of ill-treatment associated with it created an international outcry, particularly from human rights organisations. The issue became a matter of controversy in a number of European countries in which allegations and reports were made that extraordinary rendition had taken place. It also became a matter of public concern in Ireland when reports emerged claiming that aircraft used by the Central Intelligence Agency for extraordinary rendition had landed and refuelled at Shannon Airport.
The Irish Government has made it perfectly clear that it is completely opposed to the practice of extraordinary rendition and outlined explicit measures in the programme for Government to ensure the practice does not take place in Ireland. Last week, the Irish Human Rights Commission published a report which reviewed Ireland’s human rights obligations on extraordinary rendition. The report makes a number of specific recommendations in this regard.
I ask Dr. Manning to make some introductory remarks following which Ms Egan will make a presentation to the joint committee on the commission’s report. I will then ask Mr. Montgomery to outline the position taken by the Minister for Foreign Affairs in his response to the commission’s report. Following both of these presentations, I will open the floor to questions from members.

Dr. Maurice Manning: It is a great honour to appear before the committee. On behalf of the Irish Human Rights Commission, I thank the Chairman for the invitation. The substantive issues will be addressed by my colleagues, Ms Suzanne Egan and Mr. Des Hogan, and I will make some brief preliminary observations.
The question arises of why the Irish Human Rights Commission is involved in this issue given that it is but one of the many human rights issues with which we deal. However, a core function of the commission is ensuring the State fully complies with all of the human rights obligations enshrined in domestic law and the Constitution or our international agreements. We became concerned early in the rendition controversy that Ireland was in breach of some of its obligations. Once we became concerned and after several inquiries were made of us, we willingly decided these issues should be examined against the backdrop of our obligations. Over the past two years, we have made our concerns known to the Government through dialogue and publicly to Members of these Houses and to the media. The controversy has, therefore, been ongoing for some time. We commissioned a full report into all aspects of the issue and published it last week.
It is important that the controversy be put in context. The commission has never claimed other than that the Government is fully opposed to the practice of rendition. Our concerns arise in respect of aspects of the controversy but we have no doubt about the Government’s opposition. We have genuine respect for the human rights record and performance of the Department of Foreign Affairs and appreciate the openness and professionalism of the dialogue it has conducted with us on these issues. We are pleased to see officials from other Departments here today because they indicate this is a cross-Government issue rather than only concerning the Department of Foreign Affairs.

Ms Suzanne Egan: I thank the committee for providing us the opportunity of presenting our report. Dr. Manning has outlined the remit of the commission and I will explain the reasons we have been concerned and the nature of the legal advice we have given to the Government on this most important of human rights issues.
Before doing so, however, it is important that we put this issue in context by stating plainly what the term “extraordinary rendition” actually means. It is an American term used to describe what is essentially the forcible kidnapping of an individual by the agents of a state and the transfer of that person to a secret prison in another state where he or she can be tortured or subjected to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment without recourse to the courts, lawyers or any of the mechanisms set up to protect the human rights of an individual. It is a practice designed to circumvent and set at naught the human rights principles and practices that have developed over decades to protect the rights of those under investigation or in detention. Detainees subjected to extraordinary rendition have described having their clothes cut off, being subjected to an extensive and invasive body search, being forced to wear a nappy, being hooded, shackled, drugged and strapped to a mattress or floor in an uncomfortable position, with no knowledge of their fate or destination. This treatment alone, which continues throughout the transit, clearly falls within the definition of inhuman and degrading treatment. It does not include the torture or ill-treatment which inevitably faces the detainee in the third country. The prohibition on torture and ill-treatment generally is, of course, an absolute obligation on states and does not permit of any derogation.
The commission’s advice to Government on this issue dates back to 21 December 2005 when we sent our initial letter to Government outlining our legal concerns that the State may be in breach of its human rights obligations by failing to investigate claims that Shannon Airport might be used by CIA aeroplanes involved in the practice of extraordinary rendition. As the Chairman indicated earlier, such claims had been raised in the Irish media and in other quarters for some time. Amnesty International had reported on the 5 December 2005 that six aeroplanes used by the CIA for extraordinary renditions had made 800 flights in and out of European airspace, which included 50 landings at Shannon. The issue had at that stage also been raised in the Oireachtas, where parliamentary questions had been put to then Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, about the matter. The commission was also aware of international investigations taking place at a broader level regarding extraordinary rendition by the CIA of detainees to secret detention facilities in Europe and beyond. This included in particular the investigations being conducted at that time by a committee of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe led by Senator Dick Marty and the inquiry being conducted by the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Mr. Terry Davis, pursuant to Article 52 of the European Convention on Human Rights, ECHR.
The primary focus of the commission at that stage was on the preventive aspect of the guarantee against torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment enshrined in the United Nations Convention against Torture and also implicit in Article 3 of the ECHR and Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The State is party to all of these conventions. Based in particular on the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, the commission took the view that the State should conduct an official investigation where an arguable claim is raised that a breach of Article 3 of the ECHR is being committed by third parties, which includes agents of a foreign state, within the jurisdiction of the State. The principle of non-refoulement embedded in Article 3 of the ECHR inevitably requires that such an investigation also take place where the State’s territory is being used to facilitate the transportation of any person to a place where there is a risk of ill-treatment in violation of Article 3.
In that December 2005 resolution we indicated our view that diplomatic assurances were not sufficient to fulfil a state’s obligations to guard against torture or ill-treatment. This view was based, in particular, on the decision of the UN Committee Against Torture in the case of Agiza v. Sweden, the decision of the European Court of Human Rights in Chahal v. United Kingdom and the views of the UN special rapporteur on torture in his August 2005 report to the UN Commission on Human Rights. We were aware at that stage that the Irish authorities had the legal right to search all civil aircraft which were the subject of these allegations. However, we believed that our proposal to seek permission constituted a non-confrontational method of resolving the matter.
As documented in the appendices of our recent report, and mentioned by Dr. Manning, the Government disagreed with the commission’s advice and there followed a number of written exchanges between us, culminating in an oral dialogue in July 2007. One positive outcome of these constructive engagements was that the Department provided the commission with a copy of the diplomatic assurances which it had sought and received from the US Government on the transportation of prisoners through the territory. Diametrically opposed views on the legal issues emerged in the course of our dialogue with Government, as a result of which the commission decided to conduct a thorough review of the matter. It conducted this review having regard to the further evidence which had emerged by mid-2007 on the nature and extent of the extraordinary rendition programme, the possible use of Shannon Airport, the case law of various human rights bodies, as well as the views of various organisations and commentators on the matter. The results of that review are contained in the detailed report before the committee.
In the result, the review demonstrates that in December 2007, the commission is fortified in the view which we first expressed two years ago that the reliance being placed by the Government on the diplomatic assurances it sought and obtained from the US Government is not sufficient to comply with the State’s obligation to prevent torture. More must be done by the State to fulfil its positive obligation to prevent torture or ill-treatment taking place in its territory or airspace and to ensure that its territory is not being used in any way to facilitate extraordinary rendition to another State where a person may be tortured or subjected to ill-treatment.
The second main conclusion reached in the review, which may be characterised as a recommendation, is that in order to ensure full compliance with its human rights obligations, the State should put in place a reliable and independently verifiable system of inspection, so that no prisoner could ever be transported through this country except in accordance with proper legal formalities and the highest observance of human rights standards. It is not sufficient that the State relies on private individuals to bring forward evidence to the Garda of suspicious activities of aircraft. In the absence of a proper system of inspection, it is impossible for any ordinary citizen to gain evidence regarding such activity or to ascertain with any level of confidence whether such illegal activity is taking place in the State. As was pointed out by the Department, the ordinary citizen has no authority to access the relevant parts of Shannon Airport to gain evidence.
Other specific recommendations of the commission are detailed in the final pages of the report and in the executive summary. The views of the commission are based on our firm belief that there is credible evidence already in the public domain that Shannon Airport has been used by specific aeroplanes used in extraordinary rendition circuits. This evidence is sufficient to trigger our human rights obligations to prevent torture and ill-treatment and to investigate the matter.
The additional information now to hand which was not available in 2005 is as follows. The investigation commissioned by the Council of Europe’s Parliamentary Assembly concluded that a number of countries, including Ireland, could be held responsible for collusion in the process of extraordinary rendition by virtue of being stopovers for flights involving the unlawful transfer of detainees. In a resolution in June 2006, the Parliamentary Assembly called on member states to “take effective measures to prevent renditions and rendition flights through the member state’s territory and airspace”.
An investigation was conducted by the European Parliament’s temporary committee on rendition and the parliament passed a resolution in February 2007 in which it specifically deplored the stopovers in Ireland made by aircraft that are known to have been used by the CIA in extraordinary rendition activities. The Parliament also recommended a ban on CIA aircraft landing in Ireland unless a regime of inspection was in place.
As I mentioned, in November 2005 the Secretary General of the Council of Europe invoked a seldom-used procedure under Article 52 of the ECHR. His investigation concluded that while stronger international controls were required to check whether transiting aircraft are being used for illegal purposes, even within the current legal framework, states should equip themselves with stronger control tools. He also concluded that mere assurances by foreign states that their agents abroad comply with international and national law are not enough, but that formal guarantees and enforcement mechanisms need to be set out in agreements and national law in order to protect ECHR rights.
A legal opinion commissioned by the Council of Europe, known as the Venice commission opinion, concluded in March 2006 that member states should refuse to allow transit of certain prisoners in circumstances where there is a risk that they will be exposed to torture or ill treatment. It states that where a state has serious reasons to believe that the mission of an aircraft crossing its airspace is to carry prisoners with the intention of transferring them to countries where they would face ill-treatment, that state must take all possible measures to prevent the commission of human rights violations in its territory, including its airspace. This opinion was compiled with the assistance of a number of human rights experts throughout Europe.
Jurisprudence on cases concerning extraordinary rendition by both the UN committee against torture and the UN human rights committee, to which I earlier referred, have made clear that a state cannot shelter behind assurances it has received from another state in order to fulfil its obligation to prevent torture or inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. States are required to take “steps of due diligence” to avoid a threat to an individual.
These statements of principle can and do apply to the predicament faced by this State. It is not sufficient that the Government should rely on a very narrow view of the case law that has emerged to date on the question of diplomatic assurances. Given the entirely secretive nature of the process and the inability of victims to access any legal system, the likelihood of a victim of extraordinary rendition, who had been transited through a state like Ireland in the course of a rendition operation, ever being able to prove such facts in a court of law is very remote. Therefore we must rely on the spirit of the case law expressed to date, which in our view and that of many other eminent experts in this area leads to the inexorable conclusions reached in our report. These conclusions have been substantially endorsed very recently by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour, and the Council of Europe’s commissioner for human rights, Mr. Thomas Hammarberg, in visits to Ireland.
The commission is sincerely of the view that the recommendations contained in our report should be implemented urgently in order to ensure the State is not in violation of its international human rights obligations. The inspection regime, which we have recommended, would show this State’s willingness to comply with the recommendations of the Council of Europe and the European Parliament on the practice of extraordinary rendition.
Given that the programme for Government agreed between Fianna Fáil, the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats contains a commitment that Ireland will be a model UN state, this system of inspection would send a clear signal to the international community that Ireland is taking effective steps to ensure human rights are being observed. It would also demonstrate the Government’s willingness to fulfil its commitment in the programme to ensure all relevant legal instruments are used so the practice of extraordinary rendition does not occur in any form in this State.
The Department of Foreign Affairs has taken the lead on this issue for Government to date but in our view it is necessary for the Departments of Justice, Equality and Law Reform and Transport, and indeed An Garda Síochána, to work together if the State’s international obligations are to be met in putting in place an effective inspection regime.

Chairman: I thank the commissioner.

Mr. Rory Montgomery: On my own behalf and that of my colleagues from the Department of Transport and Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Mr. John Murphy and Mr. Ken O’Leary, I am grateful for the opportunity to outline the position of the Government on issues raised by the review and very well summarised by Commissioner Egan.
I acknowledge the commitment of the president of the commission, Dr. Maurice Manning; Commissioner Egan; and their colleagues, including Des Hogan, to engagement with the Government and in particular with the Minister, Deputy Dermot Ahern, and the Department of Foreign Affairs over the past two years. I stress that the Department, and indeed the Government as a whole, attaches great importance to our ongoing interaction with the human rights community both in Ireland and internationally. I heard Dr. Manning’s kind words on that. We fully respect and value the statutory functions of the commission in protecting and upholding human rights in Ireland.
As the Chairman indicated and the commission president confirmed, the dialogue between us over the past two years has allowed the Government to confirm absolutely its total opposition to the practice of extraordinary rendition, which is illegal and contrary to the constitutional provisions on personal freedoms and to our international human rights commitments. The nature of what is involved was spelled out by Commissioner Egan.
As members of the committee will be aware, the Government’s position on this matter has been set out on many occasions in both Houses of the Oireachtas. The Minister for Foreign Affairs issued a full statement last week on the commission’s review and I understand a copy has been provided to the committee in preparation for today’s meeting. The review itself includes, in Appendix IV, the lengthy correspondence the Minister and the Department have had with the commission.
There are important differences between the Government’s position and that of the commission and I will address these in a few moments. It is crucial to reiterate at the outset that none of the various investigations into allegations of extraordinary rendition, whether by the European Parliament or the Council of Europe, has revealed any evidence, or even a specific allegation, that any person has on any occasion been subject to extraordinary rendition through Ireland.

Senator David Norris: This is very disingenuous. Will the witness tell me if this allegation has ever been made to his knowledge?

Chairman: Mr. Montgomery should be allowed to speak without interruption at this stage.

Senator David Norris: This is very disingenuous. We have got this from the Minister for Foreign Affairs all the time.

Chairman: The Senator will have an opportunity to ask any question he likes afterwards.

Senator David Norris: It is morally offensive to have this kind of stuff put out. Nobody has ever made these allegations that I know of.

Chairman: It is also offensive to interrupt somebody when they are trying to make a speech.

Mr. Rory Montgomery: I would be happy to respond to the Senator’s points.
Dr. Manning very fairly acknowledged this point in his evidence to the European Parliament’s temporary committee on extraordinary rendition.
I will briefly recall the Government’s activity on extraordinary rendition in recent years. Last July, the commission was provided with a summary note illustrating the Government’s active engagement with the United States authorities as far back as late 2003, some two years before this issue hit the headlines. This note, which has also been circulated for today’s committee meeting, makes clear that the Taoiseach has raised the issue with President Bush and the Minister, Deputy Dermot Ahern, has raised it with Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice.
On the Minister’s instructions, it has also been consistently pursued with the US authorities at senior official and ambassadorial level. In response, the Government has received in a European context uniquely clear and categoric assurances from the US that no extraordinary rendition has taken place through Ireland. These assurances have been repeatedly confirmed by the US side.
The Minister, Deputy Dermot Ahern, was also the first EU Minister to have raised extraordinary rendition in the General Affairs and External Relations Council in Brussels and one of only two EU Foreign Ministers to agree to meet with the European Parliament’s temporary committee on extraordinary rendition at the end of last year.

In the Council of Europe context, Ireland’s comprehensive report to the secretary general on our approach to extraordinary rendition was one of only nine member state reports out of 46 submitted judged not to require any follow-up inquiry. Subsequently, Ireland has been one of a number of delegations to the Council of Europe which has made clear its readiness to advance work on the Secretary General’s recommendations.
The programme for Government contains a number of commitments on which action is already being taken by the responsible Departments. On the instructions of the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, the Garda Síochána has been formally requested to ensure all members are appropriately trained and familiar with the relevant legislation in this field. The Department of Transport intends to host a meeting early next year of a regional subgroup of member states of the International Civil Aviation Organisation, at which the question of a review of the Chicago Convention will be raised, as was proposed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs when he met the European Parliament committee.
I will now turn to the main areas of difference between the commission and the Government. We agree with the commission generally on what are the areas of difference. There is a fundamental difference of opinion between us on the significance to be attached to the assurances the Government has received from the US Government. The assurances we have received from the US are unqualified and they clearly set out a factual position on which the US has full knowledge and control. The assurances are that no detainee or prisoner has been or would be transferred through Ireland as part of the extraordinary rendition programme. There is no ambiguity about them and, as the Minister has made clear, if any evidence were to emerge that they were not being complied with, immediate action would be taken by the Government.
In questioning these assurances, the commission has sought to rely on international jurisprudence relating to a very different type of diplomatic assurance against torture, where one state proposes to extradite or otherwise transfer an individual to another state. The Government’s view, spelled out in more detail in some of the correspondence of Appendix IV, is that by seeking to extract from this jurisprudence general principles that are not established in law, the commission is putting forward an overly broad interpretation of the law relating to diplomatic assurances which are a fundamental element in the conduct of relations between states.
I note that the commission acknowledges there is no case law dealing specifically with the issue of extraordinary rendition in the circumstances that, in its words, are most likely to arise in the Irish context. It also acknowledges that the opinion of the Venice commission does not specifically address the question of diplomatic assurances in the context of extraordinary rendition. However, the commission seeks to rely heavily on the substance of this opinion to delineate the scope of the State’s positive obligation to prevent torture and other ill-treatment.
Again, as we have made clear to the commission, there are some important qualifications on this positive obligation. The Venice commission states, and commissioner Egan underscores this, that a State’s obligations are engaged if it has serious reasons, and I emphasise serious reasons, to believe that an aircraft crossing its airspace carries prisoners with the intention of transferring them to countries where they would face ill-treatment. Although, at our request, the review mentions this qualification of “serious reasons”, it does not, in our view, give it due prominence. Nor does it recognise adequately that the case law of the European Court of Human Rights accepts that positive obligations on a State are not unlimited and that not every risk can entail a requirement to take operational measures to prevent that risk from materialising.
In short, while respecting the commission’s analysis, the Government is fully satisfied that it is entitled to rely on the categoric assurances received from the United States and that it is fully in compliance with our international legal and human rights obligations.
The commission has recommended that the State should introduce an inspection and monitoring regime as a matter of urgency for certain aircraft alleged to have been involved at some point in extraordinary rendition and for aircraft from any suspect country in this context. It is also proposed that any complaint to the Garda about an aircraft, whatever the evidence provided, should result in a search of the aircraft in question.
As was made clear once again on behalf of the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, Deputy Brian Lenihan, during an Adjournment debate in the Dáil on 12 December, the Garda Síochána already has full authority to search civil aircraft in any circumstances where it has reasonable grounds for suspecting illegal activity, such as extraordinary rendition, and to carry out any necessary investigations. It is worth noting that in none of the seven cases actually investigated by the Garda since October 2004 has evidence emerged justifying any subsequent legal action. The Government is strongly of the view that this existing power of the Garda Síochána is fully adequate.
Beyond this, there are also very serious questions, again spelled out in detail in the correspondence with the commission and based on what has been alleged about the types of aircraft that may have been involved in rendition activity, over the effectiveness, practicality, proportionality and reasonableness of any inspection regime, whether as proposed by the commission or on a random basis. Even on the basis of the Council of Europe and European Parliament inquiries, there is no evidence, nor even any concrete assertion, that there has been any rendition through Ireland. Of the thousands of private civilian aircraft movements though Irish airports, the European Parliament report identified just four occasions, the most recent in early 2004, when aeroplanes that may have been involved in extraordinary rendition operations elsewhere passed empty through Ireland a number of days before or after the alleged operation.
A further important point for the Government is that, to our knowledge, no EU member state has introduced an inspection regime such as that proposed by the Irish Human Rights Commission.
To conclude, there is no disagreement between the Government and the commission on the fundamental point, our complete opposition to extraordinary rendition, which we have made clear to the US and others. We do differ on our assessment of the international law, the question of diplomatic assurances, and the necessity for, or value of, a specific regime for the inspection of private civil aircraft. I emphasise once again the extent and vigour of the Government’s past and continuing activity with regard to extraordinary rendition.
My colleagues and I will be happy to answer any questions the committee members may have.

Deputy Billy Timmins: I thank the Chairman for inviting the representatives of the Irish Human Rights Commission and the Department of Foreign Affairs to come before the committee and am particularly glad to see Dr. Manning here as we have not seen him for some time.
It is important to state that extraordinary rendition is terribly wrong and that it is being carried out by the United States; it is an American term. It would be naive to think that extraordinary rendition is a product of the 21st century as it has existed in different forms for a long time. One can understand, to a degree, why states feel under threat but it is inexcusable that any society should involve itself in extraordinary rendition.
It is also important to point out, based on what I have read and heard today, that there is no evidence of extraordinary rendition taking place through our ports and airports. I have listened to Mr. Montgomery and read the relevant documentation and the Government is of the opinion that it is complying with its human rights obligations under the United Nations Convention against Torture, UNCAT, the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, Article 43 of the Constitution and the European Convention on Human Rights.
I went through this report in detail and listened to the presentation today and this strikes me as a biscuit or bar type argument; one thinks one has reached the crunch and then the argument is refuted. Mr. Montgomery made reference to case law cited in two cases, one of which referred to a Mr. Agiza being taken from Sweden to Egypt. He went on to say the Government would claim that this case law is not applicable to it.
Ms Egan’s submission referred to the Venice commission’s assertion that when the state has serious reason to believe extraordinary rendition may occur it is its responsibility under the European Convention on Human Rights, ECHR, to engage in preventative measures. The Venice commission’s report goes on to state that the opinion does not specifically address the question of diplomatic assurances in the context of extraordinary rendition and I note that Mr. Montgomery mentioned this to refute Ms Egan’s argument.
The kernel of this is that when one listens to both sides one hears arguments put forward and refuted. This is an emotive issue for anyone concerned about human rights. The Government has argued, apparently soundly, that it is complying with human rights law, the commission is concerned about human rights and the perception exists that it believes Ireland may have been implicated in extraordinary rendition. The commission suggests we need a system that ensures extraordinary rendition does not happen in this jurisdiction. Certain members of the public are not convinced by the assurances they have received from a friendly nation, though this is a judgment people must make as individuals.
Mr. Montgomery mentioned seven cases in which aircraft were investigated.

Mr. Rory Montgomery: I mentioned that seven cases were investigated on foot of complaints made.

Deputy Billy Timmins: It is probably unreasonable to expect members of the general public to phone the Garda in Shannon suggesting an aircraft travelling from A to B should be inspected. It would be very difficult to access such information, even if one were parked on the runway. The Government should be more proactive in ensuring the commitment given in the programme for Government is implemented. While I note that the Garda Commissioner is responsible for the operation of the Garda Síochána, perhaps we could more proactive in our spot checks on aircraft. Perhaps Mr. O’Leary of the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform could outline for us the training in the protection of human rights gardaí receive. Do specialists operate around our ports and airports to check for human rights abuses?
I thank the witnesses for their contributions and detailed presentations; both Ms Egan and Mr. Montgomery put forward good cases. Extraordinary rendition is totally unacceptable and it is imperative we ensure it does not happen in our jurisdiction. We have received assurances on this from a friendly nation, and I respect them, but to deal with the concerns of some people we should increase the number of spot checks and take a more proactive approach. I would not go so far as to support all of the commission’s recommendations as I feel many are not necessary at the moment.

Deputy Darragh O’Brien: I thank the members of the Irish Human Rights Commission and the officials from the relevant Departments for being here this afternoon to discuss this issue, which is to the forefront of many people’s minds. I was glad to hear Dr. Manning say that this State fully complies with all human rights obligations both at home and abroad. That was stated in the original submission. It is important that we discuss this today. It is stated in the programme for Government that the Department of Foreign Affairs takes this issue very seriously and, as has been outlined by Mr. Montgomery, the State has gone to some lengths to make sure these practices do not occur on Irish soil and that we do not facilitate them. There is no disagreement from any political grouping or party, or Independents, that we must do all we can to make sure Ireland is not complicit with such actions as extraordinary rendition.
Ms Egan stated in her submission: “The views of the commission are based on our firm belief that there is credible evidence already in the public domain that Shannon Airport has been used by specific planes used in ’extraordinary rendition’ circuits”. I would like to hear some more detail in this regard. No evidence in this regard was obtained from the seven investigations conducted by the Garda. I ask Ms Egan to expand on this.
The commission is seeking to have an independent regime of inspection established. Mr. Montgomery stated that no other country in the EU has gone as far as the commission would wish. What form would this take? There was talk earlier of allocation of Garda substations and specific Garda resources to the investigation of allegations such as those made about Shannon. My concern is that specific Garda resources may be set aside for this despite a lack of evidence that these actions are taking place. What effect would this have? What resources are we talking about?
While detailing the recommendations of the commission, Ms Egan mentioned that the inspection regime should be properly resourced and overseen by an independent body. She also mentioned the possibility of a national preventative mechanism. How would that work? I am trying to elucidate how we can assist this effort in real terms. It is all very well to state what we would like. On the basis of the correspondence between the Department and the commission and the work that has been carried out by the Departments of Foreign Affairs, Transport and Justice, Equality and Law Reform, I believe that since an early stage we have been to the forefront in dealing with this issue. Mr. Montgomery mentioned that this was raised back in 2003, before it became a major issue in the public domain.
The commission seeks the establishment of a system whereby any complaint to the Garda about an aircraft results in a search. We are all dealing in our constituencies with issues to do with Garda resources. How would this system work in real terms? The recommendation of the commission is that if I telephone the Garda to say I am suspicious about a certain aeroplane, that will lead to a search, as will every other complaint. I do not believe this is practical.

Senator David Norris: I am disappointed by the responses of the first two speakers, who seem to be hedging their bets. It is important to put on the record of this meeting what we are talking about when we refer to extraordinary rendition. On page 7 of the report of the Irish Human Rights Commission, Extraordinary Rendition: A Review of Ireland’s Human Rights Obligations, it is stated:

The term “extraordinary rendition” is a violation of language. It is a euphemism, a deliberately opaque phrase to describe the forcible kidnapping of an individual by the agents of a State and the transfer of that person to a secret prison in another State where s/he can be tortured or subjected to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, and be interrogated and detained indefinitely without recourse to the courts, to lawyers or to any of the mechanisms set up to protect the human rights of an individual. “Extraordinary rendition” may lead to “enforced disappearances” whereby an individual is not heard of again. It is a practice designed to circumvent and set at naught the human rights principles and practices that have developed over decades to protect the rights of those under investigation or in detention.
That is what we are talking about today. For this reason I find certain aspects of the Government’s response sleazy and disgusting. For example, in the statement by Mr. Montgomery, who I know is a decent man and with whom I sympathise for having to be involved in this morally revolting situation, the attempt to defend the Government’s position is outrageous. What is happening here is that the Government is seeking to protect itself. It should seek to protect the potential and real victims of torture but it is not doing so. Instead, it is trying to provide alibis for itself as it clearly turned a blind eye to American misdoing for a perceived financial benefit to the State.
An enormous number of legal precedents have demonstrated that the undertakings by the US Government in this regard have no legal force. This is a fact and the Government knows it. The persons who gave these undertakings are strangers to the truth, or at least they have a very different understanding of it. Ms Condoleezza Rice apparently gave an undertaking that torture was not used by the United States, yet her Administration attempted to legislate for practices such as waterboarding, which involves partial drowning of suspects who have not been given any chance to put their cases in public. This is precisely the type of thing that was done by the Gestapo in the Avenue Foch. It is what German and Japanese officers indicted for war crimes were sentenced for. Yet Dr. Rice apparently does not think it is torture. This is the undertaking on which we are relying, in defiance of international practice, in order to cover ourselves.
Another thing I find sleazy and completely unacceptable is this red herring statement that there is no proof such people were brought through Ireland. There were no allegations. What I and others are concerned about, and on which we have never received a direct answer, is the fact that these aeroplanes have been refuelled here on an unbroken rendition circuit. I have put this on the record of the Seanad and this committee time and time again. I ask Mr. Montgomery to answer a question on behalf of the Government, although I am not accusing him personally of anything. Does the Government accept that planes participating in an unbroken rendition circuit were refuelled at Shannon Airport on a number of occasions? I remind Mr. Montgomery before he answers that this has been held in a number of courts to be a matter of fact.
I found the remarks of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, regarding people such as Edward Horgan to be utterly deplorable. He described them as “self-appointed” peace activists and derided them. Without the evidence produced by Edward Horgan and others, people such as me would have had great difficulty in raising this issue and having it considered by a special committee that was half-established and then blown out of the water in very suspicious circumstances. I have the records of these planes. These are the facts. It is thanks to Ed Horgan and his friends that we have them. How dare our Minister for Foreign Affairs attempt to denigrate people who have done the work he should have been doing, and then try to deride them and describe them as “self-appointed” peace activists? If they are self-appointed it is because the Government is in dereliction of its plain and clear duty. Do they accept that these planes exist? The facts are quite clear. Will they guarantee that such named planes will not be permitted to use Irish airspace in future? We have a list of planes that have had no other visibility except as planes involved in the kidnapping and torture of suspects. This list, which I have drawn to the attention of the House, includes planes as recently as 10 December 2007, within the past ten days or so. I will mention the series of planes and give the number. I would like if the delegation could comment on the events of 30 November 2007 when a request was made by Conor Cregan and Edward Horgan to the Garda to search a known CIA related aircraft No. N478GS that was due to arrive at Shannon. This plane has been criminally implicated in rendition. However, instead of searching it, the Garda arrested and searched Mr. Horgan and Mr. Cregan. I wonder if that is our attitude. In other words, if an ordinary citizen makes a complaint and, in this case, somebody with a well known track record in this area, is it an appropriate response by the Garda to arrest him? Is this what the Government is putting forward as an appropriate response and an appropriate measure?
I will comment on part of the summary note for the information of the Irish Commission on Human Rights, No. 4, about a meeting with the US Embassy on 29 September 2005. The Irish side recalled that the Minister for Foreign Affairs had, in reply to a parliamentary question in recent months, spelled out the US assurances in the following terms which were read carefully and in full to the US side:

The Government have on several occasions made clear to the US authorities that it will be illegal to transit persons for rendition purposes through Irish territory without the express permission of the Irish authorities acting in accordance with Irish and international law. The US authorities confirm they have not done so and do not do so.
How could they possibly do it? This is nonsense. How could the Irish Government ever give permission? I really do not understand what is going on here? My concerns — and I have been involved in this for quite a long time — have never been assuaged because the issue has not been honestly addressed. The Government side appears only concerned and only interested in covering its own position.
I also point to the fact that one of these victims has been awarded $10 million in compensation. Is the Government aware that persons, for example, who may or may not have been transited through Irish airspace — and I have never said they were — but whose rendition was facilitated by refuelling have a case against Ireland in international law. I wonder if the Government will feel happy about being dragged before an international court and made pay compensation to these people.
I congratulate Dr. Manning, Commissioner Egan and Mr. Hogan for living up to the finest principles of the protection of human rights here. I deplore the attitude of the Government which has been completely evasive from day one and I never want to hear again this nonsense about defending a position that has not been attacked. Do not worry about this business of whether people were taken through, answer the question: were planes refuelled? Can that situation occur again and is there any prospect that the list of those planes which have been criminally implicated in this illegal and vicious process of rendition will be excluded as a matter of course from Irish airspace?

Deputy Alan Shatter: I thank all the speakers for dealing with what is a very serious issue. There is no doubt that extraordinary rendition is wrong. It is a major error on the part of the United States that it has engaged in this activity. It is easy for us to take a simplistic view of this. There is a reason the United States engage in this activity. It was in the aftermath of 11 September 2001 and what was perceived by the United States Administration as that country being at risk of ongoing terrorist attack from fundamentalists who were happy to put on television and on the web presentations of them executing and beheading people. The United States was of the view that it had to take extraordinary measures to counteract the threat posed by fundamentalist, Muslim extremists who had no respect for democratic principle and who were happy to use the freedoms of democracy to advance their own aims. That is the reason it has happened, but it should not have happened. The value of democracy is that democracies protect the constitutional rights of individuals and they do not behave in the manner in which the terrorists behave who might threaten those democracies. I want to make my position absolutely clear. This practice is completely and utterly wrong.
Senator Norris, in perhaps more colourful language, addressed the issue of rendition. We also need to understand on occasions the context while acknowledging it is completely and utterly wrong. There is now clearly incontrovertible evidence that it has been taking place. There was much debate on this from 2003 to 2005 until the two cases documented in the report, of the individuals who, without a shadow of a doubt, have been subjected to it and whose cases have been very well highlighted. However, this meeting is not about extraordinary rendition simpliciter. There is no one in this State who supports the concept of extraordinary rendition or the activity. In fairness to the Government, it is clear that it is something to which it is opposed. As a State that has good relationships with the United States, on occasions one gets one’s best advice from one’s friends.
The Government’s approach to this issue perhaps was slow in take-off but it has been, in fairness, relatively consistent in making our views known, and it is right that our views are made known. We do not need to assume that we are complicit, as Senator Norris does. I admit I have some doubts about the approach of the Human Rights Commission in some of the assumptions it makes.
I would like to ask questions about what is an important report, although it comes from a particular perspective. There are questions worth asking of the commission just as there are some questions worth asking of the Department of Foreign Affairs. Before doing so, I want to make a particular point in response to Senator Norris. He referred to the peace activists groups who produced information for this committee, for the Department and for the Commission on Human Rights and the details of various flights that have been taking place. All that information is interesting and valuable but there are two issues of credibility that unfortunately arise in this context. We have a unique group of peace activitists here who are obsessed by everything the United States does. In this area, they are entitled to look at it, but the day we see them protesting outside the Iranian Embassy against the violation of human rights or protesting about what the Russians were doing killing people on the streets of London or the day—

Senator David Norris: I do not recall seeing the Deputy there.

Deputy Shatter: I am talking about the human rights organisations.

Senator David Norris: I have been there and I have not seen the Deputy outside the Iranian Embassy recently.

Deputy Shatter: I am talking about the so-called peace activists organisations, not the Human Rights Commission or anybody associated with it. I have not seen them protesting outside the Chinese Embassy at the number of people who have disappeared in China and have been put in what in Soviet Union times were regarded as gulags but there is a different name now for them in China. There is an obsession about the United States and there is a risk that this obsession leads to conclusions being drawn for which there is no evidence. What we have is evidence of a variety of planes which, in fairness to the commission, have form, to use a non-legal term, that in some instances may be associated with renditions of some description. Thousands of flights go through Shannon. I appreciate Senator Norris finds it offensive that the Department of Foreign Affairs points it out but what screams out of this report and what has been said is that there is not a single instance of an individual having passed through Shannon on a flight by way of extraordinary rendition. I understand from this report, and it was repeated here today, that planes are passing through Shannon that we know to have been involved in extraordinary rendition, not that they were involved at any particular time when passing through Shannon. It is similar to a car being parked in Grafton Street which we know was involved in a bank raid on one occasion because someone drove that car away from the bank.

Senator David Norris: And then ignore it.

Deputy Alan Shatter: We do not assume every car driven around town is used for bank robberies or that every person who drives it is engaged in bank robberies. A conclusion is reached that planes were involved, therefore, those planes going through Shannon were involved.
In the context of the seven cases reported on, once that issue was examined, no one had any evidence that could be relied upon to substantiate that the United States has been using Shannon Airport to transport prisoners through Shannon who are being held by that country using the unacceptable concept of extraordinary rendition. The Minister, who I do not always defend, is being attacked for stating the facts as he knows them.
In the context of the report, the Irish Human Rights Commission had a role in investigating this issue. It was a cause of genuine concern to people but it is interesting to consider what we are told. We are told the commission’s initial interest in this matter arose when it sent an initial letter in December 2005 on the basis that the State may be in breach of its human rights obligations by failing to investigate claims that Shannon Airport might be being used for this purpose. Those claims that it might be happening were made by some groups or organisations. It was not the case that the commission had any information that it had happened. We are told claims had been raised in the Irish media. I read material every day in the Irish media, often issues I have been involved in, and wonder who is writing the fiction that is presented as fact on occasion.
Amnesty International reported on 5 December that six aeroplanes used by the Central Intelligence Agency for extraordinary rendition had made 800 flights in and out of European air space, which included 50 flights landing at Shannon. Six planes had made 800 flights around Europe. It is not suggested that every time these planes took off they were involved in extraordinary rendition.
I accept, and the point was made by the commission and by other speakers, that it is extraordinarily difficult to know whether the aeroplane is being used for extraordinary rendition. That is why I assume the commission is suggesting there should be some form of checks undertaken or inspection regime put in place. Does the commission have any information of any description on which it can rely that indicates that, other than the one instance in 2004 when this may have occurred, there has been any subsequent occasion when on a single flight through Ireland the extraordinary rendition has been taking place? In other words, in violation of international human rights and our Constitution, someone has been held illegally on that plane. Does the commission have available to it any information of any description on which it can be said that this Government, relying on the diplomatic assurances given at various levels by the United States to this country, has been sold a pup and is relying on assurances that are clearly untrue?
I accept extraordinary rendition has taken place, and may still be taking place, and that the United States is wrong to engage in that activity but we do not have at a European level any concrete evidence that can be relied upon that we are violating our international obligations.
It is easy to make the type of attractive presentation Senator Norris made. It is easy to say we should expect everything everywhere and assume the worst. One of the reasons for assuming the worst is because the United States initially did not own up to the activities in which it was engaging. For many people there has been a credibility gap on the trustworthiness of assurances given and what has been said on the international plane on issues of this nature.
This country has a very close relationship with the United States and has relied on the diplomatic intervention and assurances given by successive Presidents of the United States and other members of successive Administrations to bring about peace in Northern Ireland. We found the United States Administrations, in their contribution in that area, to be reliable, trustworthy and helpful to this State.
I want to ask a simple question. Why must we assume, in dealing with this state on an issue of controversy that would result in an outcry here should we be misled, that we are being misled in this particular area? That is a reasonable question. I say that as someone who is committed to human rights but who on occasion does not want to go along with the tabloid or populist view emanating from some quarters in Irish society that the United States is always wrong in everything it does and can never be relied upon, except by the hundreds of thousands of people who want to go there from this country either as tourists, or to live permanently, with Ministers travelling there to try to persuade Congress to make those Irish people living illegally in United States legal. We have a strange view of America in this country. We like taking shots at it but much of the time we want its assistance on a broad range of issues that affect us. I want something more concrete.
I found it interesting reading the detail of this report and hearing what Mr. Montgomery, who has been attacked, had to say on a number of issues.

Senator David Norris: I must correct that, Chairman. I did not attack Mr. Montgomery; I attacked the statement and the policy of the Government. I made it very clear I was not attacking Mr. Montgomery. I think Deputy Shatter—

Chairman: In fairness to Deputy Shatter—

Deputy Alan Shatter: I am about to conclude, Chairman, if Senator Norris would allow me make the points I want to make. The letter sent by the Government to the commission on 14 November 2007 states that, as indicated earlier, the extensive investigations conducted by the European Parliament’s temporary committee and by Senator Marty for the Council of Europe have revealed no evidence or even a specific allegation that any person on any occasion has been subject to extraordinary rendition through Ireland.

It states also that the overall impression given by the draft review that there are or have been numerous flights through Ireland involving extraordinary rendition activity fails to acknowledge, particularly in the many references to “CIA planes involved in extraordinary rendition”, that the civil aircraft which it is proposed to search under this regime are in fact chartered to different users on an ongoing basis as was confirmed, for example, in a recent incident drawn to our attention.
It states further that the actual number of aircraft ever identified as transiting Ireland in any relatively close time proximity to an alleged extraordinary rendition operation elsewhere is no more than four over a period of a number of years, most recently in 2004. We are told then that the Council of Europe, in the context of the report published, felt we were one of the nine states that did not need to be investigated further.
I would like the commission to comment on the particular extract that I have read out. Can the commission explain — and I will put the same question to the Department of Foreign Affairs — the recommendation that the State should introduce an effective inspection regime as a matter of urgency? Can the commission’s representative detail the inspection regime it would envisage should be put in place, as well as how it would work and what aircraft it would inspect? Would it involve every charter plane that lands at Shannon, Dublin and Cork airports, or would it be confined to Shannon? Should it have particular origins? Should it be associated purely with the United States or the CIA? Is it suggested — in the context of what we know to be the reality, that some European Union countries may indeed have been complicit in extraordinary rendition — that we should be looking at flights that they are involved in? What specific detail does the commission believe should be put in place concerning the regime, and what Garda involvement should it have? What does the commission believe would be its costing? How would it work in practice? That is an important question, to tease out how we would implement the recommendation that has been made. At any particular point in time, has the commission costed it? When human rights are at stake one cannot put a price on them. One must protect the human rights of individuals but there must be a credible reason for putting in place a regime such as that being proposed. I would appreciate the commission’s response to those questions.

Senator Ann Ormonde: I welcome Dr. Manning and it is lovely to see him back again. I thank both sides for their presentations, which have given me a chance not alone to follow the scripts but also to listen to what Deputy Shatter had to say. As I would ask the very same questions that Deputy Shatter outlined, I will not hold up the meeting. It is horrific to think of the extraordinary rendition process being used to transport prisoners and knowingly subject them to degradation and ill-treatment. It goes without saying that everyone is thinking the same thing as regards extraordinary rendition. However, Mr. Montgomery said that the Government was fully satisfied that it is entitled to rely on the categoric assurance received from the United States. He also spoke about the inspection regime in which the Garda Síochána is involved and is being given inside information as to how to conduct inspections.
Commissioner Suzanne Egan referred to the view the commission “first expressed two years ago that the reliance being placed by the Government on the diplomatic assurances it sought and obtained from the US government is not sufficient to comply with the State’s obligation to prevent torture”. However, she did not say why it is insufficient. She then stated: “The second main conclusion reached in the review, which may be characterised as a recommendation, is that in order to ensure full compliance with its human rights obligations, the State should put in place a reliable and independently verifiable system of inspection”. I do not know what she means by that. Given what the Government has said, I am happy with the system that is in place. I do not know what more could be done in that regard. I would like Commissioner Egan to comment on that point.
This is a good meeting that has cleared the air quite well for me.

Senator Dominic Hannigan: I thank the representatives for their presentations. Mr. Montgomery summed it up well by saying that the nub of the difference is whether or not we choose to believe the assurances. I can remember my history books stating the absolute assurances that no American bombing was going on in Cambodia or Laos, but that turned out not to be the case. Similarly, the claim that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction turned out not to be the case either. As Deputy Shatter said, there is a bit of form here. I tend to be more of a realist and perhaps a cynic, as I come from the mean streets and would not take those assurances at face value.
The press release of 11 December slightly uncharitably said that activist groups should not be given the same credence as assurances from the United States. According to the report, Amnesty International and other groups clearly have concerns about extraordinary rendition. We do need to put an inspection regime in place for two reasons. First, there could be a legal issue for the country. Second, and perhaps more importantly, the whole issue is throwing a cloud over the relationship between Ireland and one of our most friendly allies. It is therefore in everybody’s interest for this matter to be lifted.
When such doubts exist, it can only be done by an independent, investigative regime. The seven cases cited are almost farcical. They do not constitute a checking regime. They have more in common with the Keystone Cops than a 21st century law-enforcement agency. We need to see a real-time investigation. Deputy O’Brien mentioned difficulties in carrying out checks by gardaí in all constituencies. There is no point in turning up an hour late to check planes at Shannon because they will be half way to Uzbekistan. We must do it in real time. Six months later is no good because the evidence will not be there. We need to put in place a regime that looks at real-rime investigations. We can do so according to the Venice Commission opinion. Is it a question of will on our part or is it a question of resources? What do we need to do to be able to establish an independent investigative regime?

Senator Mark Daly: Given both reports, we are all agreed that kidnapping is wrong. Particular news agencies and governments use the term “collateral damage”, which means killing innocent people. “Extraordinary rendition” means kidnapping and torture. We are discussing the violation of domestic and international law through the kidnapping of people without evidence of their involvement in terrorist activities just because of a suspicion of their involvement in activities. We are now proposing to ignore our laws and procedures based on suspicion, which is all we have. I do not propose that Ireland should go down that road.
Senator Norris and I both attended a meeting with the United Nations human rights commissioner. I asked her two questions, namely, what we were doing wrong and what we could do to help her. She spoke about Shannon but said that as far as she was concerned — I am open to correction if I am wrong — because the spotlight had been put on it, it seemed to have been ignored. The evidence of 10 December suggests otherwise, however. We are talking about the United Nations human rights commission.

Senator David Norris: She expressed her strong concern about Shannon. That was one of the first points she made.

Chairman: Senator Norris should allow Senator Daly to continue.

Senator David Norris: The committee is entitled to the facts.

Chairman: Some people might have disagreed with Senator Norris but they just kept quiet and let him have his say. He should let Senator Daly continue and Senator Daly should address his comments through the Chair.

Senator Mark Daly: She made the point that the spotlight had been put on Shannon and it was not the issue that it was any more. Of course, we have this evidence but all we have is suspicion. If we go down the same road as other governments which act on suspicion and ignore the law then we will be as bad as them. Obviously, this Government will never support extraordinary rendition.

Deputy Rory O’Hanlon: There is unanimity around the table that extraordinary rendition is wrong. The issue in our own country has been raised with the President of the United States by the Taoiseach. I have listened attentively to the debate. There have been speakers on two opposing sides but nobody has produced any evidence that this country has been used for extraordinary rendition. That is an important point in the context of how we move forward. It also has been pointed out that 46 countries made submissions to the Council of Europe and Ireland was one of only nine which did not require further inquiry into what was being done. The other point is that if we were to introduce such a regime, we would be the first member state of the European Union to do so. A case has not been made for introducing an inspection regime. I am satisfied with the response that has been made on behalf of the Minister for Foreign Affairs.

Dr. Maurice Manning: With the permission of the Chair, I will ask Mr. Hogan to begin the reply.

Mr. Des Hogan: There have been a number of questions. I will address them and then we can pick up on any issues which remain outstanding.
One of the first questions put to the commission was that of evidence, which was raised by Deputy O’Brien. There is a question of evidence here. It is something of a chicken and egg situation, to which we might return. There were two pan-European investigations, the first of which was the European Parliament’s report published in January which was followed by the resolution in February. I refer the committee to paragraph 123 of that report where it expressed serious concerns about the 147 stopovers made by CIA-operated aircraft at Irish airports that on many occasions came from and were bound for countries linked with extraordinary rendition circuits. The report, “deplores the stopovers in Ireland of aircraft which have been shown to have been used by the CIA, on other occasions, for the extraordinary rendition of Bisher Al-Rawi, Jamil El-Banna, Abou Elkassim Britel, Khaled El-Masri, Binyam Mohammed, Abu Omar and Maher Arar and for the expulsion of Ahmed Agiza and Mohammed El Zari”. It considered, at paragraph 25, “that, in the absence of a system of random searches, a ban should be imposed on all CIA-operated aircraft landing in Ireland”.
Turning to the second European report, which is that of the Parliamentary Assembly report or the first Marty report, the question of nine countries being commended was raised. Paragraph 289, referring to “stopovers for flights involving the unlawful transfer of detainees” includes Ireland, the United Kingdom, Portugal, Greece and Italy.
The question of evidence is a difficult one. The commission has statutory functions to review law and practice in the State. A question that arises is what are the positive obligations on the State required to prevent torture and ill-treatment as defined under the international standards. I might come back to that in a moment.
The commission was asked by Deputy O’Brien to spell out what pragmatic recommendations it might have on an inspection regime. The first point to make is that we speak of an inspection regime, rather than a complaints regime. At present we have a complaints regime where a citizen of the State is required, outside the perimeter fence, to identify a suspicious aircraft and then to make a complaint to the Garda Síochána which, on foot of that complaint, will investigate if a reasonable suspicion is deemed appropriate.
We state it is our view that under international human rights law the State must take positive measures and certain steps. We suggest an inspection regime. We have not been prescriptive in terms of what that regime should look at in terms of what Deputy Shatter asked earlier, but it could be quite a straightforward proposition. Our suggestion relates to aircraft on which evidence of suspicious activity exists. This is a small number of aircraft. Senator Norris made reference to some of them, and to some of the reports already mentioned. In our report we refer to those same aircraft or where suspicious evidence exists.
Without being prescriptive, there are some pragmatic possibilities such as those aircraft being required to give their details, in terms of purpose, destination and passengers on board, when coming to the State, and there being a desk exercise by which they could be monitored and which would be supplemented by spot checks. We are not stating necessarily that it should be done by the Garda Síochána. In other areas there are different inspection authorities who would have the requisite powers and that is why we state that, if necessary, legislation should be introduced to ensure that.
To address the fear that too many civil aircraft would be inconvenienced when they have nothing to do with this illegal practice, once such a system was under way many of those suspicions could be narrowed down to realistic ones. The commission thinks we are not looking at a resource-intensive practice here. It could be quite practical. It would be a desk exercise supplemented by proper inspectors conducting random spot checks. While Shannon Airport has been the subject of allegations up to now, the Department statement that it is easy for civil aircraft to change details to evade monitoring and therefore it may have to look at other aircraft is not a good reason not to have an inspection regime.
Our point about the seven cases referred to — we referred to six cases in our report — is that they seem to be complaints-driven and there is little detail in terms of the time span between the complaint being made and the investigation. Leaving out the most recent case to which we do not refer in our report, we stated that to our knowledge no aircraft had been inspected by the Garda Síochána. That is our information. We are not an inspection regime in terms of getting beyond the perimeter fence in Shannon and this is one of our difficulties.
On the question of diplomatic assurances, the commission has never questioned whether the Department — correctly, some would say — had sought and received assurances from the US Government on the issue of non-transit of extraordinary rendition persons through Ireland. What we have stated is that under international law such assurances are not enough. They need to be supplemented. The reason we have said so is referred to in our report. We refer to what Mr. Manfred Novak, the UN special rapporteur on torture in August 2005, stated about diplomatic assurances. He stated that diplomatic assurances were unreliable and ineffective in the protection against torture and ill-treatment, that such assurances have proven to be no guarantee against torture, that they are not legally binding and therefore they carry no legal effect and no accountability if breached.
It is not a question of believing or not believing a close, friendly state. The situation which the commission has reviewed pursuant to its statutory functions is that it is now known that extraordinary rendition exists. Some of the practices involved in extraordinary rendition are now known, and the commissioner, Ms Egan, referred to those.
The prohibition of torture is an absolute obligation on states and it requires that we take positive measures to ensure that it cannot possibly occur. We do not want to be in a position in the State in a few years’ time where somebody may allege that he or she has been rendered through the State illegally and we cannot prove the opposite. The idea of an inspection regime is that we would be able to clearly verify how this could happen and the situation in which it could be effected.
We have recommended that complaints to the Garda Síochána about suspicious relevant aircraft should be investigated. Once an inspection regime got underway, one would expect that such investigations, in terms of relevant aircraft and reasonable suspicions, could be narrowed down to the grounds outlined.
The deterrent value of an inspection regime should never be underestimated. We, in Ireland, have a strong and noble record in terms of upholding human rights. We are proud of what we do and we know the Department also does its best on the international stage. We consider that this is what we can do and Ireland would be showing real leadership internationally on this issue.
We are an independent national human rights institution. Our statutory remit relates to the Republic of Ireland and that is where our recommendations are directed.

Mr. Ken O’Leary: Deputy Timmins raised the issue of human rights training for gardaí. Significant developments have taken place in recent years in this regard. Under the Garda Síochaná Act 2005, one of the objectives of members is to vindicate the human rights of every individual. Each member of the force must make a declaration upholding human rights. A series of training initiatives involving gardaí at all levels has been implemented. They rely on human rights practitioners and a significant element of Garda training covers human rights matters. The Minister has brought to the Garda Commissioner’s attention what the programme for Government states about the force being aware of the issues that arise relating to rendition under the law. The Commissioner is pursuing that. There have been many positive developments.
With regard to the general question of the powers of the Garda, we provided a briefing note to the committee, which broadly outlines them. However, Garda powers arise where it has reasonable cause to pursue certain activities and it is the parallel as in any area of the law. Rendition under our criminal law is covered by a range of offences and that is not disputed. The Garda has the powers to pursue rendition. The force is a creature of the law and it can only implement its powers in accordance with the law. It is not subject to direction from anyone. Gardaí must form a view in the circumstances of a particular case as to whether they have reasonable cause to take action. That means spot checks, which require powers of entry and so on under our legal framework, but they are not provided for. The Garda pursues whatever information is made available to it in accordance with the legal regime that applies.
Deputy Shatter raised an issue with the Human Rights Commission about the form of an inspection regime and the commission mentioned it was not prescriptive, but whether that would have to be specifically provided for in legislation is an issue that would arise. Who then under the legislation would decide other than the Garda which aeroplanes would be put in the category for searching and so on? The Garda pursues as far as it can information it receives but the force is quite properly subject to legal powers.

Chairman: A division has been called so I will suspend the meeting until 4 p.m.

Sitting suspended at 3.45 p.m. and resumed at 4 p.m.

Chairman: We will resume in public session.

Mr. Rory Montgomery: Mr. Murphy will speak on his brief and I will make a few remarks afterwards.

Deputy Darragh O’Brien: I will wait until the presentations are finished before I ask my supplementary questions.

Mr. John Murphy: I wish to put our civil aviation regime in perspective. Ireland is responsible for a very large airspace, consisting of approximately 450,000 sq. km. of airspace out into the middle of the Atlantic. A very large number of flights fly through Irish airspace, including about 90% of transatlantic aviation flying through Irish-controlled airspace, approximately 50,000 flights a year. Shannon Airport has about 4,000 general aviation flights a year. Any form of inspection regime must be considered against that background.
The international civil aviation regime is a fairly permissive regime designed to liberalise civil aviation. An important consideration is that safety is paramount. The provisions that allow flights to make technical stops, such as to refuel for purposes other than for traffic purposes, are designed to ensure that safety is paramount. This is the main reason under the Chicago Convention one is not required to seek prior permission for a technical stop.
We have been looking at the issues arising from the Council of Europe report and from other reports in conjunction with a number of other member states. Within IKO, Ireland is part of a group of seven states which together form a constituency for electing one Council member. This group includes Ireland, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, Austria and soon to be joined by Portugal. We have been looking at the issues that arise from these reports and focusing in particular on what constitutes a state aircraft and what are the issues arising from the various diplomatic provisions governing such aircraft. This work is at an early stage.
Ireland is the only member state in that group which has sought and received the level of assurances from the United States in the context of renditions. No other member state has sought to put in place a system of inspections along the lines recommended by the Irish Human Rights Commission. We would find ourselves not so much giving leadership but being an outlier if we were on the one hand to seek and obtain the level of assurances we have received and on the other hand to then seek to put in place a much more onerous system of inspections than anybody else has decided to implement.

Deputy Darragh O’Brien: I thank the commission and the Department for answering the questions. We are all concerned for the human rights of individuals and wish to ensure that we do the right thing and that Ireland is not found wanting.
I refer to Mr. Hogan’s response regarding the monitoring and inspections. He said we could have a desk-bound service which did not necessarily involve many specific searches of aeroplanes. It also depends on resources, whether we like it or not.
I refer to the third point of the summary of the commission’s recommendations which states that in any event, any complaint to a member of the Garda Síochána concerning an aircraft possibly engaged in extraordinary rendition, should be investigated immediately, including inspection of the aircraft by the member or members concerned. This seems to me to be very prescriptive. As Mr. Murphy stated, 50,000 flights come into Shannon every year. I could decide I want to complain about every single one of them. This would create a serious situation for a Garda sub-station. People are entitled to complain but I refer to details of some of the complaints made. For instance, flight N259SK in September was referred to by Mr. Hogan and it was found that it contained people going on a golfing holiday.

Senator David Norris: Oh, come on.

Deputy Darragh O’Brien: I did not interrupt Senator Norris. These were complaints made, which were investigated. It was found there was nothing wrong in that instance. There are six other instances mentioned by the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform. I refer to Nos. N44CX of February 2006 and in November 2005, N37P at Shannon Airport. If the September flight is mentioned in the report — the dates are written in the American format — I do not see the other flights that have been complained about and on which investigations have been done, mentioned here. There may be a reason that this flight on 20 September 2007, N259SK, which landed at Shannon, was mentioned. It is included in the dossier on flights which were complained about. It is stated it was investigated but no problems were found. The other six flights mentioned do not appear to be in the dossier. Are we cherry-picking which ones are being included?

Senator David Norris: I am grateful for the opportunity to return with a question. I wish to comment on the extraordinary question posed by Deputy Shatter; if a motor car found to be incriminated in a criminal activity was located in Grafton Street, would it be outrageous if the Garda investigated it? It would be outrageous if it did not. That is how Omagh happened. If such a car taken in the Palestinian territories was left in Ben Yehuda Street I am sure Deputy Shatter would be very grateful that the Israeli police would examine it. I cannot understand the logic of that outrageous and ridiculous suggestion.
On the business of searching, I am very glad that Deputy Higgins has been able to join us. I wrote a complaint to the Garda Commissioner and as a result, two very senior gardaí were appointed to meet with me and Deputy Higgins. They told us unambiguously that they had no power to go on board the aircraft.
I ask Mr. O’Leary to comment. I have a letter signed by a reputable member of the public which says that this gentleman was informed by a detective superintendent at Garda Headquarters that a letter of advice from the Attorney General’s office to the legal section of Garda Headquarters was in existence and that it was as a result of this letter of advice that CIA aeroplanes were not being searched. Does such a letter of advice exist and will it be made available to this committee so that we can see what level of advice is being given by the Attorney General to the Garda?
With regard to particular searches, I wish to point out that it was only due to a cleaning lady that a man in shackles was found, in violation of the American undertakings. It so happened that he was one of their own staff who was being held prisoner, but he was there, and they broke the law by doing that. We know that.
I would like to ask about two aeroplanes, N475LC and N478GS, which have passed through Shannon Airport over the last six weeks and are notorious for their specific involvement in the rendition process. Is it appropriate that they should be hosted in Shannon Airport once again when we know their function is to engage in rendition? Can any member of the committee justify that? Given that we know these aeroplanes have been used for nothing else, why have they not been inspected? We are not talking about every single aeroplane. Many aeroplanes pass through Irish airspace quite legitimately. A very small proportion of them have registration numbers, however, which, as we know perfectly well, have been identified in reports on this issue published by bodies like the European Parliament and the Council of Europe. We know what these aeroplanes are used for. How is it tolerable that they should be allowed through Irish airspace without anybody batting an eyelid?
Those are the questions which need to be answered. I ask for a clear response from Mr. Montgomery. Does the Government of Ireland accept that aeroplanes involved in the rendition circuit have been refuelled at Shannon Airport? I have been asking that question for some time, but I have not yet been given a reply. I am invariably told that no one has been found on the aeroplanes being transported through this country. I do not want to hear that response again. It does not address the question I have asked. I want to know whether the Government accepts that aeroplanes involved in rendition have been refuelled here. Does the Government acknowledge its awareness of this fact or not?

Chairman: I apologised on behalf of Deputy Higgins earlier in the meeting. The members of the delegations are aware that he was unable to be here earlier.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: I am grateful to the Chairman. I apologise to our guests. I was replying to a debate in the Dáil on a Private Members’ Bill I have drawn up — the Competition (Amendment) Bill 2007 — so it would have been an even greater discourtesy to have missed the contributions of those who were supporting the Bill and, more importantly, those who were disagreeing with it.
I would like to make a couple of small points. I am glad that representatives of the Irish Human Rights Commission, in particular, and the Department of Foreign Affairs are present at this meeting. I would like to remind the committee of a strange statement that was made after the publication of the Irish Human Rights Commission’s report. I have to rely on my memory to do so because I have not had time to go to my office. It was suggested that the commission was drawing on general principles of jurisprudence rather than pointing to specific provisions in statute law. That might seem like an arcane comment that is not of much interest to anybody, but it is of immense interest. It seems to me that the suggestion that we should be bound by what is written in the letter of the law represents a resiling from the previous commitment of the Department of Foreign Affairs to have human rights at the centre of its policies, which—

Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: —can be traced back to the White Paper on Foreign Policy, published when the former Deputy, Mr. Dick Spring, was Minister for Foreign Affairs. This statement, which is of immense significance, caused great distress among those who feel there is nothing abstract about human rights.
The arguments which are made about this issue are often somewhat abstract. I refer, for example, to the comprehensive and long reply given by the Government to the questionnaire sent out by the Secretary General of the Council of Europe. I have seen the reply in question. When the Government was asked whether it has the legal capacity to ensure it is in compliance with the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, it bravely responded that it has such capacity in the form of two Acts, including the civil aviation Act. It omitted to point out, in its response to the questionnaire, that it has not exercised the Acts in question. Therefore, the office of the Secretary General of the Council of Europe has formed the impression that Ireland is a potentially compliant state. It has decided that while we are able to answer all of its questions, we are being less than full in the way we are doing so.
I am worried about an very important aspect of this debate, namely, the way people like Edward Horgan are being depicted in commentaries about what is taking place in Shannon. Every Irish citizen should be concerned about the reality of the manner in which the Government is representing the Irish people in this instance. We should be concerned about the interpretation of the Government’s actions, both by commission and by silence, as they pertain to the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. It is an exceptionally important convention. If we were dealing with land-mines, for example, the Government would have had to initiate inspections, whether it liked it or not, because the provisions of the Ottawa Convention on land-mines are stronger than the provisions of other conventions. We can speak about the convention, which deals with the production, distribution, sale and transport of land-mines, later in this meeting if the witnesses want to do so. The suggestion that there is an onus on individual Irish citizens to find people in aeroplanes — and to produce photographs, practically — before bringing them to Garda stations is a nonsense.

I am reminded of the former Attorney General of England and Wales, who produced differing opinions on the Iraq War on the same day. I do not doubt that Mr. Montgomery is familiar with that period in recent British history. The first opinion that was offered was that it would be very dangerous to go to war without a second UN resolution. A compliant opinion was offered later the same day that suited Mr. Blair and his Cabinet. This is dangerous stuff. The clear and overwhelming majority of legal opinion, in respect of human rights compliance, suggests that diplomatic assurances in relation to a convention as important as the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment are simply insufficient. A political choice has to be made on whether we accept the argument of those who say that there was more than one conversation with the people in question, that they were actually very close and that they mentioned it again when the matter arose again. This is just a hugger-mugger instead of an actual principle. We cannot say we have sought compliance.
I would like to comment on the visit of two senior gardaí to Senator Norris and me. I recall it clearly. They took refuge in a little bit of confusion. They said they have no powers under the criminal justice Acts to board aeroplanes, but they omitted to comment on their powers under the civil aviation Acts. I asked a parliamentary question about whether the Garda has the power under those Acts, including the 1987 Act, to board aeroplanes. The Minister replied that such powers exist, but that is not what has been communicated to Senator Norris and me.
The public should be given more information about the nature of the correspondence between the Office of the Attorney General and the Garda Commissioner. There has been a great deal of reference to this matter in various areas. Such correspondence, for example, where a letter might be sent seeking clarification about what we should be doing in this regard and a letter might be sent back, raises an issue I highlighted when this committee was being established, namely, the difference between what is a security matter and what is not. If the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform or his Department did not contact the Garda in Shannon, a letter could be sent saying the Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform has never contacted the Garda to say it should not search planes. If, on the other hand, a letter of clarification were to be sought, outlining what we should be doing, and the letter of clarification were to flow between the Office of the Attorney General and the Garda Commissioner, the Department would be able to get away with saying it knows nothing about it. That would not be in the public interest, however.
People have different views about the tactics which should be used to oppose extraordinary rendition and the manner in which the protocols of the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment should be observed. It is only fair to ensure those who are making the effort to ensure Ireland complies with the convention are treated fairly. It is not in the public interest to keep to the so-called letter argument, if it exists.
I find it extraordinary that a quasi-governmental document has suggested that it would be an unfriendly act to provide for random inspections. One does not hear that argument as often now. Surely it would be a grossly unfriendly act to prevent a country from showing itself to the international community as being in full compliance with international law, including the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Is that not the case? Given the current climate in the United States, I do not believe the US would object to such a course of action.
I do not understand the reason we are talking in riddles. I will conclude where I began. The statement issued after the publication of the Irish Human Rights Commission report was deeply troubling in that regard. It more or less stated that there is nothing that makes us do it. The use of phrase to the effect that one draws one’s conclusions from more general principles of jurisprudence rather than locating them in the specifics of statute law relegates human rights as a principal policy objective in foreign policy and I deeply regret that.

Mr. Rory Montgomery: Mr. Ken O’Leary will make some specific responses to the points raised concerning the Garda when I conclude. Several members discussed the value to be attributed to the US assurances and expressed different views on the weight to be placed on those assurances and the overall nature of the relationship with the United States. I will make the same point, in today’s context, that Mr. John Murphy made, namely, that the assurances we obtained were not lightly given. It was not a question of a conversation. The key engagement by the United States involved interagency consultation over a period and the US authorities came back to us in a clear manner. These assurances have not been made available to others. When the issue blew up in the autumn of 2005, the Secretary of State and her officials were very careful, when talking about the generality of European countries, to use a more qualified formula which would be consistent with the existence of rendition operations elsewhere. As I indicated, however, they have not sought to resile from the much clearer, more concrete and more specific assurances we obtained.
Deputy Michael D. Higgins put his finger on one of the key questions, which we could debate all afternoon, namely, the overall weight to be assigned to diplomatic assurances and the jurisprudence which exists in that regard. I reassure the Deputy that I do not recognise what he says about the statement by the Department that we would resile from general principles and seek to rely on statute law. It is more that there is a difference of opinion between us as to how to interpret the case law and what principles to draw from that. The Department has not sought to run away from its general position on this matter.
In regard to Senator Norris’s questions, I note he has stated more than once that he has never alleged that individuals have been transited through Shannon Airport for the purposes of rendition. That is a noteworthy acknowledgement. As to whether aeroplanes used by the CIA have passed through Shannon Airport, in my statement I said there was evidence, on the basis of the Council of Europe and European Parliament investigations, of four occasions, I believe, on which aeroplanes passed through in some reasonably close time period. That has been said by the Minister for Foreign Affairs as far back as June 2006 when he spoke in the Dáil in a debate on this question.
Senator Hannigan raised the question of assurances and referred to the nature of the individual cases which have been mentioned. In fairness to the Irish Human Rights Commission, it has stated it would regard the current position — whereby complaints are made — as inadequate. On the inspection regime, Mr. O’Leary has put the other side of the argument and the Government’s position, as I also did in my opening remarks. I believe the only other specific points raised relate to the Garda and these can be addressed by Mr. O’Leary.

Mr. Ken O’Leary: We circulated a short briefing note in which we set out the powers of the Garda. This is consistent with general advice the Department obtained from the Office of the Attorney General. I do not know of the specific letter to which Senator Norris referred. Some confusion may arise from the fact that there is no power for anyone to inspect, enter or search state aircraft such as foreign military aircraft because such aircraft have sovereign immunity. The issue covered by the note is that for the Garda to exercise its powers of search and entry, it must have evidence or reasonable grounds to suspect that particular acts are taking place. The powers set out in the briefing note are consistent with the advice issued by the Attorney General.

Senator David Norris: Another Department considered it appropriate to continue to refuel aeroplanes which are known to have been involved in rendition. Is it the position of the Department and Government that it is appropriate action for Ireland to refuel named aeroplanes whose registration numbers clearly show they have been involved in rendition?

Mr. Rory Montgomery: I should have addressed that point earlier. As is set out at some length in the correspondence between us, one of the reasons this issue is so difficult is the many different uses to which these aeroplanes are put. They are chartered to many different users on many different occasions. I will quote some authorities on this matter. Senator Marty stated it is evident that not all flights of CIA aircraft participate in renditions. As the Minister stated, there are legitimate reasons the Government of a friendly state might wish to engage in intelligence activities unrelated to renditions. In discussing a specific aeroplane, N85VM, that was allegedly used to transport Mr. Abu Omar, Mr. Stephen Grey, the journalist who has followed this issue most closely, notes that the aircraft is in private ownership and many of its journeys are for private purposes.
The reason the Minister for Foreign Affairs stated at the European Parliament that the figure of 147 movements, on which the Human Rights Commission relies, is inflated by a multiple in that it does not take account of the variety of uses of these aeroplanes which can be used for legitimate purposes when in official use. The point remains, and perhaps I should have stated this more clearly earlier, that in our entire approach to this issue, we have consistently talked about proportionality and reasonableness in approaching a specific inspection regime. The information available to us and set out earlier by me, when placed in the overall context of the number of movements referred to by Mr. Murphy and combined with all the other elements I have mentioned, such as the assurances, have led the Government to its position.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: If the Department were asked to balance the two sets of risks, namely, the risk of making an inspection where nothing is found and the risk of non-compliance with the convention and protocol, it would find that they are not of the same order. If there is an atmosphere in which the Secretary General of the Council of Europe has invoked a rarely used procedure and issued a report, the European Parliament has acted similarly and the use and destinations of the aeroplanes is known — I do not believe the Minister, Deputy Gormley, would suggest the aeroplanes were primarily leased for golfing holidays — the risks faced by the State in terms of non-compliance vastly outweigh any other risk. How would one decide? One would do so based on the relative weight one gave to the jurisprudence of the issue. Where we differ is that the Minister has decided to accept diplomatic assurances as the response from the United States, whereas so many others, including committee members, feel the weight should have been the other way. If, for example, we had occasional random inspections, we would not have a need for all of this. What makes it in any sense offensive? Would it not have been the right thing to do if we are to continue with the wonderful record we have in prosecuting the extension of human rights internationally and across other conventions? Is this not the right direction because, whether the Minister realises it or not, people whom the Chairman has met, including Ms Louise Arbour and all of these people, were all of the one mind? They were all most anxious to accommodate the Government. None of us is accusing anyone of anything but it is simply an unsatisfactory balance. It is a wrong conclusion from two things that are not equal in balance. Senator Norris is correct about the risks of any country even vaguely or indirectly facilitating this practice by refuelling or any other such assistance. This is a risk to take for which there is no mandate from the Irish people.

Chairman: We are here more than two and a half hours now. I have allowed the debate to continue for some time because Deputy Michael D. Higgins was able to return.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: I appreciate it.

Chairman: We have had a very comprehensive discussion. A great deal of material has been given to us. The contributors have been forthright and straight in what has been said. This has been a valuable discussion. The Government has made provision to deal with this matter in the programme for Government and it is a question of how this is implemented. Everybody here is deeply committed to the cause of human rights and the prevention of extraordinary rendition. There is no question about that.
The Government has said it will prioritise effective enforcement of the Criminal Justice (United Nations Convention against Torture) Act 2000 and the Geneva Conventions Acts 1962 and 1998. To that end the Government will encourage and support the Garda Síochána in the investigation and enforcement of these statutes. It will do so by making resources available for specialised training, which we understand is already under way, in the provision of those statutes to members of the Garda Síochána and by other means as may be required by the Garda Síochána in order to ensure effective protection for the dignity of all persons within or passing through the State. This is the key issue that has been discussed so much at this meeting.
We will ensure that all relevant legal instruments are used so that the practice of extraordinary rendition does not occur in this State in any form and that Ireland will seek EU and international support to address deficiencies in aspects of the regulation of civil aviation under the Chicago Convention. It will be our duty as a foreign affairs committee and the duty of the witnesses in their respective roles, to pursue these broad principles to try to achieve a workable, practical solution so that we no longer experience the kind of problems that were a feature of our relationship in the past.
Members concerns on the practice of extraordinary rendition have been thoroughly aired. No one can be in any doubt that this committee views any such practice as a grave violation of the human rights of any individual who has been the victim of this form of abduction. I thank Dr. Manning, Ms Egan and Mr. Hogan, for appearing before the committee and for contributing so fully and in such a professional manner. Likewise, I thank Mr. Montgomery, Mr. O’Leary and Mr. Murphy for being most open and giving us clear responses. If we have any further questions we will know with whom to communicate.
On my behalf and on behalf of the joint committee I wish them all a very happy Christmas. We look forward to seeing them again in the new year, please God. This meeting will continue shortly to discuss a motion on cluster munitions. Those in the Gallery who wish to stay for this part of the meeting may do so. I propose to briefly suspend the meeting for two minutes to allow witnesses to leave.

Sitting suspended at 4.35 p.m. and resumed at 4.36. p.m.

Cluster Munitions: Motion.
Chairman: Deputy Michael D. Higgins and Senator Norris have jointly tabled a motion for consideration by the committee. As members are aware, we had a full discussion on this matter at our meeting last week and we agreed a statement on it. The statement is as follows:

The Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs urges the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Government to bring forward at the earliest possible date, heads of a Bill which will lead to legislation prohibiting the production, stockpiling, transfer and use of cluster munitions, and providing for the destruction of existing stocks of these weapons.

In light of the appalling and indiscriminate injuries that cluster munitions inflict on men, women and children, the joint committee calls for the establishment of a framework for co-operation and assistance that ensures adequate provision of care and rehabilitation to survivors and their communities. Clearance of contaminated areas, risk education and the destruction of stockpiles of cluster munitions should also form part of this framework.

Senator David Norris: I must leave. There is a vote in the Seanad. I hope to return.

Chairman: I invite Deputy Higgins to move the motion.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: I move:

That the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs urges the Government:

(1) to play an effective role towards securing a total prohibition on the production, stockpiling, transfer and use of cluster munitions by its active participation in international initiatives to address the issue comprehensively;

(2) to enact a national law prohibiting the production, stockpiling, transfer and use of cluster munitions as we know them;

(3) to support research, publication and awareness raising initiatives on this subject nationally and internationally;

(4) to follow the example that prevailed in June 1996 when Ireland in anticipation of the text of the mine ban convention enacted unilaterally a ban on land mines and in this regard that Ireland would now take a similar initiative in anticipation of the discussion of the text of a UN level prohibition;

(5) that such legislation on the part of Ireland be as inclusive as possible in terms of definition of cluster munitions, the addressing of existing stockpiles and all aspects of production, sale, transmission and use;

(6) to increase support for the clearance of contaminated land by land mines, cluster munitions and other unexploded ordinance;

(7) to increase support for mine-risk education;

(8) to increase support for rehabilitation of mine survivors and their socio-economic integration and pending the outlawing of land mines internationally; and

(9) to ensure that no public funds are invested in any company involved in or associated with these inhuman practices.

Question put and agreed to.
Deputy Michael D. Higgins: I am grateful to the Chairman.

Chairman: The clerk will prepare a message for the Minister for Foreign Affairs to the effect that the motion has been agreed.

The joint committee went into private session at 4.40 p.m. and adjourned at 4.45 p.m. sine die.

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 12th December 2007 - Cluster Munitions: Discussion with Pax Christi Ireland

Joint Foreign Affairs Committee - 12th December 2007 - Cluster Munitions: Discussion with Pax Christi Ireland.
Senator David Norris: I welcome Mr. D’Costa who I have heard speak on this issue a number of times, including to the previous joint committee. I welcome his return before the joint committee today. The striking feature of this morning’s proceedings is that all three speakers, namely, Deputies Billy Timmins, Michael D. Higgins and Darragh O’Brien, spoke eloquently, clearly and from the same hymn sheet. No discord in this regard was apparent and members appear to be agreed on the devastating nature of these weapons. They are evil in intent because they are directed at a civilian population and have no real effective military application, which is acknowledged by military sources. They are a weapon of terror and, as Deputy Timmins noted, they hit children in particular in a post-conflict scenario. Mr. D’Costa has appended to his statement a couple of eloquent testimonies to this effect.
As all members appear to be in agreement, I am happy to second Deputy Michael D. Higgins’s formal proposal. In light of such agreement on the part of the principal Opposition parties and Government spokespersons, which thus far appears to be unanimous, I suggest that members should consider the adoption of the suggested motion that Mr. D’Costa put before the joint committee last year. As this means the joint committee has had a year in which to consider this motion, it is not without notice although I acknowledge the presence of new members. I suggest the joint committee should consider passing this motion because it will only assist the Government towards the objective it has declared clearly in its programme for Government. It contains nothing antagonistic to the Government and might be of assistance to it. The motion appears on the script supplied by Mr. D’Costa.
I tabled this motion on the Order Paper last year in the aftermath of the highly effective briefing given by Mr. D’Costa. I appended another item to it to ensure that no public funds would be invested in any company involved in, or associated with, this inhuman practice. Unfortunately it is widespread and the Israeli situation, with which I am familiar, was mentioned. Cynically, several million of these devices were dumped in Lebanon in the final days of the most recent conflict. Deputy O’Brien mentioned this point, which is true. Moreover, the Americans also are up to their ears in this practice in Iraq and Afghanistan. Consequently, this will not be the easiest of fights, as Deputy Michael D. Higgins pointed out from the perspective of his great knowledge of the workings of the United Nations. The passage of domestic legislation would be useful in this regard. I suggest, should any member wish to second it, take it up or assist in it, that members should pass this motion, which has been before the joint committee for the past year or 18 months.
I wish to ask a direct question of Mr. D’Costa. The work of Pax Christi is extremely valuable. It does its work in concert with Government agencies and this work is welcomed and appreciated by the Government. Does Pax Christi receive funding from central funds and if so, is it sufficient? If not, can members assist by using their good offices to try to secure funding for Pax Christi?

Chairman: We can come back to the wording of a statement afterwards. We will make a statement. In respect of passing a motion, apart from the fact that it is probably not necessary, it would require certain procedural time. What we would do in that situation is make a statement—

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: I am giving notice that I shall submit a formal motion for the next meeting. I intend to do this because it is my intention to proceed with this motion. I have no problem with issuing a statement from this meeting.

Chairman: The Deputy knows the procedures for the committee.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: That is what I am suggesting.

Chairman: He knows that. However, there is nothing stopping us issuing a statement which conveys everything wished for by the Deputy.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: I have just said that I have no difficulty with a statement but out of courtesy to the Chairman, I am telling him that I will submit a formal motion as well.

Chairman: Okay.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: This is not an “either or” situation. We can do both.

Chairman: That is fine.

Senator David Norris: This has been before the committee for a year.

Chairman: The Deputy is breaking the general consensus when he says that he will submit a motion.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: No, we are not.

Chairman: We are talking about a unanimous statement from the committee. If any other member wishes to subsequently put down a motion, he or she is entitled to do so.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: We can agree a statement. It is unfortunate that it is being presented like this. The reality is that we are all in agreement. Let us keep it like that in respect of issuing a statement today. However, anybody putting down a motion is perfectly entitled to do so. We can do it formally. I am long enough in the committee to know that. I have just told the Chairman out of courtesy that a motion will be submitted to him. Nobody is hiding anything. The motion will call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs to submit to the Government heads of legislation so that we are prepared.
I spoke of a twin track approach. At the beginning of these early meetings, there is no question of adjusting anything we are entitled to do formally. There is a consensus so let us respect it. I am required under the formal process to follow a process in respect of a motion. I have told the Chairman that I am happy to do that but I am not required to adjust my intention to propose a motion to a statement of anybody, including the Chairman.

Chairman: Let us be clear. The Deputy asked for a statement in the first instance in which we call on the Government to take action. We can do that today and finalise its wording. Senator Norris then proposed that it be turned into a motion.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: No, I proposed it as a motion and Senator Norris seconded it. I am telling the Chairman that I have no difficulty—

Chairman: No, the Deputy did not do so.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: Yes, I did. I said that I would like to propose. Those were my words.

Chairman: Yes but—

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: I have told the Chairman that it can arise for the next meeting.

Chairman: The Deputy would have the response from everybody to that proposal, which was that everybody was agreed in respect of the proposal and we would go ahead. There is no difference or problem. First of all, we agree—

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: Let us not make a problem.

Chairman: We will agree a statement today. All I was saying to Senator Norris was that we cannot go ahead with the motion today.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: I have said five times that I am submitting it for the next meeting.

Chairman: That is fine. We will agree a statement today.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: We will agree it. Obviously, we must work on it.

Chairman: Any member is entitled to put down a motion for the next or any subsequent meeting.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: That is true.

Senator David Norris: The Chairman is ill-advised to say that Deputy Higgins and I were breaking the consensus. That is not the case. We are simply agreeing and trying to give a focus to the very generally expressed sentiments. The only person who broke the consensus was the Chairman when he suggested that we were being divisive which we clearly were not. We are being helpful.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: Absolutely, that was our intention.

Chairman: We will finalise the wording of it subsequently. At this stage, it is a matter of asking Mr. D’Costa to reply.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: Senator Norris raised a question. The part of Mr. D’Costa’s submission where he spoke about Pax Christi possibly seeking assistance from Irish Aid in, for example, carrying out research on legal matters is a very practical suggestion and I am sure that it would have the support of all members.

Chairman: He is going to reply to the suggestions that were made.

Deputy Michael D. Higgins: I think I know what he is going to reply to.

Mr. Tony D’Costa: At the United Nations General Assembly this year, the Foreign Minister of Austria raised the question of why the disarmament agenda has gone down. That is quite true in many countries. We are facing similar difficulties here because there is very little funding for the amount of work that is required. Many of my colleagues in other countries say that they cannot continue this work because they have families and children and, unfortunately, have abandoned this work. Global military expenditure is increasing. Last year, it was €1,024 billion. It went down a bit after the end of the Cold War but is increasing again. Even a fraction of that money can address the issues of global poverty and the millennium development goals.
We face similar difficulties because there is no budget line in respect of our kind of work. There are certain guidelines in respect to Irish Aid’s funding. It has to be “dacable” so it becomes difficult for us to access that funding. Not many organisations are doing this work because there is no funding. Much of the work is done quietly and includes a considerable amount of research and lobby work. There is no money available here for this kind of work. It will be a great support and help if we can get some support from our Government to do this work. At the same time, we work very closely with the Irish Government and have been doing so for many years so we have a very good relationship. However, there is no budget line where we can get any support.

Senator David Norris: How much money are we talking about?

Mr. Tony D’Costa: We are talking between about €50,000 and €60,000 per year.

Senator David Norris: That is very modest.

Chairman: We will write to the Minister and make the request. Has Mr. D’Costa any other points to make? It is not very difficult for him in that sense because everybody is totally in favour of what Pax Christi is doing and highly commends the work it has been and is doing. The Minister has been working fairly assiduously in this area.
Deputy Michael D. Higgins has recommended that, in the first instance, we send a statement to the Minister and that a motion can subsequently be considered. We want to ensure that one way or another, come May, in respect of whether one can get core agreement, and the Minister has played a big part in trying to achieve this, we must be ready to go ahead at that stage. Hence it is important that the heads of the Bill are ready and that one is able to proceed without necessarily upsetting the diplomacy of the work that the Minister might be doing at that time. That is a very appropriate suggestion which we will all support.
I thank Mr. D’Costa for appearing before the committee and for the work he has been doing. We had a fairly good exchange today which brought us back to the subject at a very appropriate time. It is encouraging to learn of the work that is being undertaken by Ireland within the Oslo process to secure a total ban on cluster munitions. I am sure everybody on the committee will join me in supporting the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, in his efforts to bring more countries within the Oslo process to ensure that cluster munitions are eradicated from man’s arsenal, which is already too destructive. It is quite clear that the committee fully supports the work of Pax Christi and that of the Minister. I again thank Mr. D’Costa for his informative presentation which will be helpful to us in our work.

The joint committee went into private session at 1 p.m. and adjourned at 1.40 p.m. until 2 p.m. on Thursday, 19 December 2007.

Dublin Transport Authority Bill 2008 - 8th May 2008 - Committee Stage Debate

Dublin Transport Authority Bill 2008 - 8th May 2008 - Committee Stage Debate.
Section 1 agreed to.
SECTION 2.
Acting Chairman (Senator Maurice Cummins): Government amendments Nos. 57 and 73 to 81, inclusive, are consequential on Government amendment No. 1. Government amendments No. 1, 57 and 73 to 81, inclusive, may be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.
Government amendment No. 1:

In page 11, between lines 13 and 14, to insert the following:

“ ”NRA“ means National Road Authority;”.

Acting Chairman: Before calling on the Minister, Deputy Noel Dempsey, I congratulate him on retaining his portfolio as Minister for Transport.


Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.

Minister for Transport (Deputy Noel Dempsey): Thank you very much. Amendment No. 1 is one of a series of technical amendments relating to how the National Roads Authority is referred to in the Bill. Current drafting preference is to shorten any multi-word title of a body, if it appears in several places in a Bill. We did that with CIE and the Rail Procurement Agency, RPA. This amendment inserts a definition of “National Roads Authority” as “NRA” into section 2. The other amendments grouped with this amendment, Nos. 57 and 73 to 81, inclusive, merely replace “National Roads Authority” with “NRA” wherever it is mentioned in the Bill.

Amendment agreed to.
Amendment No. 2 not moved.
Section 2, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 3.
Senator Brendan Ryan: I move amendment No. 3:

In page 12, between lines 32 and 33, to insert the following:

”(c) the borough of Drogheda and”.
This matter was raised on the occasion of the Minister’s last visit to the House. The purpose of the amendment is to extend the remit of the authority to the Drogheda Borough Council area. Clearly the development of an integrated transport system for Dublin is not possible without including the outlying area of Drogheda.
On the previous occasion the Minister mentioned that County Louth is in the Border, midlands and west region and that is, perhaps, a reason for not including it. If that is the Minister’s reply today, I ask him to expand on it. From my knowledge of the area and that of the Minister, it is an area that should be incorporated at this stage, albeit with the power for the Minister to introduce it later.

Senator David Norris: I hesitate before disagreeing with my good colleagues in the Labour Party but I have a little concern. It is alarming if Drogheda is to become part of the greater Dublin area. I know it is in the commuter belt. The effectiveness of the Dublin Transport Authority would be somewhat diluted if we take this much wider view. I could be wrong on this and I will listen to the Minister with great interest, but the effectiveness of a Dublin Transport Authority is that it deals specifically and directly with Dublin and not with a range of satellite areas. There are many people who commute, for example, from places such as Portlaoise and Tullamore. Are such places to be included as well? Unless Senator Ryan, whom I greatly respect, is in a position to provide special reasons Drogheda has a connection with Dublin, I would take a lot of persuading to agree to the amendment.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: There is a provision in section 3(c) to extend the geographical area of the greater Dublin area, GDA, by order of the Minister. The Dublin Transport Authority can make recommendations to me in that regard, as can other bodies such as local authorities and so on. The reason the Bill is drafted in its current form is that the GDA is a clearly defined area. It is useful to maintain the coherence between the GDA, as defined in this Bill, and not only the local authority boundaries but also the regional planning boundaries as well. It is very important that we continue to maintain that coherence. Although the boundaries of Drogheda borough encroach on the constituency of Meath East, the boundaries have been largely respected whether at regional or local authority level.
I agree with Senator Norris on this issue. The focus throughout has been on the greater Dublin area. However, leaving the text as it stands does not preclude the Dublin Transport Authority, once established, from deciding, for reasons of greater coherence in transport policy, to extend the greater Dublin area to include Drogheda, Mullingar, Portlaoise, Naas or other areas. At this point, it is preferable to focus on the area set out in the legislation. For this reason, I ask the Deputy to withdraw the amendment.

Senator Brendan Ryan: Senator Norris should note that the greater Dublin area, as defined in the Bill, includes counties Kildare, Wicklow and Meath. Expanding it to include the borough of Drogheda would be a logical and sensible step. As a resident of north County Dublin, it is difficult to draw a distinction between my area and Drogheda. I ask the Minister to reconsider the matter before Report Stage. I will withdraw the amendment while reserving the right to resubmit it.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 3 agreed to.
Sections 4 to 9, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 10.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 4:

In page 14, paragraph (a), line 11, to delete “sustains” and substitute “promotes”.
The amendment refers to the role infrastructure can play in generating economic growth. The national competitiveness strategy and the Minister’s strategy statement acknowledge that in many cases the provision of transport infrastructure plays a significant role in generating economic growth. This is achieved in two ways. First, the delivery of the large infrastructural projects which form part of the national development plan will contribute towards sustaining parts of the economy when certain economic sectors are not faring as well as one would hope. Second, public transport infrastructure is a vital consideration for investors making decisions about whether to increase or maintain inward investment and, as such, sustains and accelerates investment. The rationale for the amendment is to show greater ambition in terms of the role public transport infrastructure can play in promoting, as opposed to sustaining, economic growth and competitiveness.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: The amendment proposes to replace the word “sustains” in section 10(a) with “promotes”. While I would prefer to retain the current wording, I am prepared to examine the amendment before Report Stage to determine whether the proposed change would have legal implications. Pending that decision, I ask the Senator to withdraw the amendment.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I will withdraw the amendment. This morning I examined the strategy statement the Minister prepared for his Department in which he makes clear the role infrastructure can play in the future of the economy. I accept the undertaking he has given and look forward to hearing his views on the amendment at a later stage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Acting Chairman (Senator Maurice Cummins): Amendments Nos. 5 and 6 are related and may be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 5:

In page 14, paragraph (b), line 13, after “system” to insert “for all users”.
The rationale for this amendment is to make explicit in the legislation the need to prioritise passengers at all times in the delivery of plans. I am sure the Minister is aware that the 16 bodies responsible for delivering transport services for Dublin city and region have at times placed their interests before those of passengers. I want to ensure in laying down the functions and objectives for the Dublin Transport Authority that we make it clear that the needs and interests of the users of transport services come first. The insertion of the words “for all users” would also recognise in law that some passengers using transport infrastructure have special needs. It would also ensure the decisions made by the Dublin Transport Authority take into account the needs of commuters.
The Dublin Transport Authority will have immense power. The power to step in and act as a provider of transport services of last resort is unprecedented in terms of dealing directly with consumers. In addition, the transfer of significant powers from organisations such as Dublin Bus, Iarnród Éireann and the Railway Procurement Agency is also a major development. I want to ensure the legislation provides that the new organisation will exercise its powers with the needs of passengers in mind.

Senator David Norris: I am afraid I am about to be disloyal to my colleagues again, even though I admire the work Senator Donohue has done and have told him this on a number of occasions. However, if we are required to provide a well functioning, attractive, integrated and safe public transport system, it will, by necessity, be “for all users”. If the transport system is in place in this form, the phrase “for all users” becomes redundant because one will not establish a safe, well integrated system for only a few users. If the system is available in the form provided for in the legislation, it must, by logic, be in available in that form for all users. For this reason, I do not see the reason for the amendment. I suppose it is rather mean-spirited of me to argue against an amendment tabled by one of my colleagues. I have done so a second time on a basis of logic and have probably lost Senator Donohue’s support for my amendment. Naturally, being an egotist, I believe my amendment No. 6 is far superior in logic, although the Minister may not agree.
My amendment relates to safety. To provide that we have a well integrated and safe public transport system is aspirational and woolly. My amendment would append to this provision the words “in accordance with standards comparable to those set down by relevant bodies such as the H.S.A. and the Road Transport Authority”. As this has the virtue of tying the provision with existing standards, it thereby ceases to be woolly and aspirational. The legislation will set out the actual standards by which the degree of safety, an extremely important matter, can be measured.
We, in this country, are lucky we have not had a succession of disasters in our public transport system. The reason is partly due to the efficiency and care of our public transport system and partly due to good fortune. From time to time, however, we have had unfortunate incidents involving buses, trains and so forth. If we are serious about safety, we must link it with existing, actual standards which can be measured because the wording, as it stands, is aspirational. It is akin to being in favour of virtue and good living - everybody is but there is nothing by which it can be tested. 12 o’clock

Deputy Noel Dempsey: In regard to amendment No. 5, as Senator Norris indicated, it is presumed when passing legislation that it is for everybody and that it does not need to be explicitly stated. The Senator made the point well and I do not need to elaborate on that. Nevertheless, it does not do any great damage to the Bill to include the phrase “to all users”. I have no objection to that and I accept the Senator’s amendment.
In regard to amendment No. 6, it is extremely important bodies like that which we are setting up have a focus on the consumer. Senator Donohoe spoke about the importance of looking after the consumer and the strength and powers this body will have. He is right that it is important it has extensive powers and that it is in a position to look after consumers.
Clearly, safety would be a major concern but I am not anxious to set up another body which sets out another set of standards for health and safety, and I agree with Senator Norris in this regard. The bodies are already in place and they have their codes of practice, guidelines and legislation to back them up. One such body is the Railway Safety Commission. I do not want the Dublin transport authority getting into this area as well.
I accept the principle behind the amendment that we should have a very safe public transport infrastructure. That should be to the forefront of not only the Dublin transport authority’s mind but that of the individual organisations as well. I accept that is the spirit of the amendment but it is more than adequately addressed by leaving independent bodies to make those judgments and to inform the individual organisations or the Dublin transport authority that safety is assured.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I thank the Minister for responding in the manner he has. I take his point in regard to the language I have used. I might look at it again as we move through this process. The general objectives of the authority are vital in terms of the work it will do. With the exception of persons with disabilities, the customer, or the passenger, is not mentioned. I accept the Minister’s point that there is a presumption that the passenger will be involved. However, that presumption has not carried weight in the context of some of the other organisations we will discuss later. I thank the Minister for what he said.

Amendment agreed to.
Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 6:

In page 14, paragraph (b), line 13, after “system” to insert the following:

“in accordance with standards comparable to those set down by relevant bodies such as the H.S.A. and the Road Transport Authority”.
I am moderately happy, although not as happy as Senator Donohoe. I say well done to him. He got a goal but I appear to have missed.

Senator John Ellis: The Senator hit the crossbar.

Senator David Norris: The Minister seemed to address Senator Donohoe in regard to my amendment, which was rather odd. I do not agree with the Minister and I might consider it again on Report Stage. The Minister said he was sympathetic to the intention of the amendment but did not seem to wish to be specific about it. I do not understand his hesitation because I would have thought exactly the same logic applied to the earlier amendment in that it does not do any damage but simply sets standards. I am not quite sure if the Minister is saying there is a legislative requirement on the Health and Safety Authority and the Dublin transport authority to take an interest. I am simply talking about the application of comparable standards and giving indicators.
As I said in respect of the previous amendment, although perhaps I misunderstand it, if a public transport system is provided, it cannot exclude the users. It is for the users. Although I am very happy for Senator Donohoe, it is a tautology. I believe I understand what the Minister is saying because it is, to a certain extent, a public relations gloss as it indicates to the public that the transport system desperately loves them, will cherish them and will give them the kind of transport system they want. On that basis, I do not understand his reluctance to accept an amendment, the principle of which he accepted. I will not press the amendment to a vote but I reserve the right to resubmit it on Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 10, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 11.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 11:

In page 14, subsection (1)(d), between lines 37 and 38, to insert the following:

“(ix) development and implementation of a cohesive cycling strategy.”.
A point I made in respect of other amendments was that this organisation will have immense power in terms of its ability to intervene and deal with transport and commuter issues in the greater Dublin area. One of the areas in which a lack of enforcement and of integration is most evident is in respect of the problem cyclists in the greater Dublin area face, especially in the city centre and the inner suburbs.
Occasionally I take my life into my hands and hop on my bicycle to get around the constituency and to come into the House. During the infrequent journeys I make I encounter at first hand the huge difficulties cyclists face in getting around, such as cycle lanes ending for no reason. There is a lack of cycle lanes on our main thoroughfares and streets, including O’Connell Street. For some people, cycling is the main way of getting around the city.
I am very conscious that a safe cycling campaign has been set up and successfully led in this region. It highlights the need for more people to hop on bicycles and for better facilities to allow them to do so. Organisations have played their part in making this happen, including the decision of Dublin City Council to prohibit heavy goods vehicles from the city centre and the quays. Therefore, it is incumbent on this authority to promote cycling as a mode of transport in the city and in the greater Dublin area and to state that it will intervene to make this happen when necessary.
Recently the Minister made a presentation at a meeting of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Transport. He is very much aware that the work we are doing on a modal shift is blatantly inadequate to deliver the environmental and transport objectives of the Government and of all of us. We need to acknowledge cycling as playing a greater role in dealing with these issues. We need to give every encouragement to people to change and give this authority the ability to intervene to make it attractive and remove obstacles preventing people from getting out of their cars and on to their bicycles.

Senator David Norris: On this occasion I am very happy to support Senator Donohoe. This is an excellent and significant amendment. He is quite right to talk about a cohesive cycle strategy. There is a total lack of coherence in the provision of cycle lanes at present. Senator Donohoe mentioned O’Connell Street and I believe he suggested there were no cycle lanes on it. There has been a recent development because I walk up and down O’Connell Street all the time. Perhaps walking is the most environmentally-friendly method of transporting oneself around. There is a cycle lane but it is only on half of O’Connell Street, which is crazy. Perhaps the council is in the process of putting in a cycle lane which would be very welcome. There are little poles sticking up which is very good but that should be done the whole length of O’Connell Street and on both sides. I say this with some strength because on several occasions I have been knocked off my bicycle on O’Connell Street due to the lack of these lanes.
Throughout the city we have cycle lanes that just disappear. In some places parts of cycle lanes form part of existing car lanes. How can they compete? How can cars drive without at least one third of the car being in the cycle lane in this situation? We need logic, coherence and consistency in the system. Cycling is environmentally friendly and will lead to a decrease in pollution, although this may be only marginal until it becomes more popular. It will also relieve congestion. If a significant number of people who routinely drive cars as single occupants transfer to bicycles, this will reduce traffic congestion.
If the Minister and the relevant city officials are actively considering the proposals put forward by the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Transport with regard to removing private vehicles from O’Connell Street, particularly while work on the installation of the metro is being carried out, cyclists should be given privilege at that time. The metro works provide a glorious opportunity to make special provision for cyclists and to retain that privilege. We should not just allow access for public services but let them share the space in O’Connell Street with cyclists.

Senator John Ellis: We should give the same consideration to the issues affecting pedestrians as we are giving to cyclists. I agree with Senator Norris that there is a problem with regard to proper walking areas, not just in Dublin, but in other urban and rural areas. People often walk on public roads at night without reflective gear and as a result we have serious problems. Cycle lanes in the city of Dublin often end suddenly and nobody knows where cyclists should be afterwards. This is wrong. We need to consider the issues affecting both cyclists and pedestrians. Currently cyclists jink in and out between traffic and are a menace to other road users. In many cases they have been the cause of accidents, in particular motor cyclists.
Will the Minister consider measures to deal with both cycling and pedestrian issues. I understand this Bill deals with Dublin, but we also need the issue of the safety of pedestrians on rural roads to be dealt with. Pedestrians take their lives in their hands on some roads. I have noticed that some towns have ring road footpaths for walkers, including Longford where there is a mile and a half long footpath alongside the N4. Anybody passing this route will see up to 20 people using the footpath for walking. This is the sort of facility we need so that people can walk in comfort and safety.
The Minister must deal with the issues relating to cycle lanes and with the behaviour of cyclists. Some of the cycle lanes currently in Dublin City are only a joke. They exist in name, but are abused by everybody.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I thank all the Senators who contributed on this. I accept the point being made with regard to the importance of cycling and walking. It is important we keep both issues together. I accept the principle of Senator Donohoe’s proposal with regard to cycling, but we need to include both issues. Section 71(7) makes provisions with regard to cycling and walking and we will consider strengthening those provisions in light of this amendment. I will also take another look at this section to see if we can strengthen it.
I am anxious not to oblige the DTA to develop a raft of different strategies. I will, therefore, see if I can consolidate the provisions on cycling and walking in either section 11 or section 71. I accept the principle of the amendment.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I thank the Minister for his response. He has acknowledged that we are providing for many different modes of transport. I want to ensure that cycling is specifically mentioned as one of these. He made a fair point that we need to ensure the new organisation is not overloaded with too many priorities that could conflict with each other. However, it is important that cycling is mentioned, particularly in light of the lack of integration in other bodies, if the strategy is to work. If the DTA is about anything, it is about integration.

Senator David Norris: Senator Donohoe is very gracious, but I am inclined to be more combative on his behalf. The Minister said he accepts the principle of the amendment, but does not want the DTA overburdened. That tells me that nothing will be done. There is a conflict between not wishing to burden the authority with extra proposals and saying he will consider strengthening the proposals in section 11 or section 71.
The problem is that the coherence of cycle lanes has not been effectively addressed in Dublin. If the DTA will not do it, who will? Or is it the case that nobody will do it and it will remain just an aspiration? If the Minister thinks that to include this as part of the brief of the new authority would be too burdensome, this means he does not wish to burden it with the responsibility. The inevitable consequence of that is that it is unlikely to be done. It certainly will not be done with the speed or efficiency this House seems to want.
I urge the Minister, if he believes in developing this area, to include the provision in a firm manner. If to do it is considered too burdensome, it will not be done and we all know that. We should be open and honest about the issue and say we will either do it or not. If we are to do it, there is no harm in including the provision in the Bill.

Senator John Ellis: Perhaps the Minister could consider dealing with this on Report Stage. There is consensus on the issue here. I know there is no amendment to cover the issues as we have raised them today. Will the Minister, therefore, consider bringing in something on Report Stage that will encompass our aspirations?

Deputy Noel Dempsey: Senator Norris misinterpreted what I said about not burdening the DTA with a huge number of strategies. This does not mean I think there should not be a cycling and walking strategy, but I have reservations about including separate cycling, walking, QBC, strategies and so on. If the Senator looks at section 71(1) he will see that provision is being made for agreements between local authorities for quality bus corridors, cycle lanes and so on.
The principle behind the amendment and behind the ideas put forward here is that Senators want cycling and walking to be explicitly mentioned in the Bill. I undertake, either in section 11 or section 71, to emphasise that. I accept the principle and the spirit of the amendment before us.

Senator David Norris: Could the Minister direct me to the specific provision in section 71? I am looking at it but cannot see it. I am sure the Minister is correct and it is there. Could I have his assistance because I do not see cycling mentioned there?

Deputy Noel Dempsey: It is section 71(7).

Senator David Norris: I thank the Minister.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: My understanding of what the Minister said is that on Report Stage he will come back and either in section 11 or section 71 make specific reference to the need to facilitate cycling and walking strategies in the greater Dublin area. If that is what the Minister is saying I am happy to withdraw this amendment.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: We will have it in the Bill, although possibly in some other suitable section.

Senator David Norris: I have looked at the section to which the Minister drew my attention and 71(7)(c) refers to measures to “increase travel by public transport, bicycle or on foot as an alternative to the private car”. I would like the Minister to come back, as Senator Ellis said, on Report Stage with something that deals with one of the central points of the issue, namely, the lack of coherence in cycle lanes. That is definitely not in section 71(7)(c) at all, which refers only to increasing bicycle traffic.
One could meet the requirements of this Bill by increasing unsafe cycling. We must direct attention to the provision of fully coherent cycle lanes. Deputy Ellis emphasised my point that one often finds cycle lanes ending at a traffic light, where the road goes on. What do cyclists do? Do they get off their bicycles and get on a bus, packing up the bicycles and putting them on the roof? That is what we are getting at.
I am grateful to the Minister for his help but section 71(7)(c) just talks about an increase in cycling, not about the safety of cyclists and the coherence of cycle lanes. It must refer to these. I am happy to leave the amendment. It would be an impertinence for me to press Senator Donohoe’s amendment, but I urge the Minister to come back to me on Report Stage with an amendment that addresses the specific point of the provision, coherence and safety of cycle lanes in the city of Dublin. That is not addressed by the section to which the Minister very kindly drew my attention.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 8:

In page 14, subsection (1), between lines 37 and 38, to insert the following:

”(e) provide and issue licenses under the Road Transport Act 1932 for public transport operators operating within the GDA.”.
This is one of the most important issues related to this legislation. The amount of power this organisation will have for dealing with transport strategy and needs in Dublin will be immense. If I look at the amount of time we have spent during my short time in this House talking about organisations such as the HSE or the NRA a number of themes consistently emerge. The first theme is the lack of accountability such organisations have to Members of this House. The second theme is the non-existence of a role for elected politicians in any of these organisations. There would be much consensus among different Members on these points on accountability and the role of politicians. The third issue, which this amendment is about, is the need for competition. There will probably be much less unanimity on this point than on the other two points I have made. I will still press the amendment as it is very important to commuters in Dublin and their needs.
I propose this amendment on two grounds. The first is a very practical point. Reports that have been done on the transport needs of the greater Dublin area, whether work by the Dublin Transportation Office or the more recent draft report produced by the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Transport which is in circulation in the media, point to the fact that an additional 350 buses are needed for the Dublin area. They also point to the fact that bus investment has been the loser in the capital investment decisions by this Government over the last number of years. Investment has gone to projects such as the Luas and metro. Despite this, bus transport is still the most popular form of transport in the area about which we are talking. The organisation that provides it, Dublin Bus, does not have Government funding to provide the additional 350 buses, at a minimum, that will be needed to deal with commuting issues in the Dublin area.
My second reason for proposing this amendment is more policy driven than the first. I strongly believe competition is needed to meet the transport issues we are dealing with. We have much bus capacity directly funded by the taxpayer. That is a good thing and should stay, although it will go out to tender based on EU law. However, the best way to ensure that capacity is well used and taxpayers’ money is well spent is if the people who are spending that money and providing that service know there is an alternative out there for the passenger to use and that it is feasible that if they do not do their job well, that job will be given to somebody else. It is important we clarify that the Dublin transport authority has a role to play in introducing and leading greater competition in the bus market in the Dublin area for the policy rationale I have outlined and also on the practical grounds that the money to meet the pressing needs of Dublin’s commuters does not and will not come from the Exchequer.
In making this point I do not propose complete deregulation of the bus market. I lived in London for many years and saw the mess made of the bus market there because of the decision to completely deregulate and hand it over to a number of competing companies. However, there are other models, as the Minister is aware, that allow the private sector to play a role in providing bus services in line with a public sector that also provides services. I cannot see why this organisation should not have the power to say it wants to provide new radial routes for the greater Dublin area - routes that go around the city as opposed to linear ones that go through it - and allow the private sector to put a case on why it can provide that service well. It could ask Dublin Bus to do the same and if the private sector can do a better job, it should hand that business over.
Many services in operation are provided by the private sector - the Swords route is the one with which people are most familiar. There are also services near Dublin Airport which operate in a kind of limbo as we wait for the legislation on the Road Transport Act 1932 to be cleared up. I would like this legislation to be amended to state that competition has a role to play in providing additional services and ensuring taxpayers’ money is well spent.
Competition is the spur that will deliver this as opposed to the Minister, as he is doing, commissioning a report to see how taxpayers’ money is being spent through Dublin Bus and other organisations. We cannot have a model that means every couple of years we commission another centralised report to see how this money is being spent. We need to allow the dynamic forces of competition to operate within a regulated model to ensure the taxpayers’ money is well spent and that Dublin commuters get good, new services and better use of existing ones.

Senator Fiona O’Malley: I congratulate the Minister on his reappointment. I am pleased he was reappointed to this position as he has a reputation as a reformer, which is what we need in this area. I also like it when consensus breaks out in politics, which is why I encourage the Minister to consider the point made by Senator Donohoe. One cannot argue with it. We must recognise that competition is an important factor in the development of our transport service. As Senator Donohoe eloquently explained, it is about improving commuter services to the public. The Minister himself has mentioned the urgency of the requirement to review the Road Transport Act 1932, which was, after all, established to restrict bus services in competition with the railways. That was its effect. I encourage the Minister to recognise the fact that the overhaul of the 1932 Act is a vital necessity for the development of bus services in the Dublin area and throughout the country.
I will speak further on this issue when discussing later amendments where it will be more relevant. However, it does worry me that the effect of this Bill, or sections of it, will not be fully effective in the absence of a review of the 1932 Act. This would neuter somewhat the Minister’s determination to develop a good public transport sector and particularly, but not exclusively, the bus service. There are many providers who can provide services in Dublin and should be allowed to do so. Senator Donohoe’s amendment recognises this. I hope that in an area such as public transport, in which we are trying - for a variety of reasons, including traffic congestion and climate change - to develop a more efficient system, we can achieve a political consensus. There is only one way to provide better services and that is to allow more buses on various routes.
I agree with Senator Donohoe’s point about deregulation of markets and learning from the experiences of other jurisdictions. We should not make the same mistakes that were made in other areas. I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say on this issue and I hope he will consider an amendment similar to that put down by Senator Donohoe. We must aim to develop a better service for commuters and the Bill will be enforced and strengthened as a result of its inclusion.

Senator David Norris: Speaking as an old-fashioned socialist, albeit one about whom the odour of champagne and smoked salmon occasionally lingers, I was concerned about the first part of Senator Donohoe’s speech. However, I rather warmed to him when he recounted his experience in London and his hesitation about deregulation. I would not like to think this Bill was the opening shot in a campaign to privatise CIE, Bus Éireann and other companies. I like the idea of public service and public utility.
We heard on the Order of Business this morning about the importance of community. I do not believe competition should be allowed to become the little tin god totem it is widely viewed as in this society. That is one of the things that is wrong with this society. It does not surprise me that my good friend Senator O’Malley, from the Progressive Democrats, should optimistically detect consensus in this area. I hope there is not too much consensus because such worship of the false god of competition is one of the problems of public life in Ireland. I am interested in the provision of good services, as is everybody else.

Senator Fiona O’Malley: Indeed.

Senator David Norris: However, that includes a social aspect. I know in her heart Senator O’Malley also supports this.
With regard to the provision of extra buses, they may be necessary, but certainly not in O’Connell Street, as has been mentioned. One could not get another bus into O’Connell Street. The buses are end-to-end. One can hardly squeeze in a taxi. The buses are lined up on the street, they pull in to bus stops, and then they hold up and entire line of traffic.
Senator Donohoe raised a sort of false dichotomy when he invoked the various elements of public transport - buses, metro, trains and so on - and then said that buses were the most popular type of public transport. Of course they are. They are the only method available for most of the city. It is not credible to say that people have chosen bus over metro in the absence of a metro service. The metro does not exist. The population of Dublin would overwhelmingly opt for the metro if it were available. It is by far the best system.
I would like to see every bus out of O’Connell Street. They pollute the place and they make it unhealthy and dangerous for pedestrians. If we consider the way the paving and markings are laid out in the central piazza, it is a wonder nobody has been killed there by a bus. I would like to see the buses out of there. However, this will have to wait until there is a proper and full metro service.
I would not like to see a situation in which, as Senator Donohoe accepts, Bus Éireann is not given money for extra buses. I have heard the Minister speak on this issue before - I am not sure whether it was in this House or on the radio - and he gave some reasons he did not provide money to CIE for extra buses. I would not like to think that the Minister would starve CIE of buses and then undercut it through the private sector.
I want to signal that even if I am alone in this, I am against making a god out of competition. I am against deregulation and the privatisation of our public transport system. Let us make it better and more efficient and ruthlessly pare out whatever fat there may be, but I want to live in a society in which we provide services for our citizens and not one in which services are provided to allow individuals to make a profit.

Senator Fiona O’Malley: They are not mutually exclusive.

Senator David Norris: As a community we should provide public services out of public funds.

Senator John Ellis: We have an awkward problem here. If we have full deregulation, people will take up licences and try to run businesses on routes that are unsustainable. This is the first issue we will run into and it will cause serious problems. At present, a number of operators provide services into the city from outside. Will an operator be obliged to seek a second licence from the DTA rather than using his or her original licence under the 1932 Act? This is something we need to consider in the context of this Bill. I would not like to see the doors opened so that anybody can get a licence without giving a commitment to provide a long-term service. The provision of a short-term service might cause other operators to abandon a route, so that when the short-term operator leaves the route we will end up with no service.
We could also end up with a situation such as that which exists currently in the area of taxi licensing. We have gone from one extreme to the other. Every time one gets into a taxi the driver tells one that business has gone through the floor, and if he knows where one is going one will get twice the earful. We should err on the side of caution when it comes to the issuing of licences. There should be strict control and, if at all possible, the issuing of licences should be left to one body rather than having two or three groups involved. If it is everyone’s business it will be no one’s business in the end. There will be neither consistency nor viable routes.

Senator Brendan Ryan: We will not be supporting this amendment. Obviously we have differences with Fine Gael on policy matters regarding the licensing of buses and so on. It is not appropriate that policy matters as important as this should be dealt with in a Bill which is designed to set up the Dublin Transport Authority. By all means let us have a debate about deregulation and transport in general but let that be in an open sense rather than in one section of a Bill such as this.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I thank the Senators for their contributions to this debate. To a certain extent I echo what Senator Ryan said. Under Transport 21 we have included in the programme for Government a commitment to improving bus services by reforming the bus licensing provisions under the Road Transport Act 1932. We aim to facilitate optimum provision of services by providing a level playing field for all the market participants, public and private. It is my intention that, following the enactment of the Dublin Transport Authority Bill, the Government would bring forward a Bill on public transport regulation to reform the licensing system of 1932. If there was ever a consensus on anything, perhaps for different reasons on different sides, it is that the 1932 Act must be reformed and changed. I had to give priority to one piece of legislation and this is the one which has received it. I assure Members of the House that the Government intends to follow this with a public transport regulation Bill. In that context it would be inappropriate to pre-empt a major review of that existing legislation by giving powers to the authority at this time to issue licences under the existing arrangements. Everyone agrees that they are outdated and unresponsive and we have had some good examples of that recently.
The proposed Bill on public transport regulation will deal with the replacement of the Road Transport Act 1932 and the elements of the Transport Act 1958 that relate to the provision of bus services by State bus companies. Under that legislation the bus licensing regime will be designed in a manner consistent with the new EU public service obligations, PSO, that will come into force in December 2009. It will apply to all commercial bus services, including those provided by Bus Éireann and Dublin Bus. It will also provide new criteria regarding a system of penalties and this will offer appropriate deterrent for breaches of the licensing system by those considering application. As a replacement of the 1932 Act, the legislation put forward by Government will be, in general terms, a contract with the providers of transport. The contracts will contain certain stipulations and criteria that must be met. People will compete at that level for the business whether via funded services or commercial ones. Until that time the Bill before the House will allow contracts to be put in place over the next few years with the existing public transport providers in the greater Dublin area - Bus Éireann, Bus Átha Cliath and Iarnród Éireann - for services already in operation.
With regard to public transport I am no believer in privatisation or in competition for the sake of it. I have neither ideological hang-ups nor an agenda about this. I have said as much to unions and to the management of the companies involved. I have two responsibilities. One is to try to provide a safe, efficient, economical and good quality customer service for all consumers in the greater Dublin area who want to use public transport or transport in general. I have said to management and unions in the public transport companies - Bus Éireann and so on - that my other responsibility as Minister is to ensure we get absolute value for money for the very substantial amounts of taxpayers’ money put into the system. I am not prepared to have a situation where taxpayers’ money is fed into a public transport system that is inefficient, has bad work practices and which does not deliver a quality customer service. I do not say that is what we have at the moment but the reason I have asked the review to be undertaken is to see how well we are utilising the capacity we have. Are there practices and efficiencies that would improve it? Are there things that we must do regarding current routes, for instance? Might they be subvented in certain cases where at present they are not and are therefore causing problems for Bus Éireann or Bus Átha Cliath? On the other hand, might there be routes being subvented that do not require it because they are commercial? We must ensure we have all this information before we make final decisions in this regard.
I agree with the sentiments expressed by almost all speakers in the House, whether or not they advocated competition, as to the merits of having a public transport system that is efficient and effective and which gives a good quality customer service. I have read much literature since coming to this office that urged blanket privatisation and the throwing open of everything to competition. That is not the solution. There must be a balance and we intend to keep that. The existing routes that Bus Éireann and Bus Átha Cliath operate will be signed up for by contract, with criteria ordaining what must be delivered. Under EU PSO regulation that contract will be available for five years, subject to review after that period. In that way we can ensure we will get the efficiency, effectiveness and value for money. The other side of this, as I said to Senator Donohoe, is that operators can and are willing to provide services on a commercial basis in the greater Dublin area. We will encourage that and will continue to issue licences for this. We will try to ensure the situation continues in this way in the interim.
When we talk about competition, I have a concern. I know from speaking to unions and workers in Bus Éireann and Bus Átha Cliath that we must have a level playing field. I believe strongly that if we were to throw the market open completely or even move in that direction, the one thing we would have to guard against is the competition we talk about being brought about on the backs of people who work in transport. In other words, I do not want private companies coming in that will pay half wages or less than minimum wages to people if they can get away with it. Neither do I want companies that will offer inferior working conditions and so be able to compete with a public transport company on that basis.

Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: That is the difference in their profit.It is something against which I want to guard.
I ask the Senator to withdraw the amendment. It is not particularly appropriate at this stage, but I assure him that the general intent is to provide a public transport system of which we can all be proud. Where it is possible, we should provide commercial routes and competition on those routes.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I thank the Minister for his response. I will comment on some of the points made by my colleagues during the discussion on this amendment. The operation of competition and trying to advance the needs of our society are not incompatible. I make this point in some trepidation because I am clashing with my eloquent and experienced colleague, Senator Norris. However, the idea that those who sit on the left - even if it is the left that is occasionally associated with champagne and salmon, as the Senator mentioned - have a monopoly over the idea of social justice is one that I reject. I am doing this because I am trying to help people in our society who may be less well off and to ensure that the services available to everybody can be improved. I strongly believe that competition can play a role in this.
In 1997, we were spending €20 billion funding services for the taxpayer. We are now spending €54 billion, yet we are still pointing to the deficiencies within those services. We must acknowledge that our ability to deliver such quantum increases in the future will not be as great as it was in the past. In the right framework, competition is the antidote to this.
Another issue on which we will spend time talking is inflation. How will we deal with that if it is not through ensuring that competition plays a proper role in some sectors of our society? The idea that competition and social progress are contradictory or inconclusive-----

Senator David Norris: It is not always, but it frequently can be so.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: -----is something with which I strongly disagree. Competition can play an appropriate role at times in ensuring that the needs of our entire community and society can be met. I have great respect for Senator Norris and the points that he has made about this Bill and the Senate. If we do not make these points now about this authority and this Bill, then the train will leave the station. This organisation will have extraordinary power to deal with many of the issues we are facing here. The ability to deliver competition can and should play a role in meeting the needs of Dublin’s commuters.
In saying all that, I agree entirely with the point made by the Minister a moment ago. I do not want such competition to be at the expense of people who are working in some of the organisations that might come in here in the future. I do not want to see people being paid a fraction of the wages they need to look after their families and so on. However, the Booz Allen Hamilton report on subvention payments to Dublin Bus, commissioned by the Minister, pointed out that the company and others got more than €230 million of taxpayers’ money. In fairness, that report also stated that in many cases Dublin Bus is making great use of that money. From personal experience dealing with Dublin Bus in my constituency, I have found it to be a very professional and progressive organisation. Nonetheless, the point still stands. New services will be required that cannot be provided by Dublin Bus, so we should look elsewhere for them to be provided. In the new financial environment we are facing, it is vital that we have a spur of competition to ensure taxpayers’ money is well spent.
I am not advocating the kind of complete deregulation that is occasionally used to rubbish these arguments. We can see that is not working. We should set in place a framework to ensure the private sector is allowed to provide services to ensure that commuters can benefit and to ensure money is well spent. That is not tin pot competition nor does it represent an ideological approach to this issue. It is an attempt to come up with a model that will ensure our money is well spent in providing transport services and that the needs of commuters are better met than they are at the moment.

Senator Fiona O’Malley: I hope I do not hinder Senator Donohoe’s prospects when I say that he is a terrible loss to the Progressive Democrats Party.

Senator David Norris: Hear, hear.

Senator Fiona O’Malley: There is no point wasting time in repeating what he said, because I agree with every single word of it. We do not believe in privatisation or competition for their own sake. Things naturally need to be regulated and the public interest must be uppermost when doing so. That includes providing services from a variety of sources, including the private sector. We are advocating competition for routes in transport services, not on routes. That is an important distinction and explains what has gone wrong in other jurisdictions. We do not need to repeat those mistakes.
I understand the Minister’s point about the need to reform the Road Transport Act 1932. Will he consider delaying the order that brings into effect sections 47 to 56 of the Bill? These sections deal with issuing licences under the 1932 Act. Will he delay bringing these sections into effect until he has conducted this review? That is an important compromise. I accept his point that one Bill had to take priority. In our enterprising economy, we cannot have the type of statist, protectionist legislation represented by the 1932 Act. It is not viable in this day and age. By delaying these sections, we can get the effect of the positive things in this Bill while not being damaged by the restrictive practices that might be allowed to develop in enacting this section. The legislative programme for developing the transport sector might be somewhat disjointed. 1 o’clock
Senator Donohoe pointed out that there are positive aspects to competition. He was right. It is infuriating that some people constantly have the notion that competition is always bad. It is not bad. It delivers in all areas. It would be generous of people to recognise that there are positive aspects to competition. Would the Minister be disposed to deferring the introduction of the order to give effect to this section until the review of the 1932 legislation and amendments to it have taken place?

Deputy Noel Dempsey: The sections to which the Senator referred deal with the provision of public transport as it operates at present. The licensing regime for PSO regulated services does not apply to the commercial service, to which the Senator adverted, for example, in the case of an operator wishing to compete on a commercial basis. Those sections deal with the contracts that must be in place to provide largely subvented services in those areas. Therefore, it would not be practical simply to suspend that provision for whatever period would be required.
I believe the point the Senator is making the point that we should have competition on various routes. There will be open competition on routes other than the existing subvented routes, namely, the PSO routes, once this Bill is enacted.

An Cathaoirleach: Is the amendment being pressed?

Senator Paschal Donohoe: Yes.

Amendment put.
The Committee divided: Tá, 11; Níl, 29.



An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 9, 10 and 11 are related and will be discussed together.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 9:

In page 15, subsection (5)(c), line 28, after “GDA” to insert the following: “and local authority Development Plans and Local Area Plans in force in the GDA”.
I wish to congratulate the Minister, Deputy Noel Dempsey, on keeping his position as Minister for Transport, which I forgot to say earlier.

Senator John Ellis: We are all guilty of that.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I wish the Minister, Deputy Noel Dempsey, the best of luck for the rest of his term in office.
There are two separate issues covered by these amendments. I will deal with the work that local authorities do using local area plans and the master plans and then the issue of the jurisdiction of the greater Dublin area, GDA, and the work the authority will do.
One impressive aspect of this legislation is the way it deals with the integration of land use and planning with the provision of transport. The Minister, Deputy Noel Dempsey, has correctly pointed out the need for this and the legislation will allow that integration to happen. I move this amendment because many local authorities have been engaged in work on the preparation of local area plans which, as the Minister for Transport is aware, are part of the city and county development plans and make recommendations for particular areas. This legislation would be improved if we were to refer to the work and role of local area plans in the planning aspect of this legislation.
Take, for example, the work being done at the moment by Dublin City Council with the preparation of the draft Phibsborough/Mountjoy Local Area Plan. I raise this plan as it refers to the provision of additional Luas lines in future and the proposed metro north. The plan makes clear that the delivery of the objectives of the local area plan, which deals with sustainable community living and the need for good public transport, can only be realised if the public transport infrastructure is in place initially. Given that one of the reasons for this legislation is to integrate land use, planning and transport infrastructure, it would be improved if we made specific reference to the work of local authorities in developing local area plans. This applies whether the plans are placed on a statutory footing - in other words if they actually pass into law - or as in some cases, are still in draft stage and on the way to being passed. Such an improvement would deliver, on a local level, the integration the Minister for Transport seeks. This is the thinking behind the amendment.
Amendment No. 10 refers to the Grangegorman Development Agency which is the statutory body being established to deliver a new third level facility for Dublin and the country. The Bill refers to the strategic plan but the Grangegorman Development Agency will deliver both a strategic plan and a master plan. In fact, much of the work taking place in preparing the strategic plan for the delivery of the Grangegorman campus focuses on the delivery of the master plan as opposed to the strategic plan which is referred to in this legislation. My understanding is that the difference between the strategic and the master plans is that one of them looks at the area inside the cordon of the Grangegorman campus while the other is more conscious of the broader physical environment around the Grangegorman area. Just as there is reference to the Dublin Docklands Development Authority master plan, I believe the reference to the Grangegorman Development Agency would be improved if it were to say the strategic plan and the master plan, which are different instruments.
Amendment No. 11 refers to section 12(5)(h) and the trends and requirements of persons travelling from outside the greater Dublin area into the greater Dublin area. Given the amount of travel taking place inside the greater Dublin area which is the cause of many of the issues we need to deal with, this section of the Bill could be improved if the needs of people travelling within the greater Dublin area were considered as well as those of people travelling from outside the area into the area and vice versa. This is the thinking behind these amendments and I await the Minister’s response.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I thank the Senator for the points he has raised. With reference to Amendment No. 9, the preparation of a transport strategy is a high level process which covers all seven local authority areas in the greater Dublin area. In that context it is appropriate for the authority to consider the relevant development plans applicable to those areas. This is already provided for in section 12(5)(c) and is well catered for at county level. I do not think it is either feasible or a good idea to ask the authority to go dig below that, so to speak, and to have regard to each local area plan within each local authority area. I remember from my days as Minister for the Environment, Heritage and Local Government that the local area plan is supposed to be taken fully into account when designing a development plan as it is a subset of the development plan. There should be no likelihood of a local area plan being in conflict with a development plan and it would not happen. The Dublin Transport Authority will be required to take a strategic overview of seven local authority areas. County Meath, for example, could have 20 or 30 local area plans and it would be neither feasible, practical nor a good thing for the authority to examine each one. I ask the Senator to withdraw the amendment because it is not necessary. The spirit of the amendment is more than catered for in this section of the Bill.
The Grangegorman Development Agency is carrying out a master plan but it is not required by legislation to do so. The legislation requires it to carry out a strategic plan. For this reason the Bill contains a reference to the strategic plan. There is no statutory requirement for the agency to carry out a master plan but when doing the strategic plan, it will be required to take this Bill into account. I have no difficulty with the concept of the Senator’s amendment No. 10 but there is no reference to a master plan so it cannot be included in this legislation. I ask the Senator to withdraw this amendment.
With regard to amendment No. 11, the purpose of section 12(5)(h) is to give effect to that recommendation of the DTA establishment team that the authority should be required to take account of longer distance travel trends in discharging its functions without being obliged to facilitate them. The shorter we can make commuting journeys and the more they can be eliminated, the better. I see the Senator’s point about internal travel. Having considered it, the Senator’s amendment would probably be better accommodated by the amendment of section 12(5)(f) to require the authority to have regard to demographic, social ,travel and social trends in the greater Dublin area. If the Senator is willing to withdraw the amendment, I will undertake to bring an amendment on Committee Stage in the Dáil that meets the intent. I propose an amendment at that time to require the authority to have regard to the demographic, economic, social, travel and transport trends in the greater Dublin area which will meet the intent of the Senator’s amendment.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I thank the Minister for his reply. I take his point regarding amendment No. 9. He is correct to say that we should not be in a situation where a local area plan would be in conflict with a city or county development plan. The thinking behind this amendment was in tandem with delivery of local area plans to try to deliver integration of land use and transport and it therefore was considered worthy of inclusion in the Bill.
With regard to the strategic and master plan point about the Grangegorman Development Agency, the important consideration for me is that the Dublin Transport Authority should be aware of the transport needs which the creation of this campus will place on the north side of Dublin. If that point is recognised by the wording in the Bill, then it will be acceptable to me. I hope one of the priorities of the new body will be the recognition of the issues and challenges and taking action to do something about them.
With regard to amendment No. 11, I am happy to accept the Minister’s point and I look forward to his proposed modification on Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments Nos. 10 and 11 not moved.
An Cathaoirleach: Amendments Nos. 12 and 16 are cognate and may be discussed together by agreement.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 12:

In page 16, subsection (8), line 7, after “with” to insert “and have regard to the proposals of”.
This amendment refers to one of themes we discussed earlier. A recurring theme in the discussions that have taken place in the short period I have been a Member of the Seanad is the question of where all the power has gone. We are faced with very severe problems and challenges regarding the transport needs of this region and the environmental challenges for the country. Our electorate and our country is looking for us to respond to these issues and to understand them. The section currently provides that this authority shall prepare a transport strategy and consult with the specified bodies and persons.
Many of these organisations and people, particularly the local authorities and Ministers who are specified, have been elected by their constituents to perform specific roles which often include improving the transport infrastructure in an area and devising a transport strategy that tackle the issue faced by communities. I am concerned that the language in regard to consulting could get us to a point that this authority would look at the input received from the organisations, particularly that from elected representatives, and then do something completely different, which is possible, or something that does not meet the needs of the bodies specified.
My amendments Nos. 12 and 16 seek to insert the phrase “and have regard to any proposals made by” in the relevant subsections. Bodies such as the Dublin Docklands Development Authority, Grangegorman Development Agency and the local authorities have a superb grasp of the needs of the particular sectors or communities they represent. There must be some obligation on the Dublin transport authority to respond to and take account of the points made by these organisations as opposed to merely participating in a consultation process. We must not allow a situation to develop where local authorities and Members of the Oireachtas find that the Dublin transport authority is merely engaged in a sham process and is taking no account of the issues raised by them.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: We always strive to ensure legislation is as accurate and precise as possible. However, there is always a danger, as much on the Government’s part as on that of the Opposition, of taking an unnecessarily prescriptive approach. The entire thrust of the legislation is to ensure, via a process of consultation, that full account is taken of the various interested parties. The Senator has acknowledged that the legislation provides for a level of consultation and interplay between the various agencies. That is extremely important.
In general, bodies such as the proposed Dublin transport authority do not engage in consultation for the fun of it only to ignore the opinions furnished. I recognise this is not what Senator Donohoe implied. As I said, there is a danger of being overly prescriptive. Rather than getting into an ideological battle over this, and if the Senator is prepared to withdraw the amendments, I propose returning to this on Report Stage. I envisage an amendment to insert a wording such as “will consult with and consider the views of the various bodies and agencies”. That would address Senator Donohoe’s concerns.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I am prepared to withdraw these amendments on the understanding that the Minister will deal with this on Report Stage. My objective is to ensure that the consultation process between the transport authority and the various agencies is meaningful and will influence the authority’s decisions. The Minister’s suggestion is welcome.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Acting Chairman (Senator Kieran Phelan): Amendments Nos. 13, 17 and 61 are related and may be discussed together by agreement.

Senator Brendan Ryan: I move amendment No. 13:

In page 16, subsection (8), line 12, after “GDA” to insert the following:

“and in particular shall invite public submissions on the transport strategy”.
These amendments refer to the need for public consultation on the transport strategy, integrated implementation plan and traffic management plan, respectively. They are designed to ensure that a formal process of public submissions will occur, as currently happens with development plans, rather than selected consultations with interested parties, as set out in section 12 (8). Notwithstanding the reference to local communities, I ask the Minister to accept these amendments which provide specifically for an invitation to the public for submissions on the transport strategy, integrated implementation plan and traffic management plan.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I support these amendments. Senator Ryan’s proposals reflect what has already been initiated by the Department in terms of consultation on a sustainable travel strategy. It is important to listen to the views of communities and individual commuters on how the issues they face can best be tackled. The strategy document the Minister has put out for public consultation will prompt many interesting responses. It would be good to see the transport authority taking the same approach and being similarly cognisant of the needs of the people it is supposed to serve.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I agree there must be adequate and appropriate consultation on these important matters. The Bill sets out the basis for consultation by the Dublin transport authority when preparing a transport strategy, integrated implementation plan and traffic management plan. In each case, the authority is required to consult with local communities and transport users. Thus, the legislation already provides for what is sought by Senator Ryan in these amendments.
However, if the Senator is prepared to compromise, I might do likewise. I am concerned that the wording could be interpreted as allowing anyone the right to make oral submissions and so on. If the Senator is amenable, I am prepared to bring forward an amendment on Report Stage to insert the words “shall invite written public submissions” in each case.

Senator Brendan Ryan: I am willing to withdraw the amendment on that basis.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 14:

In page 16, lines 37 to 43, to delete subsection (12) and substitute the

following:

”(12) The Minister may, in relation to a draft transport strategy submitted to him or her-

(a) approve the draft,

(b) approve it with modifications,

(c) instruct that it be resubmitted to him or her in a modified form for approval, or

(d) refuse to approve it.

In all cases the Minister shall present the draft transport strategy to a Committee of the Oireachtas for approval.”.
This amendment goes to the heart of the theme I discussed earlier, which is how to make the Dublin transport authority accountable to the Houses of the Oireachtas and to ensure Members have an opportunity to make their views known to the authority at a timely point in the development of the transport strategy and other work in which it will be engaged. The legislation, as it is laid out, correctly identifies the pivotal role of the Minister in reviewing the proposed transport strategy of the Dublin Transport Authority and in having an opportunity to amend, reject or improve it. However, it is important that Members of the Oireachtas have the opportunity to look at what the DTA proposes, to understand it, to question the DTA and to put forward their own ideas on how what it proposes should be amended or improved. I think back to the earlier discussion on the amendment about the different organisations that would be consulted. Nowhere in the list of those organisations did it mention the Members of the Oireachtas. It is Members who are elected to deal with the issues that the DTA will be a tool for dealing with.
Amendment No. 14 is about the distinction between the DTA being a powerful organisation that will make big decisions for the commuters and people of Dublin and the authority’s accountability. It is about the people who are privileged enough to be elected to either the Seanad or the Dáil having an opportunity to sit down with the decision makers in the DTA and to speak to them about their views of the strategy and their experiences as elected representatives. The people who elect us expect nothing less. It is because that capacity does not exist in other issues, in health, for example, that we end up with public policy decisions not being made in a way that is beneficial to our communities and to those whom we serve.
The Minister may point to section 12(13) which refers to a copy of the transport strategy being laid before each House of the Oireachtas. We deserve far more than the strategy being laid before the Houses. We should have an opportunity to discuss it and to put our points to the people who make the decisions. That would not in any way undermine the Minister’s executive power ultimately to decide on the strategy and what the DTA will do. Surely he can recognise that everyone in the Oireachtas, whether that is Senator Ellis, Senator Ryan or me, should have an opportunity to make our points of view known and to influence the strategy. We acknowledge that the Minister will ultimately decide, but there should be some recognition that other public representatives have to try to do their job on the transport needs of their communities. Amendment No. 14 would at least give them the opportunity to put their points across.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: This is one amendment that I have a difficulty with, precisely for the reason that Senator Donohoe outlined - the division of responsibility between the Oireachtas and Ministers. Amendment No. 14 would transgress the boundary between the functions of Government and the oversight role of the Houses of the Oireachtas. It would step over the line.
I take Senator Donohoe’s point on democratic accountability. I was criticised by a well-known columnist because the term “the Minister” is mentioned so often in the Bill, but I was very conscious of the necessity to ensure there is accountability, and at the end of the day it is the Minister who is accountable. It is up to Members of the Oireachtas, whether in this House, the other House or the committees, to hold Ministers accountable for their failures. I have never heard of anyone being hauled before a committee to praise them for any success, but we will leave that to one side.
Senator Donohoe’s amendment would transgress the boundary between the two functions, but I am anxious to see whether we can accommodate such scrutiny. I agree with him that a high level of scrutiny should be prepared. I am not sure whether we need to amend the legislation to do that, but I will consider the point. However, the Senator should remember that the Minister and the DTA are accountable to the House and the DTA is fully accountable to the Minister. The Bill incorporates an elaborate and detailed framework that is designed to ensure maximum democratic accountability. I could give Members a list of those provisions, including the appointment of chairpersons and so on.
Senator Donohoe could resubmit the amendment, but through the Joint Committee on Transport, the Houses of the Oireachtas will have the power to summon the DTA. As individual public representatives, Senators and Deputies will have the right also to make their views known as the strategy is developed, although I know this is not quite what the Senator is getting at with the amendment. His concern is to make the authority accountable to the House.
I will consider whether it is necessary to include in the Bill a provision that the draft strategy should be brought before the Joint Committee on Transport for its observations or views as the strategy is prepared or finalised. That might meet Senator Donohoe’s concern without breaching the boundary between the functions of Government and the oversight role of the Houses of the Oireachtas. It may be feasible as the Bill is currently drafted, but if not I will let him know we are tabling an amendment.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I thank the Minister for his response. I understand the powers of the office he is privileged to hold, and I understand the need to ensure power is sovereign and not diluted in any way. However, he outlined that the structure of the Dublin Transport Authority being accountable to the Minister and the Minister being accountable to the Oireachtas equalled the DTA being accountable to the Oireachtas. I wonder whether that analogy was made when, for example, the National Roads Authority or the Health Service Executive were set up and the argument was used to say that there was therefore accountability. It is apparent to everyone that that is not the case in many areas. Amendment No. 14 would provide a mechanism for those who sit on the Joint Committee on Transport or who want to attend its meetings to input contribute to the strategy and review it as it is developed and presented to the Minister.
I appreciate the Minister’s comment that he will look at the legislation to see whether the role of the Oireachtas committee can be included differently from how it is at the moment. I will do the same myself because I want to press the point to ensure those who are lucky enough to be elected to the Oireachtas have an opportunity to talk in detail to the individuals in the DTA.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 12 agreed to.
SECTION 13.
Amendments Nos. 15 to 17, inclusive, not moved.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 18:

In page 18, subsection (9), line 17, after “it” to insert “with specified target timelines for delivery”.
The Government, in particular, will be held to account by the Opposition in the coming years on the issue of ensuring that where large sums of taxpayers’ money are spent on projects, those same projects are delivered on time and within budget. I remember clearly when the Minister launched the overview of Transport 21 that he not only acknowledged that many of the projects within it were behind target in terms of delivery, he also did not want to commit to new targets for the deliver of those projects.
Given the importance of this infrastructure, which we all acknowledge and which this Bill is designed to ensure is delivered in a more timely manner, it is imperative the DTA and the people involved be held to account for the work they seek to do. Targets and dates must be set out for the delivery of plans and strategies agreed to by the Minister. This organisation will have power in terms of making decisions on bus routes and bus fares, dealing with many of the decisions the Rail Procurement Agency has been making and so on. It will be responsible for spending billions of euros of taxpayers’ money. If the DTA has all this new power, we expect it to set deadlines for the timely delivery of projects and strategies. It is imperative this legislation makes clear to the DTA our expectation that it will set targets for the delivery of major projects.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: The authority is required to prepare a six-year integrated implementation plan indicating all the specific actions to be implemented over the period of the plan. Clearly that plan also will have to identify the timeframe within which those actions will be undertaken within the six-year period. Accordingly, the intent of the Senator’s amendment is already met in the Bill itself.

Amendment put and declared lost.
Section 13 agreed to.
SECTION 14.
Acting Chairman: Amendments No. 19 and 20 are related and may be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Brendan Ryan: I move amendment No. 19:

In page 18, between lines 22 and 23, to insert the following subsection:

“(2) The chief executive of the Authority may attend at meetings of the Authority and speak but shall not be a member of the Authority.”.
The purpose of this amendment is to ensure appropriate standards of corporate governance are maintained. It is clearly preferable that there would be a separation between the governing board and the management in the form of a chief executive to ensure proper accountability. We suggest the chief executive may attend meetings of the authority and speak but will not be a member of the authority. This would be quite common in organisations in Ireland and elsewhere and is good practice. I ask the Minister to accept it.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I cannot accept this amendment because the trend is in the opposite direction. It is standard practice in recent years that at a minimum, the chief executive of an organisation sits on the managing board, in this case on the authority itself. As often as not, several of the senior directors of the organisations also have ex officio seats on the board. That is the model we are proposing here. It is important we bring the senior decision makers onto the board and that the board has the advantage of all the information or communication. We do not want an information or communications gap between the management and the board. It also develops a clear and single viewpoint on key strategic issues which is important for an organisation such as the DTA which has a major strategic role.
The Senator’s fear is that there may be a capture by the management of the authority. The effective counterbalance is to ensure there are other good strong directors with a spread of knowledge and expertise available about the business of the organisation so that they are able to maintain an independent view and engage with or challenge the management. Given that both issues are important, cohesion between management and board and countering the concern of a capture by management, it is important there would be very strong directors on the board. This is provided for in the Bill and I am wedded to this model at this stage. I ask the Senator to withdraw the amendment.

Acting Chairman: Is Senator Ryan aware that amendment No. 20 is being discussed with amendment No. 19?

Senator Brendan Ryan: Yes. One follows on from the other. I thank the Minister for his comments. I have a fear of the capture of the chief executive and the management in the form of the chief executive effectively being part of a group or club or whatever. I do not understand the Minister’s fears that there may be a loss of focus on the strategy if this issue were dealt with in line with our amendment. However, I will agree to withdraw the amendment on the basis that I may reintroduce it on Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 20 not moved.
Acting Chairman: Amendments Nos. 21 and 22 are related and may be discussed together by agreement. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Brendan Ryan: I move amendment No. 21:

In page 18, subsection (2)(d), line 35, to delete “from” and substitute the following:

“one of whom shall be an elected member of a local authority in the GDA nominated by local authorities in the GDA acting jointly, and the others being”.
I raised the issue when the Minister was in the House on the previous occasion that there is no public representative on the board of the GDA. I said I would table an amendment proposing at least one public representative on the board and this is what my amendment hopes to achieve. I ask that the Minister accept it. 2 o’clock

Senator David Norris: I support Senator Ryan on this issue. The section will require me to table further amendments because under the Bill, as it stands, elected members of all types are forbidden from sitting on the authority. This provision is wrong and a subversion of democracy. It is important to have people on the authority who can act as a channel of communication for the feelings of the public. This is particularly important for a local Dublin body. Surely the authority should include public representatives. I strongly support Senator Ryan’s amendment.

The section gives the Minister considerable power. As I recall, it was suggested the authority would have a degree of independence but the Minister will choose all its members and the section leaves significant scope for political appointments. The Minister may, under subsection (2)(d), appoint the “chairperson and 5 ordinary members, from persons who in the opinion of the Minister have wide experience in relation to transport, industrial, commercial, financial, land use planning or environmental matters, the organisation of workers or administration”. The subsection does not make a single mention of persons from existing transport organisations such as Bus Éireann, CIE and Iarnród Éireann. Surely the authority should have representatives of these bodies, given that they will deliver the service.
Unless the Minister has a reason which I would be interested to hear, it is odd that not one of the bodies charged with delivering a transport service in Dublin is specifically mentioned, although the Dublin city manager and others are mentioned. The Minister has a right to choose all other members of the authority independently. I have a high regard for the Minister’s integrity and do not believe he would appoint political jobbers but it is open to him to do so. At the same time, the Bill does not include a statutory requirement to appoint a person from any of the bodies involved in transport, although it is possible to do so.
The provision that five members will be appointed from eight sectoral areas means not every sectoral interest will be represented. The legislation does not require the appointment of anybody with wide experience of transport. The Minister could appoint persons from the areas of transport, industrial, commercial, financial, land use planning or environmental matters, the organisation of workers or administration. It is astonishing that it is not necessary to appoint a single person from the service providers. If the Minister has a reason for including this provision, it is opaque. My amendment seeks to provide that persons from the public transport authorities such as CIE, Iarnród Éireann and Dublin Bus should be statutorily involved in the authority as members.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I support Senator Ryan’s amendment. As I indicated, politicians must be involved in running the Dublin Transport Authority and holding it to account. The amendment is timely in the light of the proposals for a directly elected lord mayor of Dublin emanating from the Department of the Environment, Heritage and Local Government. If it were to transpire that the people of Dublin elected a lord mayor with the expectation that he or she would be able to make decisions on transport and other matters on their behalf, they would discover that the lord mayor was not entitled to sit on the authority.
The reason the amendment is needed is to ensure members of local authorities - the people charged with dealing with many of the local transport issues the new authority is being established to address - have a role in decision making. I hope that if we have a directly elected lord mayor, he or she will be entitled to sit on the authority. If the lord mayor is prevented from sitting on the decision making body for transport, the power of the office of lord mayor will not be credible in the eyes of the electorate and it will not be worthwhile establishing the role of directly elected lord mayor.
On Senator Norris’s amendment, while I await the Minister’s response with interest, the reason it is not proposed to appoint persons from the transport bodies to the board is that the powers of these organisations are to be significantly reduced. Virtually all the major decision making powers of CIE, Irish Rail and Dublin Bus will transfer to the Dublin Transport Authority, which means that if the latter does not like any of the service proposals made by the transport providers, it can decide to provide the service itself.

Senator David Norris: The section is worse than I thought.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: If Dublin Bus proposes to open a new bus route, the Dublin Transport Authority has the power to reject it and provide the service directly. The reason it is not proposed to appoint persons from these organisations to the board is that many of the powers they have traditionally wielded will be transferred to the Dublin Transport Authority. One reason for having these organisations represented on the authority is that they are about to undergo massive change which could result in the loss of staff and expertise. It is important, therefore, that the Minister and the Dublin Transport Authority motivate and direct these organisations.
I have been involved in many organisations which have undergone major institutional changes. One of the consequences of such change is that the expertise of such bodies is lost. In a couple of years, when I try to understand the reason certain decisions failed, we will conclude that we should have learned from the past. In the light of the imminent loss of power among the transport service providers, we must ensure they are represented on the authority. We must also ensure passengers or some of the private operators providing new services are also represented. I have tabled amendments to this end. Given that the board will make all the key decisions, surely we must examine whether it is appropriate that elected representatives and representatives of organisations providing transport services are not represented on it.

Senator John Ellis: On Second Stage I expressed abhorrence of the provision precluding local authority members from sitting on the authority. It is regrettable that section 40 prevents members of local authorities or either House of the Oireachtas from being a member of the authority. It is wrong to prevent elected representatives from sitting on such boards, particularly given that they are answerable to the electorate. This provision should be removed. Appointments should not be made to the authority for the sake of it but because those appointed have a genuine interest. They must also be accountable.
The Minister has always shown a positive attitude towards members of local authorities. I suggest removing the provision precluding members of local authorities from sitting on the authority. Practically every Bill coming before the House includes a similar provision. I ask the Minister to consider introducing an amendment on Report Stage to address this issue. It would go some way towards allaying Members’ fears in this regard. Local authority members who, like Oireachtas Members, are elected representatives are being excluded from a number of bodies to which they could make a constructive and positive contribution.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I am surprised Senator Norris and Senator Donohoe automatically assume that because I included the words “the Authority shall consist of a chairperson and 9 ordinary members” and that “five ordinary members, from persons who in the opinion of the Minister have wide experience in relation to transport, industrial, commercial, financial, land use planning or environmental matters, the organisation of workers or administration”, it would exclude somebody from CIE or Iarnród Éireann.

Senator David Norris: That is not what we said. It does not automatically include such people.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: Does Senator Norris know something about people in CIE, Iarnród Éireann and elsewhere which I do not know?

Senator David Norris: I do not. However, this does not automatically include such people.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: It does not, nor should it. One should allow the maximum possible discretion to pick the very best people for a board. I acknowledge what the Senator said about my efforts to try to do that at all times. That is why this is made as wide as possible.
Making the argument on the other side of that coin, if I end up with a board which has members from Iarnród Éireann, Bus Éireann, Bus Átha Cliath, the private transport sector and the Railway Procurement Agency, I will not have a very effective board because there will be a continuation of the turf wars we have had down through the years. A balance needs to be struck in this regard. I know Senators on all sides would agree that one cannot allow vested interests to dominate and paralyse a body.
This is a regulatory body which will be able to step in if Bus Éireann is not doing its job properly or if the RPA is not delivering a project properly, on time or within budget, as Senators mentioned. Can one imagine trying to use those powers with a company from the CIE group of companies if there were three members from the CIE group of companies on the board? Nothing here precludes me from appointing people with expertise to the board, including people who have an interest in, and a direct knowledge of, transport. For that reason, I will not accept the amendments.
I will not dwell on the point about local authority members. I take Senator Ellis’s point and section 40 deals with that. I am sympathetic to the view expressed by a number of Senators, especially Senator Ellis, on this automatic exclusion of local authority members from boards. They should be excluded from some boards but I would not have a strong view that they should be excluded from the board of this authority. Perhaps we will discuss that later when we come to section 40 rather delay the House at this point. However, I know Senator Ryan’s amendment states “one of whom shall be an elected member of a local authority”. There is nothing in this section to prevent that from happening. Perhaps the time to have the discussion on the amendment is when we come to section 40 where they are singled out for exclusion.
I refer to the other point made by Senator Ellis. Generally speaking, I would draw the line at local authority members being members of the boards of authorities and boards. Oireachtas Members have other pitches on which to play.
I ask the Senators to withdraw amendment No. 21, which will be dealt with when we come to section 40, and amendment No. 22, because I want the maximum freedom for whoever is Minister to appoint the best possible people rather than vested interests.

Senator Brendan Ryan: I have tabled an amendment to section 40 which essentially deals with the same issue. I will agree to the Minister’s request to deal with it at that stage. The principle of having an elected member on the board is important to me and the Labour Party. I hope the Minister will be able to address it in some way either here or later on.

Senator David Norris: Senator Ryan used the word “related”. The amendments are related but I am a little bit confused by the grouping because I would have thought amendment No. 20 should have been grouped with all the amendments to section 40 since they deal with membership by members of local authorities. It is very interesting that Senator Ellis, a former distinguished Chairman of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Transport, should have made this point, although I am sure the view is widespread.
I accept there are certain situations in which it is quite right to bar elected members but I do not believe this is one of them. I do not see any reason members of the Joint Committee on Transport should be automatically barred because they would provide a direct connection and that interface would be mutually beneficial. My amendments to section 40 also remove the ban on Members of the Oireachtas. The Minister is a bit delicate about that and perhaps we will argue about it when we get to that section.
The Minister talked about the need to get the best people. I hope that is not a suggestion that we do not have the best people running Bus Éireann. I hope at least one or two of them are pretty hot. If not, who is responsible for appointing them and why do we not get rid of them and put in the best people? We are entitled to get the best people to run these companies. However, I assume the best people are running them and that they are directly engaged and properly equipped to do so. I am not sure that is a completely satisfactory answer because if they are not the best people, what are they doing in these companies?
I am fairly concerned by what Senator Donohoe said in that if, for example, the Dublin transport authority does not like the way a bus route is run, it can start one of its own. To my mind, that would make a pig’s ear of the whole bloody Bill. It will be worse than the Health Service Executive. I do not see that as a runner, although perhaps it is and I am all over the place on this.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I agree with what the Minister said about the need to ensure the board is capable of overcoming any vested interests. Therefore, it is probably inappropriate that one would have chief executives from the different organisations on the board.

Senator David Norris: I did not mention chief executives. I said representatives of three of them.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: This states at least three. We need to ensure we find a way to retain the expertise in these organisations and that it is not lost in the transition to the Dublin transport authority. The Minister said this was a regulatory body but a later section in the Bill illustrates the potential for conflict. Not only is this a regulatory body but it also has the potential to be the provider of last resort, as I said earlier.There is potential here for conflict because at the end of a tendering process the body in the DTA setting the criteria under which the tender process takes place has the power to step in and say, “If those criteria are not met, we will provide the service ourselves.” If we want an organisation that is effective at combating the vested interests currently in Dublin transport bodies, we must ensure the DTA does not end up as a vested interest itself. I am concerned about this. It is vital, therefore, that the decisions we make with regard to who will be on the board of the DTA ensure this conflict of interest does not happen.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: The best way to ensure there is no conflict of interest within the board is to appoint the best people to the board. The section we are dealing with is not the best one to start specifying this or that person or representative of an organisation. Therefore, I ask the Senators to withdraw their amendments.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 22 not moved.
Section 14 agreed to.
Sections 15 and 16 agreed to.
SECTION 17.
Senator Brendan Ryan: I move amendment No. 23:

In page 21, subsection (4), lines 3 to 8, to delete paragraphs (a) and (b) and substitute the following:

”(a) one manager of a local authority within the GDA,

(b) 2 members of local authorities within the GDA in addition to the 4 members referred to in paragraph (d),”.
This amendment relates to the advisory council and makes a point similar to the points I made with regard to representation and having more elected members. The effect of the amendment would be to reduce the number of managers from local authorities on the advisory council and increase the number of elected local authority members by the same number. The aim is to increase the number of local authority members on the advisory council. I urge the Minister to consider accepting this amendment.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: It is extremely important to recognise that Dublin City is the core of the GDA and the capital city. Even as a Meath man I must recognise the pre-eminence of Dublin and its importance as a capital city. The purpose of this Bill is to ensure Dublin is a successful and accessible city, which is the key to much of the social and economic development of the wider GDA. On account of this, it is important that the manager of Dublin City should play a key role on the advisory council. Probably everyone would agree with that.
This Bill is not the sort of Bill that would deal with sharing jobs between the managers of the seven local authorities in the GDA. It is essential that the strategic importance of Dublin City and the need for it to be successful, not just for the GDA but for the country as a whole, are emphasised by having the city manager automatically a member of the authority so that his or her views can inform the thinking of the advisory council. For that reason it is also important to have the managers on the council.
I will reconsider the matter before Report Stage. In saying that, I do not foresee removing the Dublin City Manager, whatever about rebalancing managers and local authority members. I will consider that and may consider extending the numbers for Report Stage. I suggest the Senator should withdraw the amendment now and resubmit it on Report Stage when I may bring forward a further proposal on the matter.

Senator Brendan Ryan: On the basis that the Minister will consider the matter and, hopefully, come back with something the Labour Party can agree with, I will withdraw the amendment. The amendment suggests one manager of a local authority within the GDA. I know this could be any manager, but it does not preclude the possibility of its being the Dublin City manager.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Acting Chairman: Amendment No. 24 has been ruled out of order.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: Will the Chair verify for me that amendment No. 24 is out of order?

Acting Chairman: It is out of order because it involves a potential charge, but the Senator may raise the point when discussing the section.

Amendment No. 24 not moved.
Acting Chairman: Amendments Nos. 25 and 26 are related and will be discussed together. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 25:

In page 21, subsection (5)(a), line 23, after “movement,” to insert “and representatives from the private sector”.
I am prepared to withdraw amendment No. 25 so that we can look at the language for that on the next Stage. I want to focus now on amendment No. 26, the objective of which is to find some way of ensuring the passenger has a voice on the board. The Minister has already said that the scope of the legislation provides him with the capacity to review the expertise available and to pick people who have the relevant experience in making the right decisions for the board. I put forward this amendment because it is important that we find a way of ensuring that the people who use the services are represented on the board.
Because of the Minister’s bona fides in this matter, he may well seek to ensure there is a diversity of people and experience on the board. However, we have no idea who may take on the role of Minister for Transport at some point in the future -----

Senator John Ellis: The Senator should not tie his own hand here.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I have many hurdles to cross before considering any such role. Currently, however, I am a passenger on many of the services represented here. I want to ensure that the Minister is obliged to consider people using the services when selecting members of the board. Many of the representatives of groups such as Platform 21 or the rail users’ group have relevant experience of the services and we owe it to them to ensure they are considered for the board.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I do not disagree with the Senator, but the section as it stands does not preclude me or my successor from deciding to select a member of the advisory council from one of those consumer groups. I want to be as non-prescriptive as possible with regard to the people who will be selected for the advisory council. I want them to have expertise and to focus mainly on strategic directions. They will have a significant contribution to make to the development of the authority, the overall transport strategy, the integrated implementation plan and the strategic traffic management plan, none of which impinge directly on their rights as consumers.
I would not rule out people from the statutory consumer agencies or some members of NGOs in the area from being on the board. If one specifies particular groups, even if not by specific names, someone asks why one does not include other groups, the GEA, the ICA or whatever other group. I would prefer to leave it as open as it is for those two reasons, because when one names individual groups, people begin to ask why others were excluded, which I would not want to do, and because I will focus on people who can make a significant contribution to the development of the strategy, implementation plan and traffic management plan. Senator Donohoe has had a very good run on his amendments and I ask him not to press this one.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I will not press it but I ask that the Minister consider this point. The group that has least mention here is the passenger. I appreciate if the Minister and his Department could examine some of the provisions here on Report Stage and find a way of offering guidance to his successor that the passenger should be represented.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment No. 26 not moved.
Government amendment No. 27:

In page 23, subsection (14), line 5, to delete “and expenses” and substitute “for expenses”.
Deputy Noel Dempsey: This is just a technical, drafting amendment. The phrase “allowances for expenses” is used on two other occasions in the Bill and is the correct term to use in this instance.

Amendment agreed to.
Section 17, as amended, agreed to.

SECTION 18.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 28:

In page 24, subsection (3), line 10, after “shall” to insert “publicly”.
Again, the motivation behind this amendment is accountability. It seeks to ensure that those using the services the DTA will co-ordinate their activities and that those involved in trying to influence it, such as Members of the Oireachtas, have access to the information the board considers when it makes decisions. Given that we have spent quite some time discussing the role of the advisory council I ask the Minister to amend it to ensure that whatever guidance the advisory council offers, we have the opportunity to understand what it is. This way members of the community and public representatives can improve the contributions they make to the DTA and the suggestions they make about strategies it might want to adopt in future.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: The reality in the Bill as drafted is that the authority will first have to explain to the advisory council its reasons for refusing to accept a recommendation by the council. There is nothing to prevent the council from making that public or prevent an individual member of it from revealing the authority’s explanation if he or she wishes. Senator Donohoe’s interest in openness, transparency and accountability is met in the Bill. There is nothing to prevent any of that being made public. As those comprising the Joint Committee on Transport are Members of the Oireachtas they would have an opportunity to question the authority on advisory council recommendations it has not accepted.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 18 agreed to.
Section 19 agreed to.
SECTION 20.
Acting Chairman (Senator Cecilia Keaveney): Amendments Nos. 29 and 84 are related and may be discussed together by agreement.

Government amendment No. 29:

In page 25, lines 37 to 41, to delete subsection (8).
Deputy Noel Dempsey: I seek leave to withdraw both these amendments.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 20 agreed to.
Section 21 agreed to.
SECTION 22.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 30:

In page 26, subsection (2), line 40, after “Authority” to insert the following:

“but shall not exceed a percentage of the annual budget of the DTA to be specified by the Minister in regulations on approval from the Houses of the Oireachtas”.
We have much experience of outside bodies providing expertise and consulting services to the DTA or other bodies on how their jobs should be well performed. The thinking behind this amendment is that if we are establishing an organisation that is meant to pool the best expertise and thinking on transport and the needs of commuters in the Dublin region, there should be a similar decrease in its need to hire consultants or outside bodies to tell it what to do and how to do it. At times we have too much decision making by consultants. If we are going to establish an organisation that will have the best qualified people on the board, there should be a decrease in the amount of money that needs to be spent on consulting services this organisation will be able to procure.
This amendments seeks to give the Minister the power to cap the amount of money this organisation would spend on consulting services by expressing it as a percentage of the overall budget, which the Minister will set. If the Minister is investing the time and energy of his Department in establishing this organisation to deal with the issues of commuters in Dublin and the region, the least we can expect is that it will have the expertise to do the job well. The least taxpayers would expect is a decrease in the amount of money the organisation would need to spend on outside services.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: It would be extremely difficult in most areas to establish an organisation that would have sufficient expertise to cover every eventuality the organisation might run into in the course of trying to deliver top quality, value for money services. If it were possible to do that, it would cost a fortune. One might want an expert on specific areas such as engineering, signalling, bus routes or whatever else. There would have to be a certain level of expertise in the DTA on that but there could be specific areas where one needs expertise for three or six months’ work. If one has to go through a recruitment process, hire people full-time, give them salaries with pension rights and everything else, one has them for life after the specific work is finished.
I agree with Senator Donohoe that we should not go looking for consultants for everything, that we should have a certain amount of in-house expertise and experience available to us. However, I know from experience that it is not possible to cover all areas. The Senator was very measured so I do not refer to him directly, but much nonsense is spoken at various times about the amount of money spent on consultants and people ask why the Minister does not do certain jobs himself or ask his Secretary General or the chief executive to do it. It is not possible to retain all the expertise one needs in all areas, except at a high cost. It is easy to say €2 million was spent on consultancy here or €5 million there to bring forward recommendations and we should be able to do these jobs ourselves, but it is not possible. The Minister for Transport will have a fair amount of power of direction on policy and strategic issues on the DTA, but to have him or her interfering in commercial or management decisions at that level would not be a good use of public money, Ministers’ time or anybody else’s.

I am aware of the Senator’s motivation for the amendment. However, this body will be subject to scrutiny by the Comptroller and Auditor General and also, therefore, by the Committee of Public Accounts and the Joint Committee on Transport. This is sufficient to make sure the DTA does not go wild in appointing consultants that are not absolutely necessary.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I understand the point the Minister is making about the need to avoid imposing massive restrictions on the operation of the organisation. However, this organisation will have much power based on the decisions it will be making in the greater Dublin region. It will be set up and run by good people who deserve to be paid well for the job they are doing. We in the Oireachtas must set an expectation that if the DTA has an issue it wants to resolve or something upon which it wants to improve it must first look within itself before looking outside for expertise. This body will be have many of the existing experts in this area. Although I have never been privileged to set up an organisation such as this and I have never worked in a public sector body, I have worked in other organisations and have seen the major temptation to hire consultants to advise on how to fix problems. I want to ensure this organisation will not be guilty of the same thing. Other organisations are guilty of this, which is why we see such a large amount of taxpayers’ money spent on providing services that they can already do themselves.
I will not press the amendment. I have made my point and I will be returning to it on Report Stage.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 22 agreed to.
Section 23 agreed to.
SECTION 24.
Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 31:

In page 27, between lines 17 and 18, to insert the following subsection:

“(5) The Authority shall be required to provide an account of the continuing necessity for the subsidiary to remain in being on the expiration of two years from the date of its establishment.”.
The Fine Gael Party has over the last number of weeks pointed, correctly, to the explosion in the number of quangos operating in this country. It is not just our party. The Minister’s own colleague Deputy Brian Lenihan, now the Minister for Finance, was adept at pointing out that for many of the challenges faced by our country, the default position is to set up an organisation and give it the power to tackle a certain issue. The Minister himself has an admirable track record of tackling difficult issues head-on, playing a role in resolving them, and taking political responsibility for doing so.
This amendment provides that if the DTA sets up a subsidiary organisation to perform a particular task it has the power to do so — I am not seeking to remove that — but it must every two years return to either its own board or the Houses of the Oireachtas to establish whether it is still needed. If it is, it will continue, and if it is not, it will be removed. The background to many of the issues we are facing, which contributes to the necessity of the DTA, is that at least 16 different organisations are already involved in dealing with transport issues within Dublin. The Minister has correctly pointed to the fact that we need to find a way to co-ordinate these, which is why he is introducing this legislation. I am asking that the new DTA act with the same attitude. If it is looking to set up an organisation to deal with integrated ticketing, to pick a topical example, we should ask it to confirm every two years that the organisation is still necessary, ask whether it can perform that role itself, and ensure the organisation is doing the job it is supposed to do and that costs to the taxpayer are recouped if possible.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I agree that organisations should review their operations and those of their subsidiaries. The danger is that if we put something like this into a Bill, nobody will apply for a job in one of these agencies as they will have to consider the possibility that the agency may be gone in two years. That is one difficulty with the Senator’s amendment. I will not rehearse again the argument about micro-management of companies. We have to let them get on with their jobs. However, I will consider the Senator’s point in general. Two years would be two short for such a provision, but I will consider the possibility of adding a provision on Report Stage to ensure constant reassessment of the work of the authority. I put the onus for this back on the Authority. As the Senator knows and as the Bill itself makes clear, the authority will have to produce strategic plans every six years. On that basis we may be able to add a provision that the authority carry out reviews of its own operations.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: It is important that we try to make progress on this issue. Amendments such as this are known as sunset clauses. We must find a way of holding organisations that make important decisions to account for the way they spend their money. I appreciate the Minister’s response. He stated there might be a problem whereby people would not apply for jobs with companies that may not exist in a couple of years. However, as the Minister knows, the vast majority of people in the private sector apply for jobs on this basis. When one applies to work for a company one obviously hopes it will exist for many years, but there is no guarantee. I do not see why that guarantee should be provided to other people, particularly if I as a taxpayer am paying for it.
I appreciate the point made by the Minister. We need to find a way of learning from the fact that we are setting up this organisation because there are 16 other organisations that cannot do their jobs properly in terms of dealing with issues in an integrated fashion. I want to ensure the DTA does not end up in the same way.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 24 agreed to.
Section 25 agreed to.
SECTION 26.
Acting Chairman: Amendments No. 32 and 33 are related and may be discussed together by agreement.

Senator Paschal Donohoe: I move amendment No. 32:

In page 27, between lines 44 and 45, to insert the following subsection:

“(4) The Minister shall provide an account to the Houses of the Oireachtas on such policy directions and any matters related thereto.”.
As I have said many times in the course of this debate, the aim of this amendment is to ensure the Houses of the Oireachtas are informed about the policy direction the Minister is giving and any matters relating to this. I am concerned that the section as written does not make sufficiently clear the fact that we expect the Minister to make available — as the phrase is written, to lay before the Houses of the Oireachtas — any direction he is giving. I am aware of many reports and statutory instruments that are laid before the Houses of the Oireachtas which we frequently do not have the opportunity to discuss. For issues of such importance to Dublin and the surrounding region, this amendment is intended to give us the opportunity to discuss the guidance the Minister is giving and to put questions to the Minister to which he can respond.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: The purpose of this section is to ensure that Members of the Houses of the Oireachtas have the opportunity to question the Minister on any direction or guidelines that he gives. Any guidelines given to the authority or a subsidiary of the authority must be published and it is then up to the Members of either House who have concerns about the nature or detail of such a direction or guideline to ask the Minister to account for his or her actions. This can be done in either House in the normal way during parliamentary questions or Adjournment debates, or the committee can invite the Minister before it. On the basis that the intent of the Senator’s amendment is dealt with in the Bill, and that it is open to the Members of the House to make the Minister accountable, I ask him to withdraw the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 26 agreed to.
Amendment No. 33 not moved.
Sections 27 to 34, inclusive, agreed to.
SECTION 35.
Senator Brendan Ryan: I move amendment No. 34:

In page 32, between lines 3 and 4, to insert the following subsection:

“(6) A disclosure under this section or section 36 or 37 shall be recorded in a register together with particulars of any interest of members of the Authority or persons to whom section 36 or 37 applies, and the register shall be available to public inspection during office hours.”.
This amendment provides for a mechanism for public information regarding interests, conflicts of interest and possible conflicts of interest on the part of members and staff of the authority. It comes in the form of an insertion at the end of a long section on disclosures of interest by members of the authority. We see it as the final piece of the jigsaw in terms of providing the necessary public transparency and accountability desirable in such a Bill. I ask the Minister to accept the amendment.

Deputy Noel Dempsey: I agree with the Senator that the DTA should be subject to such disclosure requirements. However, on the basis that this role belongs to the Standards in Public Office Commission which implements the Ethics in Public Office and the Standards in Public Office Acts, and that the requirement is effectively met, I invite the Senator to withdraw the amendment. An argument could be made in favour of a special register but I am not sure the Senator is making that argument. I believe he is trying to ensure that the authority is subject to these codes of practice and I agree entirely with him. I expect that the DTA, once established, will be added quickly to the list of proscribed bodies so that those two Acts form part of the disclosure requirements that will then be in place. A similar approach is used in bringing new bodies under the remit of the Freedom of Information Act and that is the preferred approach. The bodies responsible send forward their lists and at least once a year new bodies are added. That is what will happen in this case so the intent of the Senator’s amendment is already dealt with by existing legislation.

Senator Brendan Ryan: I thank the Minister. The intent was to have a specific register related to the members of this authority but I accept what the Minister says. On the basis that I reserve a position on it, I withdraw the amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Section 35 agreed to.
Sections 36 and 37 agreed to.
SECTION 38.
Question proposed: “That section 38 stand part of the Bill.”
Senator Paschal Donohoe: The rationale behind this is to find a way to ensure that the Dublin Transport Authority is subject to the full rigour of the Freedom of Information Act. My understanding is that this organisation is going to be set up so that it is not subject to the kinds of FOI requests that members of the public or Members of the Oireachtas may wish to have included. I understand why organisations such as the Office of the Ombudsman and the Garda Síochána should be exempt from the operation of that Act. However, in respect of an organisation such as the Dublin Transport Authority, any member of the public or Oireachtas Member is entitled to be able to get as much information as possible regarding decisions made and the way in which they are made. This argument makes particular reference to section 38(5).

Deputy Noel Dempsey: This type of section is common to many Acts. It appears, for example, in the Transport Railway Infrastructure Act 2001 regarding the establishment of the Railway Procurement Authority. It is extremely important that the operational effectiveness of the authority should not be undermined by the unauthorised or wilful release of confidential information by employees or by directors of the authority or any subsidiary of it. The authority may need to keep some information confidential for a variety of reasons and that is the norm in any business. The first four sections of the FOI Act contain standard clauses regarding this area. Section 38(5) provides for the secrecy provision for the section to be set aside for the purposes of the FOI Act. Since the FOI Act 1997 was passed that is a standard provision in any Act setting up a State body.
The effect of that provision — I believe this is what the Senator is getting at — is that if a document falls to be released under FOI in the normal course of events, the DTA cannot cite Section 38 as a reason for not releasing it. I realise that it is a complex way of achieving this end but the Senator’s concern about information being withheld in a wilful manner is met with the existing wording which is standard and which complies fully with the FOI Act. It does not restrict it in any way. On that basis I ask the Senator to withdraw his opposition.

Question put and agreed to.
SECTION 39.
Government amendment No. 35:

In page 34, subsection (1), line 6, after “Authority” to insert “or a subsidiary”.
Deputy Noel Dempsey: This amendment ensures that improper communication with the person engaged by a subsidiary of the authority is covered by this provision. As currently drafted the section would apply only to persons engaged by the authority.

Amendment agreed to.
Government amendment No. 36:
In page 34, subsection (2), line 9, to delete “member or a”.
Deputy Noel Dempsey: This is another technical drafting amendment to remove superfluous text, namely, that a member of the authority is a “person” so that no specific mention of a “member” is actually needed.

Section 39, as amended, agreed to.
SECTION 40.
Acting Chairman: Amendments Nos. 38 to 41, inclusive, are related, therefore they may be discussed together by agreement.

Senator David Norris: I move amendment No. 37:

In page 34, subsection (1), line 17, to delete paragraph (a). 3 o’clock
The House is coming up against a deadline but I believe we can dispose of this amendment fairly quickly. What we are seeking to delete is section 40(1), paragraph (a), which states: “accepts nomination as a member of Seanad Éireann”. It may be that what the Minister meant, and I do not agree with him on this , is the case of a person nominated by the Taoiseach. In other words, the person is appointed. Surely the Minister is not suggesting that if a person accepts nomination as a candidate for Seanad Éireann he or she would cease to be a member of the authority. It is my opinion that this is the clear construction that a lawyer would put on it. I remember that on one occasion 14 people accepted nomination for Seanad Éireann. That is what is on the paper, that the person “accepts nomination”. Why should those 14 people be excluded before they have been elected? That is the first point.
There may be a vagueness in the drafting of this which should be removed. If the Minister wishes to prevent Members of Seanad Éireann from participation in the authority that is a different matter but it should be phrased in another way. It should state that “on appointment to Seanad Éireann the person should resign”, or whatever. People cannot be discarded simply because they accept a nomination. I have been nominated but have always had to fight an election. The provision is, therefore, a swingeing power.
I do not agree that politicians should be excluded simply by virtue of the fact that the public has placed trust in them by electing them to local authorities, or even the Oireachtas, as I had made the case earlier about membership of the transport committee. I accept that point for members of the European Parliament, as there is a geographical difficulty in that case.

An Cathaoirleach: As it is now 3 p.m., I ask the Senator to report progress on the Bill.

Senator David Norris: I am happy to do so. In particular, I compliment Senator Donohoe on having at least one amendment accepted. That is very impressive for a new Senator.
Progress reported; Committee to sit again.

Thursday, May 08, 2008

Order of Business - 8th May 2008

Order of Business - 8th May 2008
Senator David Norris: I wish to raise an issue concerning No. 19, motion 3, of non-Government motions on the Order Paper. It calls on the Seanad to ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs to request his partners in the European Union to establish a monitoring committee to examine the way in which human rights provisions in Israel are being implemented, if they are and if there are any infringements of these provisions. I raise this matter because I am a little concerned at the response given by my good friend, Senator Boyle, who I believe meant it to be in the most constructive way. However, I am concerned because I had understood there was general agreement that this was an appropriate motion, that it would be taken and that it had been discussed at the leaders' meeting.
I am not suggesting any ill will on the part of Senator Boyle, but I am concerned about the way in which the Department of Foreign Affairs interferes in the business of this House. Senator Boyle said in summary that he had received a note from the Department which stated that there were already a series of monitoring machines, in effect monitoring devices, in place and that there would be a meeting on 16 June, which may be a good augury because it is Bloomsday, and suggested that for that reason he would not take it but asked that we leave it on the Order Paper.
I am concerned because regardless of however professional, skilled and wise officials are in the ways of the diplomatic world, it is not appropriate for unelected officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs to dictate the business of this House. That very much appears to be what is happening. It is happening increasingly. Increasingly, both Houses of the Oireachtas are being bypassed in various ways and this is but one instance of that.
In the previous session, it was generally agreed by both sides of the House, with the enthusiastic participation of the then Leader, to establish a special committee to look into rendition. That proposal was agreed but the process collapsed as a result of outside intervention. Such intervention is wrong. It subverts the democratic role of this House. Although what the Department officials say is quite right, namely, that there are various ways of supervising, the first point to make is that none of them is effective. The human rights abuses in that part of the world, tragically, have multiplied because Israel has got away with it with impunity. I am not underestimating the extraordinary difficulties faced by the Israeli Government. Its civilians are being attacked, there are rocket attacks and all the rest of it. None the less international law should survive and rule supreme. This external association agreement, to a certain extent at least, is conditional on the fulfilment of human rights protocols. Such fulfilment does not exist. These conditions need to be independently monitored.
It appears that House cannot even discuss a request that we should establish a proper monitoring system for the human rights protocols. I am not asking for a boycott or the imposition of sanctions or anything else at this stage. We should find out through the machinery provided for in the treaties what is the state of play with regard to human rights in Israel. It is fair to do that. If we are inhibited from discussing it by the intervention of the Department of Foreign Affairs, then as a Parliament we might as well pack our bags and go home.

Order of Business - 7th May 2008

Order of Business - 7th May 2008

Senator David Norris: I join with Senator Fitzgerald in sending good wishes to the retiring Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern. I did not have the opportunity to praise him in this House. I listened to some of the ceremony at the Battle of the Boyne site and was very struck by memories which came to mind to which nobody else has referred. I recalled a moment during a difficult period of the peace process when the Taoiseach said something that attracted the ire of Dr. Ian Paisley, who threw a tantrum and demanded a withdrawal and an abject apology. It showed an extraordinary degree of statesmanship that the Taoiseach did not allow his self importance to stand in the way of this and he gave a humble apology. I would not have had the moral courage to do that, and this was the single event that struck me most about his career. I also send good wishes to Deputy Séamus Brennan who, as Senator Fitzgerald said, was always a courteous and efficient Minister. I hope his health continues to improve and that he goes on to other appointments, perhaps in Europe or elsewhere. I wish the incoming Taoiseach, Deputy Brian Cowen, good fortune. He is heading into choppy waters financially and we must all support him, as Fine Gael very honourably did in the past on the Tallaght strategy, if he takes the correct decisions. The situation facing the country is serious.
I would like to turn to the other issue Senator Fitzgerald raised, namely Burma. Coincidentally I was at a performance of a play called "The Lady of Burma" in the Helix theatre by a very brilliant young English playwright of Irish extraction, Mr. Richard Shannon. It was immensely moving and raised in my priorities the question of Burma. I had intended to raise it this week but little did I know the tragedy that would hit Burma and its people. It is very important the Government uses whatever diplomatic muscle it has to ensure aid and personnel are got in. It is extraordinary when we think back to October last year when we discussed the riots in Burma and the ruthless military efficiency with which the junta mobilised personnel in that country to suppress its own people. I hope it is able to find similar efficiency in assisting its people and not in repression. I welcome the fact that it belatedly cancelled the 10 May referendum. It would have been an insult to any sense of morality or decency if it had gone ahead with that in light of the tragedy that probably involves at least 60,000 people. We need to examine that situation and I would welcome a discussion on it.
I have been very closely examining the meteorological reports and analyses, and underneath the incident is the phenomenon of global warming. There is no doubt that Cyclone Nargis is one of the predicted by-products. Underneath that is the elephant in the room, the subject nobody will address. Apparently no moral, political or spiritual leader has the guts to confront the disastrous population explosion that will get worse. We will have more of these and nincompoops, including people in this House, will say one can create a mathematical model whereby the entire population can be fed. Perhaps one can, theoretically, in an academy, in a laboratory. However while we are doing this tragedies will occur, people will starve and there will be a disaster. Let us look not just at the immediate prospect but the underlying disastrous situation, namely population explosion.

Friday, May 02, 2008

Order of Business - 1st May 2008

Order of Business - 1st May 2008
I agree with Senator Coghlan on the seriousness of the situation in County Cork. That personal files have been unearthed in such a fashion - they were clearly visible owing to railway works - is regrettable. A man with a history of alcoholism and drug use was referred to on the radio news this morning because his file, containing details of his address, occupation and so on, was found. This concerning issue should be treated seriously. It may also be a question of illegal dumping. How did the files get there? Senator Coghlan was right to refer to this matter.
I do not agree on taking No. 1 without debate, which would be extraordinary. Zimbabwe is an important problem because democratic rights therein have been violated, its army and police have been used against democratic opposition parties and its electoral process has been usurped. A number of Senators met some of the people persecuted previously. A small amount of time should be set aside for debate of the motion.
When will No. 21, motion 3 be taken? In it, the Independent Senators request the Minister for Foreign Affairs “to seek the establishment of a monitoring group to supervise the implementation of the Human Rights Attachments to the External Association Agreement between the European Union and the State of Israel”. If human rights are to mean anything and if protocols on them are to be attached to international treaties, they should be monitored. I am not calling for the implementation of sanctions. Rather, the EU should establish a watchdog.

Thursday, May 01, 2008

Freedom of Information (Amendment) Bill 2008 - 2nd Stage Debate - 30th April 2008

Freedom of Information (Amendment) Bill 2008 - 2nd Stage Debate - 30th April 2008
I thank my colleague, Senator Mullen for sharing time. I have but a few brief observations to make. I congratulate the Labour Party for putting down this Bill. It is the same Bill that has been presented to the Dáil by Deputy Joan Burton and it is a very good day's work.
Most of the time I come across freedom of information business when I get a slip saying that some newspaper has inquired into the expenses of all Members of the Oireachtas. Sometimes the requests are rather prying and looking to rake up a little muck and fire it at politicians. However, it is all in the interests of public accountability and I have no problem with this. We should be transparent in these matters.
I have also the same concerns as the Labour Party about the limitations being imposed. The idea that the Minister has to denominate specifically those bodies that are to be covered by it, the various exemptions that apply and the development of quangos - referred to in the very good information leaflet or explanatory memorandum - is unsatisfactory. I share these concerns, especially with regard to the Garda. I think it very important that we have access, through freedom of information, to the operations of the Garda. I say this because I have received in the recent past several very serious complaints against the Garda. It has been quite difficult to arrive at the truth. It may well be that these complaints are unfounded but I need to be in a position where I can ascertain what the truth is.
With regard to the Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner there is some very nasty material in the undergrowth. People are denied information routinely. This is a body that has a very complex history. The Government is acting in a very strange way by re-appointing as the appeals commissioner the very man who has been discredited as chairman of the previous body.
Freedom of information is important, so that justice can be given to citizens. I have a case that I am putting down as an Adjournment matter of a man whose reputation is destroyed. He was traduced by a Department and, in the process, denied information to which he should have been entitled.
The freedom of information charges are very mean-minded and are clearly intended to limit applications. It has been successful in so doing.
The charge is mean-minded and obviously intended to limit applications, in which it has been successful. If we are interested in accountability, transparency and so on, this is a dangerous course to take. Similarly, fire brigade charges should be dropped because they inhibit people in their reporting of what they believe are minor fires they can put out. I support the Bill and commend the Labour Party on moving it.
Senator Dan Boyle: As a former Opposition spokesperson who spoke strongly against the amendments in the 2003 legislation-----
Senator Joe O'Toole: We remember. The Senator spoke well.
Senator Jerry Buttimer: He has not changed his mind.

28th Amendment to the Constitution Bill 2008 - 2nd Stage Debate - 30th April 2008

Twenty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2008 - 2nd Stage Debate - 30th April 2008
Senator David Norris: I welcome the Minister of State to the House. He is a vigorous and intellectually challenging representative of the Government. I am distressed to say, however, that I have to speak as a bit of a flake, in the words of my good friend and colleague, Senator Ormonde. I face the ghastly prospect of embarrassing the Senator and encouraging Ireland to be perceived as mean. These are terrible alternatives. I enjoyed the Senator's contribution, although I have not always felt the same about interventions by the Government and, indeed, the Minister of State.
One of the reasons I have decided finally to vote "No" to this treaty - this is my first time to do so, although I declared my reservations about the earlier treaties - is because of the supercilious and contemptuous way in which those of us who have a conscientious series of objections to the treaty are treated by the Government and other spokespersons. We are accused of lying and of being flaky and it is claimed that we have never been good Europeans. I do not accept that and it certainly cannot be said of myself.
I know nothing whatsoever about Libertas, having only heard about the organisation recently on foot of an intervention from the Minister of State. It has not persuaded me in the slightest on this issue. However, I am concerned about certain specific issues, principal among them being the undoubted and growing militarisation of the European Union. On that issue there can be no question, despite what the Minister of State might argue.
The language used is supercilious. The Taoiseach made a considerable error of judgment when he described people who opposed the treaty as "loo-las" and stated those who oppose the reform treaty:
[N]ow feel obliged to claim they are strong supporters of the European Union! These Treaty opponents know that outright opposition to the Union would gain them few votes. However, their support for the Union is paper thin and unconvincing.
I have always supported the EU and my support is not paper thin or unconvincing. There are, however, unconvincing elements to the treaty. It would be perfectly legitimate for the people of Ireland to use their democratic vote to reject this treaty. If they did so, they would be going over the heads of the megalocrats that run the EU to speak directly to the heart of Europe, a democratic right which none of its other citizens have been given the opportunity to exercise. That tells us something about the management of this matter. What are the megalocrats afraid of in terms of democracy and why will they not give the people the right to vote? Why are we the only ones to do so?
While I am speaking about evasion and confusion, I wish to address the question of why the referendum is being held. We are told by the Government that it is a constitutional requirement but, according to the court judgments, it is only a constitutional requirement if there is a prospect of a substantial constitutional or legislative changes. On the one hand, we have a referendum caused by this major shift and, on the other, the Government says there is no shift and nothing is happening. Some people have suggested that Europe will come to a shuddering halt if we vote against the treaty but Europe will continue unchanged. What will change it is the passage of this treaty.
In an article published in The Irish Times on 13 March, which the Minister of State may challenge, Patricia McKenna wrote:
Gormley is shortly to re-establish the Referendum Commission after legislation for the Lisbon Treaty referendum has been published by the Government. However, a spokesman for the Minister has confirmed that the original remit of the Referendum Commission - to outline the cases for and against a referendum to the public and to promote debate and discussion on it - would not be restored by the Government.
That requires an explanation. According to the Commission President, José Manuel Barroso, there is no fall-back position. They are arrogantly assuming we are going to bullied into passing this referendum.
Why was the date moved from October to June? Had it something to do with the leaked memo in which we were told that June was chosen over October because of "the risk of unhelpful developments during the French presidency, particularly related to EU defence"?

Perhaps Mr. Sarkozy might be inclined to tell the truth but that would be terribly embarrassing and we might be justified in being mean to the megalocrats.
Something else concerns me. We hear a great deal of rubbish about liberal issues, people concerned about abortion and so on but we know one thing. I have a motion on the Order Paper about the exemption from equality legislation of the churches, even in the light of and despite the revelations of the Ferns Report. Decent, upstanding citizens like myself could be fired from a teaching job by the authorities with impunity because of the exemption granted under that legislation.
This came to the notice of the equal opportunities Commissioner, Vladimir Spidla, and he proposed action in the European Court. There was then a little squawk from the Iona Institute and others, unelected and unrepresentative people, and in order to smooth the way so that there would not be any turbulence from the right wing religious element, this has been dropped. Again, we have sacrificed equality and principles to ease through this treaty. Mr. Barosso stated: "There is no intention to bring Ireland to court on that ground. That is not going to happen". It was stated that the Minister of State with responsibility for European Affairs, Deputy Dick Roche, strongly welcomed the news. He stated, "Mr. Barosso's comment are very positive. I look forward to seeing the final adjudication". They are not positive and the Minister of State knows it but I will not call that a lie. I will call it an evasion because we must be polite in this House, but it is a damnable day for equality when this happens.
Deputy Dick Roche: It is actually an interpretation of law.
Senator David Norris: People have said the treaty is difficult to read and have been patronised for saying that. One learned commentator said it was like trying to read Finnegans Wake backwards in Latin. Even for a Joycean like myself I imagine that might pose some difficulties.
If we examine the statements of other senior politicians, Monsieur Valéry Giscard d'Estaing is on record as saying that the Lisbon treaty is a direct clone of the failed constitution "except for certain cosmetic changes making it easier to swallow".
When the constitution was voted down in France and the Netherlands the Commission Vice-President, Günter Verheugen, stated: "We must not give in to blackmail". When the citizens of Europe exercise their democratic right it is blackmail but when the megalocrats stuff something down the throats of 26 of the 27 countries that is democracy in action. I have a different way of using language.
On the question of language, I recall pointing out to the Minister of State's colleague, Deputy Mary Harney, that in a statement on health approximately three pages long she used the word "competition" seven times and she was embarrassed by that. Let us examine the language of the treaty. The word "market" gets 63 mentions and "competition" gets 25 mentions. There is no mention whatever of full employment. In other words, we are going to exchange social Europe for the neoliberal economic model of Europe.
Deputy Dick Roche: On a point of fact, employment is mentioned. The persons who wrote that particular tract the Senator is now quoting were factually inaccurate.
Senator David Norris: That was not a tract. It was an article by Susan George in The Irish Times. I accept the Minister may be right but will he accept also that there are 63 mentions of the word "market" and 25 of the-----
Deputy Dick Roche: I would just make the point that in a response which The Irish Times very decently carried I pointed out the number of times she had been inaccurate in the article. I will deal with it in my response.
Senator David Norris: Okay. Could the Minister also comment on the fact that in Strasbourg on 10 July last year Jose Barosso stated: "Sometimes I like to compare the EU as a creation to the organisation of Empire. We have the dimensions of Empire". There is an imperial level to it, therefore.
With regard to the economic aspect, there is the business about spreading the European economic message by what is described as "the integration of all countries into the world economy through the suppression of barriers to international trade". We could have a whole debate on that and the impact on southern hemisphere countries.
I did not fully follow what the Minister of State was saying but he mentioned in his contribution the war in Iraq. I never felt that the war in Iraq was a good thing. I believe he was quoting Mr. Shanley or somebody from Libertas but I do not want to be dragged into that kind of debate. That is why I am concerned about the erosion of our individuality.
The Minister of State is probably aware that on Bastille Day last year there was a triumphal military procession in Paris. Monsieur Sarkozy was in a military jeep. The armed forces of 27 countries, including Ireland, were presented and I quote from a description from Reuters:
In a carefully prepared display, a V formation of flag-bearers preceded the 800-strong European guest parade with the EU and French flags at the front. That came after some 4000 French military marched by and air force jets made a flyover in a show of military might.
That is the theatrics behind it. However, there is a philosophical agenda. For example, on 13 November 2007, during the French Presidency, Monsieur Herve Morin spoke of the need for a more muscular presence by Europe on the world stage and outlined France's plans to press ahead with a Europe of defence. That is worrying.
Chancellor Angela Merkel was reported on 23 March 2007 in Bilt. She stated: "Within the EU itself, we will have to move closer to establishing a common European army". We are going to replace the United Nations, for example, with this extra military organisation. David Miliband, in a characteristically English intervention, stated: "It's frankly embarrassing that European nations - with about two million men and women under arms - are only able, at a stretch, to deploy around 100,000 at any one time". The Portuguese Defence Minister, when Portugal had the EU Presidency, stated: "Defence is a vital driver of integration today and the EU has to strengthen its military rapid response capacity, bolster its defence industry, etc. And all this should complement NATO".
I wish to turn to the defence industry and the European Defence Agency because that also raises a question of language. This used to be called the European Armaments Agency. Why the coy change of title? Why is it now the European Defence Agency instead of what it really is, namely, the European Armaments Agency?
One should take note of the statement from this renamed agency. In September 2005, Mr. Nick Witney, who was the chief executive of the European Defence Agency, addressed the Institute of European Affairs in North Great George's Street, just up the road from where I live, and outlined the benefits to Irish industry of EDA membership. He described some Irish or Irish based companies as being key players in some defence related sectors such as armoured fighting vehicles and defence electronics and that co-ordinated procurement could put them in a better position to be awarded defence equipment contracts.
I would like to put on the record also the long-term statement of the European Defence Agency. It states:
Today, Europe retains a widely capable defence technological and industrial base. But the prognosis is not encouraging. If Europe is to preserve a broadly based and globally competitive DTIB (which means competitive with the US, and, increasingly, producers in the Far East) it must take to heart the fact that the US is outspending Europe six to one in defence R&D; that it devotes some 35% of its defence expenditure to investment (from a budget more than twice as large as that of the Europeans combined), as against the European level of about 20%; and that it is increasingly dominant in global export markets.
In other words, we are now committed to, and have built into a structure that makes us part of a weapons exporting mechanism.
The Minister of State will be aware that a conference on cluster munitions will be held soon in Croke Park.
Some of the states with which we are entering into collusion with this treaty will go there and try to lobby for exemptions for cluster munitions they are manufacturing.
I will end by speaking on the reservations of some non-governmental organisations. There is no statement about partnership and independence in the treaty, which the European Community Humanitarian Office previously included. Many organisations are concerned, as I am, about the increasing militarisation of Europe and our incorporation into a manufacturing industry that is a disgrace to the human community.
For those reasons I will be opposing this treaty. I would like the Minister of State to accept I do so from a principled stand and I am not a "loo la", a flake or a liar.

Order of Business - 30th April 2008

Order of Business 30th April 2008
Senator David Norris: I received a strong letter from Professor Patricia Casey demanding that I retract unscripted statements I made on the Order of Business some time ago. I am happy to take this opportunity to do so. I had suggested that in evidence in the High Court in the Zappone case she gave an inaccurate and misleading account of research. Professor Casey pointed out that the research was published after she gave that evidence and, in fact, she was becomingly modest in the case. According to the summary by Ms Justice Dunne, Professor Casey, "confirmed that she herself had not carried out or published any studies on same sex relationships", which makes one wonder why she subsequently engaged in controversy in The Irish Times through articles and letters in which she quoted this research.
I would like to be accurate for the record by noting that the author of one of the reports cited by Professor Casey in her articles and letters, Anna Sarkadi, wrote in a letter to The Irish Times that, "we feel it is important that conclusions based on our research results are correct and truthful to what the original design of the study allows...Prof Casey's conclusion...is not valid based on our findings." Professor Casey also referred to UNICEF, in which regard a letter was written to The Irish Times by Melanie Verwoerd, executive director of Unicef Ireland stating, "Prof Casey's reference to Unicef, with regard to the current debate on same-sex marriage and parenting, is incorrect and unacceptable." It also flew in the face of the report by the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American Psychological Association, the Australian Psychological Association, the Canadian Psychological Association, the Royal College of Psychiatry, the National Association of Social Workers in the USA and the American Psychiatric Association. Therefore, Professor Casey's modesty in the High Court was well-earned and very honest.
I am happy to correct the information once again, although it has been already corrected by my colleague, Senator Mullen.
Senator Rónán Mullen: And I support Professor Casey's conclusions.
Senator David Norris: I am happy to confirm this matter. Since the original offence was not published, I am at a loss to find how she suffered any substantial damage to her reputation. I hope, however, this will restore her reputation in the eyes of the public and the courts.
I regularly listen to the radio and I have heard about politicians being chastised for writing letters in rape cases. Yesterday, a horrible performance took place on the airwaves in which a Roman Catholic priest was savagely and venomously impugned by a hysterical mob who set upon him because he practised on air the virtues of Christ in the Gospels. I find that outrageous.
Senator Eoghan Harris: Hear, hear.
Senator David Norris: A vengeful and nasty spirit is abroad and the question of sexual abuse by priests within the church was, most unfairly, added to the equation. That man is a Christ-like figure who deserves to be commended. He also felt strongly for the Polish girl who was the victim of the assault.
This is a nasty trend in the media that should be stopped. I recall writing for a newspaper some years ago that carried a front page headline stating, "Connell Visits Pervert Priests in Prison". I took an article in the newspaper the next day to ask where else should he be in the footsteps of Christ except visiting the sinners? There is a nastiness abroad and we should call a halt to it.